1        Introduction

Home Page

Issue Date: 2/11/2018

Sources as endnotes.
Private information as footnotes (removed before websave).

This file contains much miscellaneous information of relevance to the Maitland and related families and properties

1      Introduction 1-1

References & Sources: 1-5

Dictionary of Place-Names in Jamaica 1-5


A Glossary of Estates in Land and Future Interests 1-9

Tenants in Common 1-22

Primogeniture 1-22

Life Expectancy 1-22

Monetary Values 1-22

Cost and Wage Inflation 1-23

Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Inflation 1-23

Land Prices 1700 1-25

Jamaica Currency 1-25

2      Road & Parish Changes 2-1

Surveyors 2-1

Act 24 1683 P38 - An Act for regulating Surveyors, 2-1

Parish Boundaries 2-4

1683: Boundary of St Elizabeth & Clarendon 2-4

1703: Dividing St Elizabeth 2-4

1723: Westmoreland divided. 2-5

1739: St Elizabeth/Vere/Clarendon Boundary 2-6

1744: Road from St Ann to St Thomas in the Vale. 2-7

Southside to Savanna la Mar, 1823 Magistrates Guide 2-7

Division of Salt Savanna - 1709 Vol 1 Act 55, P91 2-7

New Leeward Road 2-10

1705, New Road over One Eye Savanna: 2-10

1750: More on 1747 Act 2-17

Repairing St Jago – Pepper Road Vol 2 Act 32, 1762 P69 2-18

Extract from Long: on Western Road 2-22


Land Areas – Acres, Roods & Poles 3-1


Barrel Sizes 3-2













4      Francis Maitland 2nd Shipping 4-1


Introduction 5-1



Giddy Hall Almanacks etc 5-2

Kensington Almanacs: 5-3

AM Visits 1998 & 02: 5-3

Crop Accounts - Giddy Hall 5-5

Slave Registrations: 5-6

Slave Emancipation Compensation 5-6

Apprentices 5-7

The Coopers at Giddy Hall 5-7

Delaroche Family & Giddy Hall 5-8

Descendants of Thomas Delaroche 5-10


Slave Emancipation Compensation - Mitcham 5-19

Mitcham Almanacs: 5-20

AM Visit 1998: 5-20

Silver Grove Visit, 5-21

Silver Grove: Manchester Almanacs. 5-21

Slave Emancipation Compensation – Silver Grove 5-22


Slave Emancipation Compensation 5-24

Mount Charles: St Elizabeth Almanacs. 5-25

AM Visit 1998: 5-25

The COVE & LITTLE CULLODEN - Westmoreland 5-25

Thomas Hogg to Patty Penford – 1785 5-28

Thomas Taylor to Patty Pinford – 1778 5-28

6      OTHER RELATED PROPERTIES – Almanacs etc 6-1

Enfield: Vere 6-1

Booth: 6-3

Cohens: St Elizabeth. 6-6

Hyman's:  Vere. 6-6

Wrights: Vere. 6-6

Wrights: St Elizabeth. 6-6

Pusey Hall: 6-6

Wint: Vere. 6-7

Thomas Hercey Barratt 6-7


Geographical Features of Note 7-1

Round Hill 7-1

Other Relevant & Surrounding Properties 7-2

Ashton Pen 7-2

Font Hill, 7-5

Fullerswood (Salmon): 7-5

Palisadoes 7-5

Port Royal 7-6

Roses Valley, 7-6

Chew Magna, 7-6

Fort William 7-6

Morningside 7-6

Yarmouth Estate. 7-6

Carlisle Estate 7-8

Greenwich Estate 7-9

Harmony Hall 7-10

Monymusk 7-10

Salt Savanna Estate 7-10

James Wildman 7-14

Surinam Quarters & James Bannister 7-14


Parish Records: 7-15

Clarendon 7-16

Clarendon Capital & Parish Church 7-16

CORNWALL - General Information 7-16





POPULATION: 148,900 (1999) 7-20



Savanna-la-Mar 7-22

St Thomas in the Vale 7-22

EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA – New York Times 1860 7-22



Royal Gazettes 8-10

5/1/1793-27/4/1793 8-10

Jamaica Royal Gazette Extracts: 8-12

The Columbian 1796/7 8-13


9      MONEY 9-13

Handbook of World Exchange Rates, 1590-1914 9-13


Money and exchange rates in 1632 9-18

By Francis Turner 9-18

10        MAPS, CENSUS & LANDHOLDERS 10-24

Jamaica Maps 10-24

Slaney 1678 10-24

Barbados Map 10-25

10.1        Jamaica 1670 census 10-26


10.2        1754 Landholders 10-36

11        ESTATE MAPS 11-1

11.1        ESTATE PLANS 11-1

11.2        Clarendon 11-1

11.3        Manchester 11-4

11.4        St Catherine: 11-8

11.5        St Elizabeth 11-9

12        LAND SETTLEMENT & GRANTS: 12-12

JHT Cultural Report Extracts 12-12

0.2.1 Background to the Cultural Heritage of the South Coast 12-12

Misc PRO Docs 12-14


13        SLAVERY. 13-1


European Peasants v African Slaves 13-3

Slavery  - Columbian Magazine, June 1796 13-3


1817 13-5

1820 13-8

1823 13-9

1826 13-10

1829 13-12

1832 13-12

Manumissions: 13-13

Slave Compensation 13-13

Giddy Hall 13-13

Mitcham 13-14

Silver Grove 13-14

Mount Charles 13-15

Manumissions: 13-15

Runaway Slaves in Jamaica 13-15

13.1        Apprentices 13-16

14        Acts of the Jamaican Assembly 1760-1810 14-1


15.1        Caribbeana by Vere Langford Oliver (1910). 15-9


Jamaica Hurricane of 3 October 1780 15-5

Plato the Wizard 15-5

Wrath of Plato's Spirit 15-6

From Colonial Office files, CO137/79: 15-6

Extract from the Supplement to the Kingston Gazette, 14 Oct 1780. 15-7

Hurricane 1 August 1781 15-9

A Descriptive Account of the Island of Jamaica (Beckford) 15-11

Pens and Pen-keepers: 15-11

Planters, Attorneys, Overseers, etc: 15-13

PEN KEEPERS & SLAVERY - Shepherd 15-16



Miss Sarah Jack, of Spanish Town, Jamaica 15-24



16        Monumental Inscriptions 16-1

Burton: 16-1

Hayle: 16-1

Sinclair: 16-1

Wright 16-1

17        Calendar of State Papers – Extracts 17-1

18        Acts (of Privilege) of the Jamaican Assembly 1760-1810 18-1

19        Dr AW Maitland's Diary 19-1

20        CROPS 20-1

20.1        Rum 20-1

20.2        Sugar 20-1

Sugar Estate – The Economist 1844 20-1

Sugar and Slavery: Molasses to Rum to Slaves 20-5

Sugar Prices: 20-8

20.3        Coffee 20-1

Labour Regimen on Jamaican Coffee Plantations during Slavery 20-1

Coffee Costings, late 18thC 20-4

20.4        PIMENTO. – Robert Renny – 1807 SECTION VIII. 20-11

Cost 20-12

20.5        Indigo Crop 20-12

Long on Indigo, V1 P415 20-12

The Processing of Indigo 20-15

The Early Modern Period 20-17

The British in the Atlantic Indigo Trade 20-17

20.6        COTTON 20-18

Robert Penny – 1807 SECTION III. 20-18

Other Cotton reports 20-19

Cotton Price 20-20

21        Random notes 21-1

21.1        Quit rents: 21-1

21.2        Lewis on colour: 21-1

21.3        Marine Insurance 21-1


22        Parish Record notes 22-1

St Catherine 22-1

St Elizabeth: 22-1

Clarendon 22-1

Vere 22-1

23        Encumbered Estates 23-1

24        Jamaica Archives and Registrar General Department 24-1

Research Results Plans and Notes 24-2

January 2008: 24-2

April 2009: 24-2

January 2010: 24-3

Done 2008: 24-3

To Be Done 1/2/08: 24-3

Further Research required (3/2008): 24-4

Jamaica Jan 2010: 24-5

To Do 2011 24-6

Plats & Land Grants: 24-7

To be Done, 4/2011: 24-8

Deeds: 24-8

Wills: 24-9

Inventories 24-10

Plats & Patents: 24-10

To do Jan 2012 24-11

Wills 24-11

Manumissions: 24-11

Plats & Patents 24-12

Patents 24-12

Deeds 24-12

Crops 24-12

Other 24-12

Done July 2012 24-12

To do Aug 2012: 24-13

To Do May/June 2013 24-14

To Do Nov 2013: 24-16

To do Jan 2014: 24-17

To do Nov 2014: 24-19

To do Aug 2015: 24-22

Jan 2016 to Do: 24-25

PRO 24-28

Jamaica Sept 2016 for next visit 24-29

Feb 2018 For next time 24-34

To do after Feb 2019 24-36

Jam Archives 24-37

Library of Jamaica 24-38

Gazettes 24-38

PRO 24-40

25        Changes: 25-1

Photographs & Maps:

Giddy Hall Air Photo in 1952.
Giddy Hall rear view in 1899.
Giddy Hall front view in 1899.
Mount Charles in 1998, front and rear.
Mitchum Air Photo in 1952
Mitchum Site Photo in 1998.
Black River, Giddy Hall and Mount Charles area map extract.

1755 & 1804 Maps with Gazetteer

References & Sources:



From the YEAR 1681 to the YEAR 1768, inclusive.



Printed by LOWRY and SHERLOCK, Printers, Booksellers and Stationers.



Dictionary of Place-Names in Jamaica

(extracts) Inez Knibb Sibley
(Institute of Jamaica 1978).
HBJ----: Handbook of Jamaica yyyy or Jamaica Almanac yyyy.
JR1998: Jackie Ranston research.
AMV1998: Visit by A Maitland, 4/1998. (extended by visit 4/02)
JS: "Jamaica Surveyed" by BW Higman.
Map1804: 1804 Map of Jamaica Properties
LDS: Mormon Parish Records etc.
VLO: Vere Langford Oliver, 1910, Caribbeanea.
"Thomas Thistlewood in Jamaica, 1750-86", by Douglas Hall, University of West Indies Press (ISBN 976-640-066-0) - a graphic description of the life of a planter in the period, from his diaries.
BAH: Brett Ashmeade-Hawkins.

The Western Design – An account of Cromwell’s Expedition to the Caribbean.
S.A.G. Taylor
Pub. The Institute of Jamaica 1865 SBM 901814 02 4

UCL: Legacies of British Slave Ownership, online 3/2013.

For more general information, try:
Jamaican family information

Notice re William Ward & Co, or Alexander Sinclair of Port Royal Street. (Vol IV P70 jan26 1782)


Another example: 2 May 1662. This is in the reign of Charles II, whose first regnal year is 1649. So 1662-1649 = 13, add 1 because 2 May is after 30 January, so the date falls in the 14th regnal year of Charles II.


No. of Years

First regnal year

Regnal year start date

Regnal year end date

End of final year

William I



14 October

13 October

9 Sep 1087

William II



26 September

25 September

2 Aug 1100

Henry I



5 August

4 August

1 Dec 1135




26 December

25 December

25 Oct 1154

Henry II



19 December

18 December

6 Jul 1189

Richard I



3 September

2 September

6 Apr 1199




May (Ascension Day)A

May (varied)

19 Oct 1216

Henry III



28 October

27 October

16 Nov 1272

Edward I



20 November

20 November B

7 Jul 1307

Edward II



8 July

7 July

20 Jan 1327

Edward III

51 (England),
38 (France)


25 January

24 January

21 Jun 1377

Richard II



22 June D

21 June

29 Sep 1399

Henry IV



30 September

29 September

20 Mar 1413

Henry V



21 March

20 March

31 Aug 1422

Henry VI

39 + 1 E


1 September

31 August

4 Mar 1461

Edward IV



4 March

3 March

9 Apr 1483

Edward V



9 April

25 June

25 Jun 1483

Richard III



26 June

25 June

22 Aug 1485

Henry VII



22 August

21 August

21 Apr 1509

Henry VIII



22 April

21 April

28 Jan 1547

Edward VI



28 January

27 January

6 Jul 1553

Mary I



6 July F

5 July

24 Jul 1554 G

"Philip and Mary"

5 & 6 G


25 July

24 July

17 Nov 1558

Elizabeth I



17 November

16 November

24 Mar 1603

James I



25 March H

24 March

27 Mar 1625

Charles I



27 March

26 March

30 Jan 1649

Charles II

37 I


30 January

29 January

6 Feb 1685

James II



6 February

5 February

11 Dec 1688 J

"William and Mary"



13 FebruaryK

12 February

27 Dec 1694

William III

(7 to 14)


28 December L

27 December

8 Mar 1702




8 March

7 March

1 Aug 1714

George I



1 August

31 July

11 Jun 1727

George II



11 June

10 June

25 Oct 1760

George III

60 M


25 October

24 October

29 Jan 1820

George IV

11 N


29 January

28 January

26 Jun 1830

William IV



26 June

25 June

20 Jun 1837




20 June

19 June

22 Jan 1901

Edward VII



22 January

21 January

6 May 1910

George V



6 May

5 May

20 Jan 1936

Edward VIII



20 January

11 December

11 Dec 1936

George VI



11 December

10 December

5 Feb 1952

Elizabeth II

(2016 = 65th)


6 February

5 February




A Glossary of Estates in Land and Future Interests



      The Roman jurist Javolenus once said “all definitions in matters of civil law are dangerous; there is hardly any that cannot be upset.”  Never have I been as sure of the wisdom of this remark as I was after attempting to define the principal terms in the common law system of estates and future interests.  I hope that what follows is more a help than a hindrance.  I would appreciate comments, suggestions, criticisms (including suggestions that the whole exercise wasn’t worth it).  Obviously, I am particularly interested in anything that strikes you either as flat-out wrong or as ambiguous.


absolute -- Not subject to any condition.  Usually applied only to fees.


alienation -- A general term for the transfer of property interests.  Frequently limited to alienations inter vivos.  See also inalienable interest.


ancestor -- The person from whom an heir takes by descent.


base fee -- A determinable fee.  See determinable interest.


bar -- To prevent, normally by fine or common recovery, a future interest from ever taking effect.  Inchoate dower and reversions or remainders following fees tail are the most frequently barred interests.


beneficial interest -- The right to the rents, profits, or more broadly all benefits from property.  See also equitable interest, legal interest.


chattel -- Personal property, as opposed to real property.


chattel real -- An interest in land classified for some purposes, e.g. succession, as personal property rather than real property.  The interest of a termor is a chattel real.


class gift -- A grant or devise to a group of people who are described but not named, e.g. “to the children of A”.


common -- See tenancy in common.


common law -- The judge-made law of England received by the United States in the 18th and early 19th centuries.  The common law of estates and future interests is normally thought to include the “common law statutes,” i.e., De Donis, Quia Emptores, Uses, and a statute of wills.  There is no agreement as to what date should be regarded as the cutoff for the common law, but in the field of estates and land and future interests, “common law” normally refers to some period before the statutory reforms of the middle decades of the 19th century.


common recovery -- A conveyancing device employing fictitious litigation. By common recovery the tenant in tail may dock or bar the entail and convey a full fee simple.


community property -- Not a common law concept but a device of the civil law whereby husband and wife become, roughly, tenants in common, of all that either of them acquires as a result of his/her efforts during the marriage.


concurrent interest -- Any undivided present or future interest shared by more than one person.  See also joint tenancy, tenancy by coparcenary, tenancy by the entireties, tenancy in common.


condition precedent -- A condition that by the terms of the grant or devise must be fulfilled prior to interest’s vesting.  The condition may be express, e.g. “to Joan if she obtains a college degree”, or implied, e.g., “to Joan’s first-born son” when Joan has no sons.


condition subsequent -- A defeasing condition, one that will terminate or modify the interest after it has vested.


conditional limitation -- An a defeasing condition with further provision as to what is to happen if the condition is fulfilled.  The term is ambiguous, but is frequently applied to determinable fees and those subject to an executory limitation but not to fees subject to a right of entry or power of termination retained in the grantor/devisor.  Sometimes the term is applied only to fees subject to an executory limitation.  See also fee simple conditional.


condominiums -- A form of ownership of real estate, largely the creature of statute, in which the condominium owner holds title to his/her unit and has a concurrent interest in the common property of the condominium.


contingent interest -- Normally applied only to future interests, the phrase implies the presence of conditions precedent.


contingent remainder -- A remainder subject to one or more conditions precedent other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate.  See also destructibility.


conveyance -- Alienation of an interest in real property.  Sometimes the word is confined to alienations inter vivos.


cooperatives -- A form of holding real estate, in which the cooperator is a stock holder in a corporation which owns real estate and which leases to the cooperator a unit within the cooperative.


coparceners -- A form of concurrent interest held by the female heirs of a decedent who left no male heir.  See tenancy by coparcenary.


cotenants -- The holders of a concurrent interest.


coverture -- The period during which a woman is married to a particular husband.


curtesy -- The right of the husband to a life estate in all lands in which his wife had a beneficial interest during coverture.  The estate arises upon the birth of child who cries to the four walls and only applies to those lands which the issue of the marriage might inherit.  During coverture after the birth of issue, curtesy is described as initiate.  After the death of the wife the husband surviving her the curtesy is described as consummate.


De Donis -- A statute in 1285 that, in effect, prevented the holder of fee tail from conveying, in effect, more than a life estate for his life.


defeasible interest -- A determinable interest or one subject to a condition subsequent.


descent -- Succession to an interest in real property upon the death of the holder of the interest.


destructibility -- Contingent remainders are destroyed: (1) if the precedent condition is not fulfilled; (2) at common law if the precedent condition is not fulfilled prior to the expiration of the preceding estate; and (3) at common law, by merger if the holder of the preceding estate acquires the reversion in fee.


determinable interest -- An interest that expires of its own terms upon  the happening of some contingency.  Words such as “so long as,” “while” and “until” normally create determinable interests.  Determinable interests, if not followed by a valid executory interest, are normally followed by an express or implied possibility of reverter in the grantor/devisor.


descent -- Succession to real property when the holder dies intestate.


defeasance -- The termination of an interest other than by its natural expiration.  Determinable fees and life estates and fees and life estates subject to a condition subsequent are all defeasible interests.


devise -- Alienation of an interest in real property by will or testament.  See also executory devise.


disabling restraint -- See restraints on alienation.


distribution -- Succession to personal property when the holder dies intestate.


dock the entail -- Remove from a fee tail the characteristic that it may only be inherited by the issue of the first tenant in tail.


Doctrine of Worthier Title -- If a grant or devise expressly creates a remainder in the heirs of the grantor/devisor, that remainder is a nullity.  The grantor/devisor retains a reversion which passes (unless otherwise disposed of) to his heirs by descent rather than by purchase.


donee -- The holder of an estate, normally a freehold estate.  Usually synonymous with “purchaser.”


dower -- The right of a wife who survives her husband to be assigned a life estate in one-third of all lands of which the husband was seised, or entitled to be seised, of an estate in fee simple or fee tail, during coverture, which estate the issue of the marriage, if any, might have inherited.  During the marriage dower is described as “inchoate.”  Upon the death of the husband, the wife surviving, the wife acquires the right to have dower assigned.  Once assigned dower becomes an alienable interest.


entail -- See fee tail.


entireties -- See tenancy by the entirety.


entry -- See right of entry.


equitable interest -- An interest that only the Chancery Court would recognize and defend.  (Normally, equitable interests are good only among the parties to the transaction creating the interest, those in privity with them, and those who have notice of the transaction.)  See also beneficial interest, legal interest.


executory limitation -- See fee subject to an executory limitation.


estate -- The right to possession of real property.  (Normally the term estate is applied only to freehold interests, but its application to non-freehold interests, e.g. “an estate for years,” is accurate.)


estate for years -- See “term.”


executed -- See Uses.


executory devise -- A springing or shifting use created by will.


executory interest -- Springing and shifting uses and executory devises.  Specifically, any future interest created in someone other than the grantor/devisor that cannot take effect upon the natural expiration of the preceding estate.  Examples of executory interests include interests that take effect upon the defeasance of a present fee or life estate and upon the defeasance of a reversion or remainder in fee or for life and feoffments in futuro.


expiration -- See natural expiration.


farm -- See fee farm.


fee -- A descendible freehold estate of potentially infinite duration.


fee farm -- A fee interest subject to a rent.


fee simple -- A fee that may be inherited by the holder’s heirs general, i.e. anyone who would qualify as the holder’s heir.


fee simple conditional -- Prior to the statute De Donis, grants in the form “to A and the heirs of his body” were held to create a fee in A subject to the precedent condition that A have issue.  These are called fees simple conditional.


fee simple determinable -- See determinable interest.


fee subject to an executory limitation -- A defeasible fee followed by an executory interest.


fee subject to a term of years -- The interest of the landlord in a landlord-tenant relationship, sometimes called the landlord’s “reversion.”


fee tail -- A fee that may be inherited only by the issue (or a class of the issue) of the first donee in tail.


fee tail female -- A fee tail that may be inherited only by the female issue of the first donee in tail.


fee tail general -- A fee tail that may be inherited by any of the issue of the first donee in tail.


fee tail male -- A fee tail that may be inherited only by the male issue of the first donee in tail.


fee tail special -- A fee tail that may be inherited only by the issue of the first donee in tail and a particular spouse of his/hers.


female -- See fee tail female.


feoffment -- A common law mode of conveyance in which seisin was physically transferred from the conveyor to the conveyee.


feoffment in futuro -- A grant or devise to begin at some time after the effective date of the instrument.  Feoffments in futuro were void at common law but could be created by way of executory interest.


feoffment to uses -- A feoffment in which the feoffor retains the beneficial interest in the property in himself or conveys it to someone other than the feofees.  See also uses, Uses.


fine -- A conveyancing device employing fictitious litigation.  Used to bar dower and, in some periods, to dock and bar entails.


forfeiture -- At common law the holder of interests in real property forfeited his interest by committing treason or felony, also by certain types of waste and by certain types of attempts to convey more than he had.


forfeiture restraint -- See restraints on alienation.


freehold -- Estates for life and in fee.  Estates that give the tenant seisin as well as the right to possession.


future interest -- An interest in real property that may be fully exercised or enjoyed only at some future time.  When applied to estates, the term “future interest” refers to a right to possession to commence some time in the future.  The fact that an estate is a future interest does not necessarily mean that it is not alienable, devisable or descendible.


general -- See fee tail general.


gift -- The alienation of property for no consideration.  Also, the conveyance inter vivos of a possessory interest in land.


grant -- The conveyance inter vivos of a non-possessory interest in land.  More broadly, any alienation of an interest in land inter vivos.


heir -- The person or persons entitled to succeed to the interests in real property of someone who is deceased.  inalienable interest -- At common law contingent remainders, executory interests, possibilities of reverter and rights of entry could not normally be conveyed inter vivos.  All these interests could descend to the heirs at law of the deceased holder, and contingent remainders and executory interests could be devised.  Rights of entry could not be devised, and there was doubt whether possibilities of reverter could be devised.


inchoate dower -- See dower.


inter vivos -- “Between living persons.”   Frequently used to describe alienations where the alienor is living at the time of the effective date of the alienation.


interest -- The broadest term for rights, powers and privileges that the law will recognize in property.


intestate -- Without a will.


issue -- Lineal descendants (children, grandchildren, great grandchildren, etc.)


joint tenancy -- A concurrent interest in which all tenants acquire at the same time and by the same instrument an equal share in the same interest, with the right to succeed to each other.  See also severance.


jure uxoris -- An estate of the husband in the land of his wife.  The estate gives the husband the right to the profits of the land and to manage and control them during coverture.


legal interest -- An interest that the central royal courts of common law would recognize and defend.  Normally, legal interests are “good as against the whole world” or at least against most third parties.  See also beneficial interest, equitable interest.


limitation -- A description of the type of interest in question (for how long, under what conditions, etc.), but not who is to take it.  See also conditional limitation.


male -- See fee tail male.


married women’s property acts -- Statutes passed in virtually every common law jurisdiction during the 19th and early 20th centuries.  They normally state that married women may hold and convey property as if they were unmarried.


measuring life -- The life or lives within which an interest must vest in order to be valid under the Rule Against Perpetuities, or the life that determines the length of an estate pur autre vie.


merger -- When one person comes to hold an estate for years or for life and a future interest in fee simple the “lesser” interest for years or life combines with the interest in fee simple giving the holder just a fee simple.  Merger does not take place when the interests are created at the same time, nor when the first interest is in fee tail, nor when there is an intervening vested interest.  Merger does take place if a current possessor for life later acquires a reversion or remainder in fee, even if there is an intervening contingent remainder.  See destructibility.


moiety -- The share in property of a cotenant other than a tenant by the entirety.


natural expiration of an estate -- Natural expiration of an estate occurs only upon the happening of any of the following the events: (1) the death of a tenant of a life estate;  (2) the death of the measuring life of an estate pur autre vie; (3) the death of a tenant in tail when all the issue of the first donee in tail to whom the estate was limited have predeceased the tenant.


non-freehold -- Estates for years, periodic tenancies, tenancies at will, and tenancies at sufferance.  Estates that give the tenant only possession and not seisin.


partition -- The right of one concurrent tenant to demand that his share of the tenancy be given to him solely, either in kind or after a judicial sale.


partnership -- See tenancy in partnership.


periodic tenancy -- A non-freehold estate that lasts from one period time to another unless and until terminated by notice from landlord to tenant or vice versa.  Tenancies from week-to-week, month-to-month, and year-to-year are the most common forms (though not the only possible forms) of periodic tenancies.


Perpetuities -- See Rule Against Perpetuities.


possibility of reverter -- A future interest in the grantor/devisor giving the holder the right to possession immediately upon the termination of a determinable interest.


power of appointment -- A device used in modern estate planning whereby the holder of the power has the power of determining to whom a particular interest should go.  Powers may be inter vivos or testamentary, or both.  They may be general, in which case the holder of the power may appoint to anyone, including him- or herself, or they may be special, in which case the holder of the power may choose among a specified group or class of people or insitutions.  (Charitable powers of appointment are quite common.)


power of termination -- See right of entry.


precedent -- See condition precedent.


present estate -- An estate in which the holder has the immediate right to possession.


primogeniture -- A system of intestate succession in which the eldest male heir is preferred over others in the same degree of kinship.


promissory restraint -- See restraints on alienation.


pur autre vie -- For the life of another.  An estate pur autre vie is a life estate for the life of someone other than the tenant.


purchase -- A description of who is to take the interest in question.  Confusingly, in the vocabulary of estates in land “purchase” has nothing to do with whether consideration has passed for the transaction.  A purely donative transaction will contain “words of purchase,” describing the alienee(s).


qualified fee -- An ambiguous term sometimes referring to defeasible fees generally and sometimes describing only determinable fees.


Quia Emptores -- A statute in 1290 that prohibited the subinfeudation of land and, in effect, permitted tenants alienate by substitution without obtaining permission of their lords.


remainder -- A future interest in someone other than the grantor/devisor that may become possessory upon the natural expiration of a preceding estate.  See also contingent remainder, vested interest.


rent -- The right to a money payment issuing out of land normally held by non-freeholder and normally payable to the landlord (freeholder).


restraints on alienation -- A condition or covenant in a grant or devise that expressly limits the power of the grantee or devisee to alienate an otherwise alienable interest.  Restraints on alienation are traditionally categorized into three types: (1) disabling restraints, those which purport to remove the characteristic of alienability from the interest in question; (2) forfeiture restraints, those which purport to make the interest defeasible if an attempt is made to alienate it; (3) promissory restraints, in which the grantee/devisee covenants not to alienate the interest.  Most restraints on alienation of freehold interests are void.


resulting use -- After the Statute of Uses a legal interest in a feoffor to uses who attempted to retain all or part of the beneficial interest in him/herself.


reversion -- A vested future interest in the grantor/devisor, expressed in the grant or devise or implied when the grantor devisor fails to convey the entire interest that he/she has.  See also fee subject to a term of years.


reversionary interest -- Any future interest in the grantor/devisor, i.e., reversions, rights of entry and possibilities of reverter.


reverter -- A possibility of reverter.  Also, a future interest in the grantor following upon a fee simple conditional.


right of entry -- A future interest in the grantor/devisor, which gives him/her the option of taking back an estate that has been granted on a condition subsequent.  For our purposes rights of entry and powers of termination are synonymous.


Rule Against Perpetuities -- “No interest is good unless it must vest, if at all, not later than twenty-one years after some life or lives in being at the creation of the interest.”  For perpetuities purposes, all interests retained by the grantor/devisor are vested; executory interests do not vest until they become possessory (an exception being made for executory interests subject to no contingency other than the termination of a determinable term of years); and remainders vest when they become vested remainders.


Rule in Shelley’s Case -- If a grant or devise creates some freehold estate in an ancestor and if, in the same conveyance, a remainder of the same quality (legal or equitable as the case may be) is expressly limited to the heirs or heirs of the body of that same ancestor, then the phrase “and his heirs” or “and the heirs of his body” is treated as words of limitation not words of purchase, i.e. the ancestor takes both the freehold estate created in him and the remainder.


severance -- The power to defeat the right of another joint tenant to succeed to the interest of joint tenant by conveying all or part of the interest to another.


Shelley’s Case -- See Rule in Shelley’s Case.


shifting use -- An executory interest the effect of which is to shift a vested interest from one donee to another.  Hence, any future interest created in a third party that defeases a prior vested interest.


simple -- See fee simple.


special -- See fee tail special.


springing use -- An executory interest that springs out of the seisin of the seisin of the grantor/devisor.  Hence, an executory interest that makes the grantor/devisor’s interest defeasible.  Feoffments in futuro are springing uses.


statute -- See De Donis, married women’s property acts, Quia Emptores, Uses, Wills.


subinfeudation -- A form of alienation in which the grantor retained the feudal lordship of the land in himself.  Subinfeudation was abolished (prospectively) by the statute Quia Emptores.


subsequent -- See condition subsequent.


substitution -- A form of alienation in which the grantor substitutes the grantee for himself as tenant of the next higher lord.


succession -- The broadest term for the passage of property interests upon the death of the holder intestate.  Sometimes expanded to include the passage of title to property by will.


sufferance -- See tenancy at sufferance.


tenancy -- Historically synonymous with estate.  Today, we tend to use the word “tenancy” to describe non-freehold estates.  See also periodic tenancy and below.


tenancy at sufferance -- A situation in which the landlord may choose to treat the tenant as holding an estate or may treat him as a trespasser.  Normally this arises when the tenant has held over after the end of his term.


tenancy at will -- A non-freehold estate that is immediately terminable by notice by either party at any time.


tenancy by coparcenary -- A form of concurrent interest in which the coparceners hold as a unit like joint tenants but without the right to succeed to each other.  Coparceners had a common law right to partition their tenancy.


tenancy by the entirety -- A concurrent interest, much like joint tenancy, except that the tenants must be husband and wife, and there is no power of severance.


tenancy in common -- A concurrent interest which fails to be joint tenancy either because it is expressly declared not be one or because it is not characterized by the unity of time, title or interest.  Upon the death of one tenant in common his/her interest passes to his/her heirs or devisees and not to the other tenants in common.


tenancy in partnership -- Not a common law concept, but a creation of statute, whereby the partners become, roughly, tenants in common, of the property acquired by the partnership for partnership purposes.


tenant -- The current possessor of a tenancy.


term of years -- A non-freehold estate that will last for some fixed period of days, months or years.


testator -- The maker of a will.


testament -- For our purposes, synonymous with “will.”


trust -- An active use, one not executed by the Statute of Uses because the trustees have something to do other than simply holding legal title.


use -- The beneficial interest in property the legal title to which was held by feofees, whose sole function was hold the legal title.  See resulting use, springing use, shifting use.


Uses -- A statute in 1536 that converted (“executed”) equitable uses into legal interests.  See also trusts.


vest -- To take effect.  Opposite of contingent.  “Vest” is probably the most difficult word on this list.  The problem with it is that future interests may vest (“vest in interest”) before they have become possessory (“vest in possession”), if there is no precedent condition to their becoming possessory other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate.  At common law vested interests were alienable even if they had not become possessory.


vested interest -- An interest subject to no conditions precedent other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate.  Since executory interests cannot follow after the natural expiration of a preceding estate, executory interests cannot become vested until they become possessory.  By convention all interests retained by the grantor (reversions, possibilities of reverter and rights of entry) are vested.


vested remainder -- A remainder subject to no precedent condition other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate.


vested subject to partial divestment --
vested subject to open -- A future interest in a class, one or more members of which have been identified, but which may still be increased by newly-identified members.  A future interest “to the children of A” is vested subject to partial divestment or vested subject to open if A has one or more children and is still alive.


waste -- Acts that diminish the capital value of land.  Possessors of land are frequently liable to holders of future interests in the same land if the former commit waste.


will -- A form of alienation to take effect on the death of the testator.  Wills have no effect while the testator is alive and may be changed or revoked so long as the testator lives and is competent.  See also tenancy at will.


Wills -- A statute in 1540 that permitted the devise of legal interests in real property.  More broadly, any statute that so provides.


words of limitation -- See limitation.


words of purchase -- See purchase.


Worthier Title -- See Doctrine of Worthier Title.




n English common lawfee tail or entail is a form of trust established by deed or settlement which restricts the sale or inheritance of an estate in real property and prevents the property from being sold, devised by will, or otherwise alienated by the tenant-in-possession, and instead causes it to pass automatically by operation of law to an heir pre-determined by the settlement deed. The term fee tail is from Medieval Latin feodum talliatum, which means "cut(-short) fee", and is in contrast to "fee simple" where no such restriction exists and where the possessor has an absolute title (although subject to the allodial title of the monarch) in the property which he can bequeath or otherwise dispose of as he wishes. Equivalent legal concepts exist or formerly existed in many other European countries and elsewhere



The fee tail allowed a patriarch to perpetuate his blood-line, family-name, honour and armorials[1] in the persons of a series of powerful and wealthy male descendants. By keeping his estate intact in the hands of one heir alone, in an ideally indefinite and pre-ordained chain of succession, his own wealth, power and family honour would not be dissipated amongst several male lines, as became the case for example in Napoleonic France by operation of the Napoleonic Code which gave each child the legal right to inherit an equal share of the patrimony, where a formerly great landowning family could be reduced in a few generations to a series of small-holders or peasant farmers. It therefore approaches the true corporation which is a legal body or person which does not die and continues in existence and can hold wealth indefinitely. Indeed, as a form of trust, whilst the individual trustees may die, replacements are appointed and the trust itself continues, ideally indefinitely. In England almost seamless successions were made from patriarch to patriarch, the smoothness of which were often enhanced by baptising the eldest son and heir with his father's Christian name for several generations, for example the FitzWarin family, all named Fulk. Such indefinite inalienable land-holdings were soon seen as restrictive on the optimum productive ability of land, which was often converted to deer-parks or pleasure grounds by the wealthy tenant-in-possession, which was damaging to the nation as a whole, and thus laws against perpetuities were enacted, which restricted entails to a maximum number of lives.[citation needed]

An entail also had the effect of disabling illegitimate children from inheriting. It created complications for many propertied families, especially from about the late 17th to the early 19th century, leaving many individuals wealthy in land but heavily in debt, often due to annuities chargeable on the estate payable to the patriarch's widow and younger children, where the patriarch was swayed by sentiment not to establish a strict concentration of all his wealth in his heir leaving his other beloved relatives destitute. Frequently in such cases the generosity of the settlor left the entailed estate as an uneconomical enterprise, especially during times when the estate's fluctuating agricultural income had to provide for fixed sum annuities. Such impoverished tenants-in-possession were unable to realise in cash any part of their land or even to offer the property as security for a loan, to pay such annuities, unless sanctioned by private Act of Parliament allowing such sale, which expensive and time-consuming mechanism was frequently resorted to. The beneficial owner (or tenant-in-possession) of the property in fact had only a life interest in it, albeit an absolute right to the income it generated, the legal owners being the trustees of the settlement, with the remainder passing intact to the next successor or heir in law; any purported bequest of the land by the tenant-in-possession was ineffective.[citation needed]


Fee tail was established during feudal times by landed gentry to attempt to ensure that the high social standing of the family, as represented by a single patriarch, continued indefinitely. The concentration of the family's wealth into the hands of a single representative was essential to support this process. Unless the heir had himself inherited the personal and intellectual strengths of the original great patriarch, often a great warrior, which alone had brought him from obscurity to greatness, he would soon sink again into obscurity, and required wealth to maintain his social standing. This feature of English gentry and aristocracy differs from the true aristocracy which existed in pre-Revolution France, where all sons of a nobleman inherited his title and were thus inescapably members of a separate noble caste in society. In England all younger sons of a nobleman were born as mere gentlemen and commoners, and without the support of wealth could quickly descend into obscurity, the eldest son alone being a nobleman. On this eldest son was concentrated the honour of the family, and to him alone was granted all its wealth to support his role in that regard, by the process of the fee tail.

Statute of Westminster 1285[edit]

The Statute of Westminster II, passed in 1285, created and fixed the form of this estate. The new law was also formally called the statute De Donis Conditionalibus (Concerning Conditional Gifts).


Fee tail was never popular with the monarchy, the merchant class and many holders of entailed estates themselves who wished to sell their land.


Fee tail as a legal estate in England was abolished by the Law of Property Act 1925.[2]

Continuing use[edit]

A fee tail can still exist in England and Wales as an equitable interest, behind a strict settlement; the legal estate is vested in the current 'tenant for life' or other person immediately entitled to the income, but on the basis that any capital money arising must be paid to the settlement trustees. A tenant in tail in possession can bar his fee tail by a simple disentailing deed, which does not now have to be enrolled. A tenant in tail in reversion (i.e. a future interest where the property is subject to prior life interest) needs the consent of the life tenant and any 'special protectors' to vest a reversionary fee simple in himself. Otherwise he can only create a base fee; a base fee only confers a right to the property on its owner, when its creator would have become entitled to it; if its creator dies before he would have received it, the owner of the base fee gets nothing. No new "fees tail" can now be created following the Trusts of Land and Appointment of Trustees Act 1996.[3]

In the US, conservation easements are a form of entail still in use.


Traditionally, a fee tail was created by a trust established in a deed, often a marriage settlement, or in a will "to A and the heirs of his body". The crucial difference between the words of conveyance and the words that created a fee simple ("to A and his heirs") is that the heirs "in tail" must be the children begotten by the landowner. It was also possible to have "fee tail male", which only sons could inherit, and "fee tail female", which only daughters could inherit; and "fee tail special", which had a further condition of inheritance, usually restricting succession to certain "heirs of the body" and excluding others. Land subject to these conditions was said to be "entailed" or "held in-tail", with the restrictions themselves known as entailments.

Breaking of fee-tail[edit]

The breaking of a fee tail was simplified by the Fines and Recoveries Act 1833,[4] which replaced the conveyance for making a tenant to the praecipe for suffering a common recovery. This was the usual preliminary to a recovery with a disentailing assurance, which had to be enrolled. The need for this to be followed by the fictitious proceeding of a common recovery was abolished.

The requirement that a disentailing assurance should be enrolled was abolished in 1926.[5]

Mortgage of entailed lands[edit]

Lending upon security of a mortgage on land in fee tail was risky, since at the death of the tenant-in-possession, his personal estate ceased to have any right to the estate or to the income it generated. The absolute right to the income generated by the estate passed by operation of law to parties who had no legal obligation to the lender, who therefore could not enforce payment of interest on the new tenants-in-possession. The largest estate a possessor in fee tail could convey to someone else was an estate for the term of the grantor's own life. If all went as planned, it was therefore impossible for the succession of patriarchs to lose the land, which was the idea.

Failure of issue[edit]

Main article: Failure of issue

Things did not always go as planned, however. Tenants-in-possession of entailed estates occasionally suffered "failure of issue" — that is, they had no legitimate children surviving them at the time of their deaths. In this situation the entailed land devolved to male cousins, i.e. back up and through the family tree to legitimate male descendants of former tenants-in-possession, or reverted to the last owner in fee simple, if still living. This situation produced complicated litigation and was an incentive for the production and maintenance of detailed and authoritative family pedigrees and supporting records of marriage, births, baptisms etc.

Depending on how the original deed or grant was worded, in the event of there being daughters but no sons, all the sisters might inherit jointly, it might pass to the eldest sister, it might be held in trust until one of them should produce a (legitimate) son, or it might pass to the next male-line relative (an uncle, say, or even a--sometimes very distant--cousin.)

Common recovery[edit]

In the 15th century, lawyers devised "common recovery", an elaborate legal procedure which used collaborative lawsuits and legal fictions to "bar" a fee tail, that is to say to remove the restrictions of fee tail from land and to enable its conveyance in fee simple.


In the 17th and 18th centuries the practice arose whereby when the son came of age (at 21), he and his father acting together could bar the existing fee tail, and could then re-settle the land in fee tail, again on the father for life, then to the son for life and his heirs male successively, but at the same time making provision for annuities chargeable on the estate for the father's widow, daughters and younger sons, and most importantly, and as an incentive for the son to participate in the re-settlement, an income for the son during his father's lifetime. This process effectively evaded the law against perpetuities, as the entail in law had been terminated, but in practice continued. In this way an estate could stay in a family for many generations, yet emerged on re-settlement often fatally weakened, or much more susceptible to agricultural downturns, from the onerous annuities now chargeable on it.


Formedon (or form down etc.) was a right of writ exercisable by a holder in fee for claiming property entailed by a lessee beyond the terms of his feoffment.[clarification needed] A letter dated 1539 from the Lisle Letters describes the circumstances of its use:[6]

"I received your ladyship's letter by which ye willed me to speak with my Lady Coffyn for her title in East Haggynton in the county of Devon who had one estate in tail to him and to his heirs of her body begotten; and now he is dead without issue of his body so that the reversion should revert to Mr John Basset and to his heirs so there be no let nor discontinuance of the same made by Sir William Coffyn in his life. Howbeit Mr Richard Coffyn, next heir to Sir William Coffyn, claimeth the same by his uncle's feoffment to him and to his heirs so that the law will put Mr John Basset from his entry and to compel him to take his action of form down which is much dilatory as Mr Basset knoweth"


Tenants in Common


In a joint tenancy, the right of survivorship allows the remaining tenants to take over a tenant's property share if they die. In a tenancy in common, the deceased person's share will pass to their heirs through a will or through the probate process rather than to the surviving tenants.







The old English Law of Primogeniture concerns the inheritance of "real property" only, such as land, buildings, etc. Under this law, the eldest living son (the "heir at law") inherited all the real property of the father if the father died intestate, i.e., without a will. If a will had been made, then the will's stipulations would govern. Since primogeniture was such a well known and standard procedure in the English speaking world, no specific mention of this transfer of title to the deceased's real property would usually be made in the court records concerning the estate.


Conversely, the personal property of the deceased, such as cattle, horses, furniture, notes due the estate, etc. was NOT subject to primogeniture and would customarily be equally divided among all the children, both male and female. The widow was entitled to her right of dower, meaning a right to one-third of the personal property during her lifetime. After her death the entire estate could be sold and the proceeds divided among all the heirs. Accordingly, even if Primogeniture was applicable, it still was necessary to make an inventory of the deceased's personal property, as soon as possible after death. The inventory would form the basis for the subsequent division of the estate, even if the final division might not be made until years later. Many genealogists, including many professionals, do not seem to fully understand this need for an inventory when Primogeniture is applicable.

Life Expectancy

Kingston in the 1740’s and 50’s, the annual death rate was 20%, similar to London during the Great Plague, but every year, due partly to the new arrivals and shipping crews.
Infant mortality, before age 5, was 46% pre 1700, but it was 60% after.
1/3 of 20 year olds failed to reach 30 and ½. Of 30 years olds died before 40.
sugar barons p292

Monetary Values


Cost and Wage Inflation

     Standard inflation indices give a historical picture of the changing cost of goods they do not relate those costs to historical income. Cost changes related to wages gives an easier way to understand the values given in historical documents. A spot comparison between wage and price inflation for 1755 to 2015 shows a ratio of 196 for prices and 637 for wages.
     The table below shows the wage rates for various trades between 1755 & 1851, in £ Sterling. Wage rates for equivalent trades in 2012, factored to 2015, were used to produce a factor converting historical costs to current values, based on wage rates as opposed to nominal inflation.
     The second to last line shows the ratio between sterling at the column date and 2015 sterling.
     The last line shows the same ratio related to Jamaican pounds, using a nominal exchange rates.












 farm labourers











 non-farm common labour











 messengers & porters











 other government low-wage











 police & guards






















 government high-wage











 shipbuilding trades











 engineering trades











 building trades











 cotton spinners











 printing trades






















 solicitors and barristers






















 surgeons & doctors






















 engineers & surveyors











Modern Year






















Historical Amount £J























Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Inflation

Urbanization and Inflation: Lessons from the English Price Revolution of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

Jack A. Goldstone

American Journal of Sociology

Vol. 89, No. 5 (Mar., 1984), pp. 1122-1160 (JSTOR)
Urbanization and Inflation: Lessons from the English Price Revolution of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries1

Jack A. Goldstone Northwestern University

The English price revolution (the 500% rise in prices from 1500 to 1650) has been attributed by some to an excess of money, due to bullion imports from the New World, and by others to an excess of people, due to population growth. This essay shows both accounts to be severely flawed. A simple model of the impact of urban networks on monetary circulation is developed it argues that taking account of the effects of urbanization and occupational specialization on the velocity of money provides a fuller understanding of the price revolution than explanations based simply on aggregate population growth or changes in the money supply due to an influx of American metals. Implications are drawn for accounts of inflation in both early modern Europe and the contemporary developing world.
The gleam of gold and silver has dazzled many an eye. For many economic historians, Spanish gold and silver imported from America long outshone all other factors in accounting for the “price revolution”—the century and a half of sustained inflation that accompanied, and in the view' of many caused, early modern Europe’s rapid steps toward a more specialized, urban, market economy.
From 1400 to 1500, and from 1650 to 1750, prices in England remained virtually unchanged. Yet in the intervening century and a half the price level rose 500% (see table 1). A price rise of similar magnitude occurred at roughly the same time throughout most of Europe. Although economists and historians have been the main disputants in analyzing the price revolution, this early occurrence of sustained inflation is of crucial importance to two groups of sociologists.

1 I have benefited greatly from criticisms by Joel Mokyr and Christopher Winship, discussions with the Northwestern University Economic History Seminar and the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, and suggestions from the referees of AJS, none of whom bear any responsibility for remaining errors. Requests for reprints should be sent to Jack A. Goldstonc, Department of Sociology, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois 60201.

First, the price revolution occurred during the period that witnessed the origins of capitalism and of the modern nation-state indeed, the rise in prices has been cited as a key factor in both developments by Marxist and Weberian scholars alike (Wallerstein 1974, pp. 77-84 Collins 1980, pp. 939-40). The roots of the price revolution are thus tied to the central concerns of historical sociology. Second, the question why an inflationary era arose suddenly and was sustained for over a century is of interest to scholars studying the economic development of contemporary nations entering the early phases of economic growth. Since the 1960s, Third World countries have sought by various paths to attain the status of economically developed, modern nation-states. Yet most have also been buffeted by sustained inflation. Understanding the sources of the price revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries may provide models and insights for coping with a contemporary inflationary era.


Prices in England 1410-1749 (Indexed to 1490-1509 = 100)


A Composite of Foodstuffs and Manufactures That Form a Market Basket of Consumables*


A Sample of



Day Wage of
























































































* Calculated from Phelps-Brown and Hopkins <10626). pp 194-95 t Calculated from Hoskins (1968), pp 28-31 t Calculated from Coleman (1977), pp 23, 101-2 § Calculated from Coleman (1977), p 23.

|| The wages of artisans and craft laborers in Southern England followed virtually the same rate of increase as agricultural wages, roughly tripling from 1500 to 1650 (Phelps-Brown and Hopkins 1962a)


Land Prices 1700

From: Planters, Merchants, and Slaves: Plantation Societies in British America By Trevor Burnard 2016

During the 1690s, however, the price of land in Jamaica skyrocketed. The price increases are somewhat evident in the average price per acre, which increased to 68 pence per acre in St. Andrew in the 1690s, 78 pence per acre in the 1700s, 95 pence per acre in the 1710s, and, most dramatically, £1.89 per acre in the 1720s. The rise in average price per acre is misleading, however, because these prices include mountainous land, which was difficult to cultivate and thus very cheap. Land on the settled area of the Liguanea plains was considerably more expensive. Cleared land became very expensive and well out of reach for all except big planters. In 1695, for example, a parcel of 40 acres sold for £133, while in 1697 a sugar plantation of 126 acres fetched £333. The early years of the eighteenth century saw prices increase further. In 1700 60 acres went for £300, while in 1701 28 acres of prime land was sold for £206. The following year saw a fully developed sugar plantation of 300 acres sold for £1,000. That plantation was sold again six years later at a whopping profit, with the price for 300 acres now at £2,500. In 1713 another prime sugar property of 262 acres was sold for £2,200, while 80 acres of cane land sold for £800. Such prices were out of reach for ordinary whites with inventoried wealth of under £200 and annual incomes of around £20. Despite these constraints, landownership was not completely out of reach for ordinary white men. Small plantations never disappeared completely from the parish. As late as 1754 there were 128 small estates in St. Andrew producing provisions, coffee, ginger, cotton, and livestock.

Jamaica Currency

In 1839, an Act was passed which stated that as of 31 December 1840, the currency of Britain should be that of Jamaica, that is, the lower denomination copper coins, farthing, half penny, penny ha'penny and penny as well as the higher denomination silver coins, three pence, six pence, shilling, florin half crown and crown. While the Spanish coins were demonetized, an exception was made in the case of the Spanish doubloon, which remained legal tender at a rate of 3.4.0, until it was demonetized on 01 April 1901.


See IMF paper
Evolution of the Colonial Sterling Exchange Standard

H. A. Shannon, Staff Papers (International Monetary Fund)

Vol. 1 (1950 - 1951), pp. 334-354 (21 pages)


2        Road & Parish Changes

The following are extracts from
“Acts of Assembly”
Passed in the Island of Jamaica
From the year 1681 to the year 1768, inclusive
In two volumes
Saint Jago de la Vega, Jamaica
Printed by Lowry and Sherlock, printers, Booksellers and Stationers


Act 24 1683 P38 - An Act for regulating Surveyors,

BE it enacted by the Governor, Council, and Assembly; and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That no Person whatsoever shall presume to act or perform the Office or Employment of a Surveyor-general within this Island, before he hath given good and sufficient Security in the Sum of Four Thousand Pounds, current Money of this Island, for the just and faithful Performance of his Office and Trust, according to the Duty of his said Office and Employment, and that the Bonds for Security be carefully kept and recorded in the Secretary's Office; and upon any Damages received by any Person from the said Surveyor, or any deputed under him, in the negligent or corrupt Performance of his or their Surveys, and due Application thereon made to the Governor, the said Bond shall be put in Suit, and due Recovery thereof made for such Damages as they shall prove to have received, in the same Manner and Form as is declared and provided by the Act, entitled, An Act requiring all Masters of Ships and Vessels to give Security in the Secretary's Office.
II. Provided always, and it is the true Intent and Meaning of this Act, That it shall and may be lawful for any Person or Persons whatsoever to survey, re-survey, and run any dividing Lines, and give Plats of any Land already patented, or that shall be patented or surveyed within this his Majesty's Island, except where the King is or shall be a Party; in which case only the Surveyor-general, his Deputy or Deputies, or any other Person thereunto lawfully authorised by the Governor for the Time being, shall survey, re-survey, or run dividing Lines, and give Plats thereof; any Law, Custom, or Usage seeming to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
III. Be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That the Surveyor-general, or any other Person thereunto lawfully authorised, as aforesaid, shall, by himself, or his Deputy or Deputies, execute every such Order or Warrant for the surveying or running out of Lands, as from time to time shall be directed to him or them, as aforesaid, within a reasonable Time after the proving of such an Order or Warrant; that is to say, in any Place within the Parishes of St. Catharine, Port Royal, or St. Andrew, within one Month; in any Place within the Parishes of Vere, Clarendon, St. Dorothy, St. John, St. Mary, St. Thomas in the Vale, St. David, or St. Thomas to Windward, within Three Months; and in any other Parish whatsoever within this Island, within Six Months; upon Penalty of one Hundred Pounds, current Money of this Island, for every such Default; the one Half to our Sovereign Lord the King, his Heirs and Successors, for and towards the Support of the Government of this Island, and the contingent Charges thereof; and the other Moiety to the Person aggrieved, or to him that shall sue for the same; to be recovered in any of his Majesty's Courts of Record within this Island, by Bill, Plaint, or Information, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed.
IV. Provided always, That if any Person under the Pretence of surveying Lands, shall cause the Surveyor, or any of his Deputies, to take a Journey, and when he comes at the Time and Place assigned, shall not be there ready to shew him the Land that is to be surveyed, so that he cannot Perform the same; the Parties aforesaid shall pay and satisfy unto the said Surveyor or his Deputy, Ten Shillings per Diem for every Day he shall so lose, for his Pains and Charges in the said Journey.
V. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Surveyor-general, by himself, or his Deputy, erect his Office at the Town of St. Jago de la Vega, under the Penalty of Five Hundred Pounds, current Money of this Island., to be recovered and levied as aforesaid; and that he, or his Deputy, keep or attend his Office from Eight to Eleven in the Forenoon, and from Two to Five in the Afternoon, every Day, except Sundays and Holidays, under the Penalty of Forty Shillings, to be recovered by Warrant from any justice of the Peace, to the Uses aforesaid; any Custom or Ufage heretofore to the contrary notwithstanding.
VI. Provided, That a Power be left in the King's Majesty, and his Officers, to re-examine the Surveyors for what concerns his Majesty.

1683 Act 25 Vol 1 P39

An Act for further directing and regulating the Proceedings of Surveyors.
FORASMUCH as it hath been found by Experience, that the Act, entitled, An Act sor regulating Surveyors, hath not sufficiently provided against the several Abuses by sundry evil-disposed Surveyors formerly, and now also often done and committed, contrary to their Duty and the Trust reposed in them, to the Damage of his Majesty, and of his liege People of this Island, and which in some cases may tend to the utter Ruin of many of his good Subjects; for Prevention whereof, be it enacted by the Governor and Council, and Assembly, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That no Surveyor whatsoever presume to deliver any Plat, whereby any Parcel of Land shall pass the Broad Seal of this Island, before he hath himself, in his own Person, actually surveyed and measured the said Land on every Side thereof, where it is accessible and possible to be done, and hath also seen the Lines fairly made, and the Corner-trees marked with the first Letters of his Name and Surname, expressed in the Order; and that the said Plat shall truly represent the respective Parcels of Land, with their true Bounds and Bearings, and expressing the Sort of Wood every Corner-tree is of, with the Alphabetical Marks aforesaid, and also insert the Scale of the same, either drawn or expressed therein, under the Penalty of Fifty Pounds for every such Default.
II. And be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That where any Surveyor shall be called, or employed to survey or re-survey any Parcel of Land, bounding upon any Land already taken up, the said Surveyor, before he presume to run upon any such Lines, shall give Notice thereof to the reputed Owners or Possessors of the said Land, if he know them, and that they are Inhabitants in the Precinct where the said Survey or Re-survey is intended to be made or done; and if he does not know the Owners of the said Land, or that the said Owners dwell not in the Precinct, that then he give Notice to the Two next Neighbours, under the Penalty of Twenty Pounds for every such Default.
III. And be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That no Surveyor shall presume to survey or lay out any Land to pass the Broad Seal of this Island, directly or indirectly, for his own Use, but shall employ some other Surveyor to do the same, under the Penalty of Fifty Pounds.
IV. And whereas sundry Surveyors have practised to give Plats to pass the King's Grant for several Parcels of Land, upon some of which Parcels they have, either through Negligence or evil Design, never made any actual Survey, viz. either marking one Corner-tree or more, and running and marking no Line, but projecting the Whole, or else some Part where the natural Situation of the Land would well permit the due Survey and cutting Lines, which tends to the Dishonour of his Majesty, and great Damage, even in some case to the Ruin of many of his good Subjects of this Island; be it therefore enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That all present Surveyors who have given Plats, whereby any Parcel of Land hath passed the Broad Seal of this Island, without actual surveying on all Sides where the Situation of the said Land makes it possible to be done, shall on Request to them made at any Time, complete any former Survey, according to the Plat by them given, running fair Lines where they had before projected only, and marking Trees in the said Lines with Three Notches in Wood-land, according to Custom, and making fitting Marks in other Lands.
V. And it is hereby also provided, That no Surveyor, or who hath executed the Office as a Surveyor, is hereby obliged to make Re-survey, or cut Lines in Lands which have been patented more than Four Years; and whatsoever Surveyor, or that hath executed the Office of a Surveyor in this Island, shall, after due Request, as aforesaid, deny, refuse, or delay to cut the above said Lines, and rectify the above mentioned Errors, in such Manner as is before expressed, shall forfeit for every Three Months they shall so deny, refuse, or delay the same, the Sum of Twenty Pounds, to be recovered in any Court of Record in this Island; one Half whereof to our Sovereign Lord the King, for the public Use of this Island, and the other Half to the Informer, Party injured, or who will sue for the same.
VI. And for Prevention of Disputes and Differences that may arise also of an evil Practice of some Surveyors, who, when an Order hath been given for running out Land, have made their own Advantage of the same, running it out for other Persons; it is also hereby enacted, That every Surveyor shall, at any Time when an Order for the Survey of Land is offered him, immediately take a Memorandum thereof, with the Place where the Party bringing it desires it should be run out, mentioning also the Time of the Receipt thereof, and shall also write the same on the Back of the said Order, and shall also survey the said Land accordingly for the said Person, if he be ready in reasonable Time, after due Notice by the said Surveyor given to shew the said Land; and if it shall so happen, that the said Surveyor shall have received an Order already, which he believes is for the said Parcel of Land, he shall then declare the same, and also shew the said Order, if desired, under the Penalty of Forty Pounds for every such Default; and every Surveyor shall, on every Survey, return Two Plats of the said Survey into the Patent-office, the one to be left there, and the other to be affixed to the Survey into the Patent office,
VII. And it is hereby also further enacted, That the Clerk of the Patents shall affix one of the Two Plats delivered him by the Surveyor (as above provided) unto the Grant, and keep the other Plat in the said Office, without any Embezilment of the same; and that the Secretary of this Island shall record a true Copy of the Plat so affixed to the Grant or Patent, next unto the Record of each respective Grant or Patent; and that the Clerk of the Patents shall receive for writing an original Patent, Ten Shillings, and no more; and if the Clerk of the Patents, or Secretary of this Island, shall offend against any of the Clauses of this Act, he or they, who shall so offend, shall forfeit the Sum of Twenty Pounds for each Offence by him or them committed.
VIII. And it is also hereby enacted, That every Surveyor, or Clerk of the Patents, or any other Person, in whose Hands soever any original Plat is lawfully lodged, shall, on Request by any one made, give a true Copy of any Plat in their Copy of an Possession, and receive Two Shillings and Six-Pence for the same, and no more; and whosoever aforesaid shall refuse or deny the same, shall forfeit Forty Shillings for every such Offence, to be recovered by Warrant from any justice of the Peace; one Half of which Forfeiture to be received by the said justice, and paid by him to the Church-wardens, for the Use of the Poor of the Parish, and the other Half to the Party complaining.
IX. And whereas in an Act, intituled, An Act for regulating Fees, it is made lawful for every Surveyor to receive Two Pence per Acre for all Lands by him surveyed, viz. for the Survey of the same, and no more; it is hereby enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful for every Surveyor receive one Penny per Acre more than the said Act allows; that is, Three Pence per Acre for surveying any Quantity of Land, and no more.
X. And it is hereby enacted, That every Person who shall receive a Commission from the Governor to be a Surveyor in this Island, shall give Bond, with sufficient Surety, in the Sum of Three hundred Pounds, for the true and just Performance of his Office, before he act in the same, under the Penalty of Fifty Pounds for every such Offence; the said Bond to be carefully kept and recorded in the Secretary's Office, that upon any Negligence or corrupt Performance of their Office, it may be put in Suit, in the same Manner as is declared and provided for the Recovery of the Bond for Security given by all Masters of Ships and Vessels, and appointed in the Act, entitled, An Act requiring all Masters of Ships and Vessels to give Security in the Secretary's Office.
XI. But it is hereby provided nevertheless, That if the Surveyor-general shall keep his Office, and Perform the Duties herein required, both in his own Person and his Deputies, and as is provided in an Act, entitled, An Act for regulating Surveyors; that then it shall and may be lawful for the said Surveyor-general to employ Deputies, as formerly hath been done; but that his Bond of Four thousand Pounds, mentioned in the aforesaid Act, shall remain cautionary for Security, that himself, and also his Deputies, do well observe and Perform all the Directions and Clauses of this Act for future Surveys, under the several Penalties therein expressed.
XII. Be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if Robert Felgate, or any Person whatsoever, who have any original Plat in their Custody, do not return the same into the Patent-office at or before the Five and twentieth Day of March next ensuing, shall, upon due Conviction thereof, for every Plat so kept back, forfeit the Sum of One hundred Pounds.
XIII. And it is also hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, penalties, That all Penalties mentioned in this Act, and no Provision made where they shall be recovered, or how disposed of, shall be recovered by Bill, Plaint, or Information, in any Court of Record within this Island, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed; one Half of which Forfeitures shall be unto our Sovereign Lord the King, towards the Support of the Government of this Island, and the contingent Charges thereof; and the other Half to him or them that shall sue for the same; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

Parish Boundaries

1683: Boundary of St Elizabeth & Clarendon

Act 26: A supplementary and explanatory Act. Vol 1 P42, 1683

III. Be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That a North-north-West Line  from the Head of Swift River to the South Bounds of St Anne's, shall be the Easterly and Westerly Bounds of the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon.


1703: Dividing St Elizabeth

Vol 1. Act 45, P73

An Act for dividing the Parish of St. Elizabeth into Two distinct Parishes for the Ease of the Inhabitants.

WHEREAS the Parish of St. Elizabeth is of such large Extent, that the Inhabitants, without long Time of Warning, extraordinary Fatigue, Loss of Time, and great Expense, cannot convene and appear on public Occasions, either at Church, Election of Members to serve as Representatives in Assemblies, choosing Church-wardens or Vestrymen, laying on Taxes, appointing Surveyors, and many other Privileges, as Subjects of England, are thereby lost: And whereas the Quantity of Land, Number of Settlements, and Inhabitants contained in the said Parish, are sufficient for Two several and distinct Parishes; Be it therefore enacted and ordained by her Majesty's Lieutenant-Governor, Council and Assembly, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That the said Parish of St. Elizabeth be divided, and The Parish of is hereby divided into Two separate and distinct Parishes, at a Place commonly called and known by the Name of Scott's Cove, in Syrranam Quarters, from thence due North-east, shall divide the said Two Parishes; and from the East-ward of the said Division to the Parish of Clarendon and Vere, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, to be called and known by the Name of the Parish of St. Elizabeth; and to the Westward of the said Dividing, as aforesaid, to the South Bounds of the Parish of St. James, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, and is hereby called and to be known by the Name of the Parish of Westmoreland; which said Two Parishes shall be, and for ever hereafter taken and esteemed, to all Intents and Purposes, Two distinct Parishes, separate from each other, and be called and known by the Name of the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland, and have, use, exercise, and enjoy all and every the Powers, Authorities, Benefits, and Privileges, Rights, Immunities, and Customs, that all or any of the Parishes or Precincts within this Island have or ought to have, use, exercise, or enjoy of common Right, or by virtue of any general Act or Acts of this Country, as fully, amply, and effectually, as if they had been Two distinct and separate Parishes or Precincts, and therein by Name expressly mentioned and specified; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

II. And whereas it may be supposed that the Parish of St. Elizabeth, before the separating and dividing thereof, was indebted and in Arrear, in taxing, levying, and paying some public Debt, or Sum of Money: And whereas there is already, before the dividing of the Parish, as aforesaid, Money taxed, collected, or paid to the Church-wardens or Constables; therefore be it enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That the Church-wardens which shall be next chosen for each of the Two several and respective Parishes, shall have and receive, sue for, or recover such Proportion of the Money already taxed, levied, or paid, as was taxed, levied, collected, or paid in or by the Inhabitants of the Parish of Westmoreland before they were divided; and that each of the said Parishes shall raise Money according to the Proportion aforesaid, for the Payment and discharging such public Debts as were due from the Parish of St. Elizabeth at the Time of the dividing the fame into Two separate and distinct Parishes; any Law, Custom, or Usage in any wise to the contrary notwithstanding.

1723: Westmoreland divided.

Act 76 Vol 1 P136

An AEl for dividing the Parish of Westmoreland into two distinct Parishes, for the Ease of the Inhabitants.

WHEREREAS the Parish of Westmoreland is of such large Extent, that the Inhabitants, without long Time of Warning, extraordinary Fatigue, Loss of Time, and great Expense, cannot convene and appear on public Occasions, either at Church, Election of Members to serve as Representatives in Assemblies, choosing Church-wardens or Vestrymen, laying on Taxes, appointing Surveyors, and many other Privileges, as Subjects of England, are thereby lost: And whereas the Quantity of Land, Number of Settlements, and Inhabitants contained in the said Parish, are sufficient for two separate and distinct Parishes; Be it therefore enacted and ordained by the Governor, Council, and Assembly of and for this Island, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That the said Parish of Westmoreland be divided, and is hereby divided into two separate and distinct Parishes, in Manner following: that is to say, That such Part of the said Parish as lieth on the South-fide of. the Place commonly called and known by the Name of Negril by North, by a dividing Line to be carried directly from Negril aforesaid, unto King's Valley River, where the King's Road, leading to the North-side of this Island, cuts the said River, and from thence, by a due East Course, to the River called Great River, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, to be called and known by the Name of the Parish of Westmoreland; and to the Northward of the said Place called Negril by North, by such dividing Line as aforesaid, unto the South Bounds of the Parish of St. James, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, and is hereby called and to be known by the Name of the Parish of Hannover; which said two Parishes shall be for ever hereafter taken and esteemed, to all Intents and Purposes, two distinct Parishes, separate from each other, and be respectively called and known by the Names of the Parishes of Westmoreland and Hanover, and respectively have, use, exercise, and enjoy all and every the Powers, Authorities, Benefits and Privileges, Rights, Immunities and Customs, that all or any of the Parishes or Precincts within this Island have, or ought to have, use, exercise, or enjoy of common Right, or by virtue of any general Act or Acts of this Country, as fully, amply, and effectually, as if they had been two distinct and separate Parishes or Precincts, and therein by Name expressly mentioned and specified; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

II. And whereas it may be supposed that the Parish of Westmoreland, before the separating and dividing thereof, was indebted and in Arrear in taxing, levying, and paying some public Debt or Sum of Money; and whereas there is already, before the dividing of the Parish, as aforesaid, Money taxed, collected, or paid to the Church-wardens or Constables, therefore be it enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That the Church-wardens which shall be next chosen for each of the two several and respective Parishes shall have and receive, sue for and to be divided recover such Proportion of the Money already taxed, levied, or paid, as was taxed, levied, collected, or paid in or by the Inhabitants of the Parish of Hanover before they were divided; and that each of the said Parishes shall raise Money according to the Proportion aforesaid, for the Payment and discharging such public Debts as were due from the Parish of Westmoreland at the Time of dividing the same into two separate and distinct Parishes; any Law, Custom, or Usage in any wise to the contrary notwithstanding.


1739: St Elizabeth/Vere/Clarendon Boundary

Act 121, Vol 1 P232.

Browne has this boundary in its earlier position, it is shown on Craskell & Robertson as in this act.

An Act for the uniting of those parts of Carpenters Mountains, heretofore esteemed part of the parishes of St Elizabeth and Clarendon to the parish of Vere (12 May 1739)

Whereas those parts of Carpenter’s Mountains, lying in the parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, being far, distant from the usual places of the meetings of the justices and vestry of the said respective parishes, and the plantations in the said mountains being much infested with rebellious negroes, the inhabitants of the said mountains cannot, without long time of warning, extraordinary fatigue, loss of time, and great expense and difficulties, convene and appear on public occasions, either at church, election of members to serve as representatives in assemblies, choosing churchwardens or vestrymen, assessing taxes, appointing surveyors, and attending the quarterly sessions and trials of negroes whereby many privileges to the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, as subjects of Great-Britain, are in a great measure lost: And whereas the uniting those parts of the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, called Carpenter’s Mountains, bounding from the mouth of Milk River ten miles (this must be a misprint – on Craskell, it is about 2 miles up the Milk River) up the same river-course to the bounds of Sutton and Sperry, and thence, with a north-west line, cross the mountains to Manatee Savannah, and along the top of the said mountains to Alligator Pond, and along the sea-side to the mouth of Milk River aforesaid, according to the plan annexed, would be the most effectual remedy for the ease and relief of the inhabitants of the said mountains from such their difficulties, without much inconvenience to the inhabitants, either of the parishes of St. Elizabeth or Clarendon: May it please your most excellent majesty that it be enabled; Be it therefore enacted by your Majesty’s governor, council, and assembly of this you island of Jamaica, and it is hereby enabled by the authority of the same. That those parts of Carpenter’s Mountains, heretofore esteemed part of the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, bounding as herein before described, according to the said plan annexed, shall for ever hereafter be united and annexed to, and be taken and esteemed, to all intents and purposes, as part of, the said parish of Vere; and that the inhabitants of those parts of the said Carpenter's Mountains herein before described, and their heirs, representatives, and successors, shall for ever hereafter have, use, exercise, and enjoy, all and every the powers, authorities, benefits, rights, immunities, and privileges, which all or any of the inhabitants of the said parish of Vere, or their heirs, representatives, or successors ought to have, use, exercise, or enjoy, of common right, or by virtue of any general act or acts of this island, as fully, amply, and effectually, as if those parts of the said mountains, now or heretofore in the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, had been originally in, or part of, the said parish of Vere, and had never been deemed or taken to have been in, or esteemed as part of, the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or either of them; any law, custom,. or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

II. And whereas the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, before the passing of this act esteemed to have been in the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or one of them, may have been indebted, or in arrear, in or by reason of some public or parochial taxes, debts, or sums of money:

And whereas before the passing of this act, money might have been assessed, taxed, collected, or paid to the churchwardens or constables of the said respective parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon: Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the churchwardens, already chose for the parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, shall respectively have and receive, such proportion of the money already assessed, taxed, levied, or paid, as were, taxed, levied, collected, or paid, in or by the inhabitants of those parts of the said Carpenter’s Mountains, before the passing of this act esteemed to have been in, or parts of, the said respective parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or as if this act had never been made; and that the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, heretofore in the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, shall raise money, according to their assessments, and in such proportions, for the payment and discharge of such public debts as were due from, or ought to have been paid, by, the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, before the passing of this act deemed to have been in the parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or either of them, and pay the same to such person and persons, and in such manner and form, as if this act had never been made and that the justices and vestry of the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon shall have the same powers and authorities, and shall and may assess, collect, and levy, all such acreages as are or may be due from the inhabitants of those parts of Carpenter’s Mountains, before the passing of this act esteemed to have been in the said parishes of St Elizabeth and Clarendon, in as large and ample manner as they had, or could or might, have, done, before the passing of this act: any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

1744: Road from St Ann to St Thomas in the Vale.

Vol 1 Act 140 P262.
An Act for making and opening a Road, fit for Wheel-Carriages, from the Parish of St. Anne to the Parish of St. Thomas in the Vale; and for empowering other Trustees to execute so much of the Trusts as remain unexecuted by or under an Act, entitled^

Southside to Savanna la Mar, 1823 Magistrates Guide

Southside to Savanna- la- Mar Distance from Kingston to Spanish-Town 13 miles, Spanish- Town to Old-Harbour 12, Old-Harbour to Clarendon 12, Clarendon to Green-Pond 16, Green-Pond to May-Hill 5, May-Hill to the Gutters 5, the Gutters to Goshen 5, Goshen to Lacovia 12, Lacovia to Black- River 12, Black- River to Robin's River 16, Robin's River to Savanna-la- Mar 16; total 124.

Division of Salt Savanna - 1709 Vol 1 Act 55, P91


An Act for dividing the common or salt Savanna, in the Parish of Vere.

WHEREAS our late Sovereign Lord King Charles the Second, by his Act 55.

gracious Letters Patent under the Great Seal of this Island, bearing Date

the Twentieth Day of January, which was in the Thirty-sixth Year of his Reign [1685 Plat 2/34/79], for the Considerations therein mentioned, did give and grant unto Robert Varney, late of the Parish of Vere, Esq; and his Heirs for ever, a certain Parcel of Land, lying and being in the said Parish of Vere containing by Estimation Two thousand and six hundred Acres, commonly called The common or salt Savanna (there being included in the Plat thereof Seven hundred Acres, formerly patented by Robert Smart of the said Parish; as likewise sixty Acres, formerly patented by Arthur Goodwin, of the said Parish; in all Three thousand three hundred and sixty Acres; bounding then North-easterly upon Capt. John Goddard, under the Brazileto Mountain; North-west on John Downer and Samuel Gale; Westerly, upon Col. William Ivy, the King's Road, Arthur Turner, George Osborne, Edward Green, Edward Brumpfield, Robert Barriffe, Richard Twarton, and Capt. Christopher Horner; South, on the said Horner and Richard Barriffe; Easterly, on Mr. John Lory, Capt. Homer,; the Sea and Morass, Robert Windall, Peter Killby, and John Loyd; North-easterly, on Valentine Mumby; and East, on Capt. Henry Rymes, as by the Plat thereof to the said Patent annexed appears) to have and to hold the same Premises, with their and every of their Appurtenances, unto him the said Robert Varney, his Heirs and Assigns for ever, under such Rents, Provisoes, Conditions, and Services, as are therein and thereby more particularly expressed and set forth: And whereas the said Two thousand and six hundred Acres of Land were patented by the laid Robert Varney in his Name, in Trust only for and at the special Instance and Request of several of the Inhabitants of the said Parish, to the Intent that the said Robert Varney should give and make a Title unto Thirty-three Acres and a half, for one Seventy-seventh Part of the said Land, be it more or less, to each such Inhabitant; which was afterwards by him the said Robert Varney accordingly, and pursuant to the said Trust, given and Performed: But in regard, no Division thereof in a legal Manner was then, or at any Time since hath been made among the said several Proprietors, whereby it hath remained and still doth remain as an undivided Interest; which hath occasioned not only several of the said Proprietors to enclose, fall, and manure greater Quantities of the said Land than their Shares or Proportions have amounted to, but several other Persons who have not any manner of Interest in, or the least Colour of Pretence of Right unto the said Land or any Part thereof, to enclose, fall, and manure several Parcels of the said Land, and to make great Sums of Money, and other Advantages thereby, contrary to all Law and Justice, and to the Prejudice of all the said Proprietors: And whereas a Division of the Land by a regular Course of Law, by reason of the great Number of Parties interested therein, and for several other Causes, is rendered almost, if not altogether impracticable; be it therefore enacted by the Governor, Council, and Assembly of this her Majesty's Island of Jamaica, and it is hereby enacted by the Authority of the same, That the Hon. Henry Lew, Richard Asdeburgh, John Carver, Edward Fearon, and James Rule, Esqrs. be, and are hereby appointed Commissioners for to view and inspect the several and respective Titles of the Proprietors of the said Land, to cause a Just and equal Division of the same to be made unto the said Proprietors, according to the true Intent and Meaning of this Act; which said Commissioners being first sworn so to do by the Chancellor of this Island, or such Person or Persons as he shall by Dedimus appoint to administer the said Oath, are hereby impowered to appoint and administer an Oath unto any Two such honest able Surveyors as they or the major Part of them shall approve, to make a Just and equal Division of the said Land, according to the Directions of this Act.

II. And forasmuch as the best and most valuable Part of the said Land lies together, and may be with the greatest Ease and Convenience distinguished, divided, and separated entirely and apart from that which is much more ordinary, and of less Value; the said Surveyors are hereby impowered and required to may make such distinct Division, taking into each Division such a Quantity or Number of Acres as the Commissioners in their Judgments shall direct: Which Division into Two Parcels being first made, the Surveyors shall proceed to divide again each of the said Two Parcels into Seventy-seven equal Parts, that each Proprietor may have his Proportion of the good and bad Land; which said Division being made, as aforesaid, and each Seventy-seventh Part of the said respective Parcels of Land having a particular Number assigned thereto, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall cause Seventy-seven Pieces of Paper, of equal Shape and Bigness to be numbered, from Number One to Seventy-seven, and put into or under some proper Covert; from whence the said Proprietors shall draw the said Pieces of numbered Papers, which shall determine each Share of Land of the same Number to such Proprietor that shall happen to draw the fame; and the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall make Assignment of each such Share according to the respective Lots or Numbers so drawn.

III. And forasmuch as the Number of Proprietors whose Title shall appear to be approved of by the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, may be different from that of the said Vendees of the aforesaid Patentee; and for the avoiding any Confusion that may happen thereby, it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That in case, and whenever more Claimers than one shall appear to have Right and Title to but one full Share, or Seventy seventh Part, containing Thirty three Acres and a Half, be the same more or Right to but less; that then, and in such Case, the said Commissioners shall direct and appoint one of the said Proprietors to draw a Lot for one full Share; which said Lot so being drawn, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall cause the said full Share to be divided by the said Surveyors into such and so many distinct Parts as the said several Proprietors of the said full Lot shall appear to have a Right and Title to.

IV. And it is hereby further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Commissioners shall have and receive for each Day they shall be employed in Execution of this Act, Twenty Shillings each Commissioner per Diem; to be paid them by the several Persons that shall claim or have Lots assigned them at that particular Time and Place of Meeting, when and where the said Lots shall be assigned: Which said Commissioners are hereby impowered to order and appoint such proportionable Sum or Sums of Money as the said Commissioners shall think most reasonable for defraying all such further Charges as shall arise from or be incident to the said Division, Meeting, and Assignment: And in like Manner, whensoever one or more Claimers, Proprietor or Proprietors, shall require or occasion a Meeting of the said Commissioners, or the Majority of them, in order to inspect, view, hear, or determine such their Claim or Claims; that then, and in such case, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall appoint and order as well the said Twenty Shillings for each of themselves as such other the Claimer or Claimers, Proprietor or Proprietors proportionable Part of the Charges of the said Division and Assignment, as aforesaid: And in case any such Claimer or Proprietor shall refuse to pay such their proportionable Part of such Charges so allotted them by the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them; that then, and in such case, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, are hereby impowered to issue out their Warrant to any Constable to distrain upon the Goods and Chattels of such Person or Persons so refusing to pay, as aforesaid, and the same to fell by public Outcry, first giving Notice of such Sale at some public Place of the Precinct where such Distraint shall be made, returning the Overplus (if any such shall be) to the Owner, deducting Twelve Pence in the Pound to the Constable, for such his Distress and Sale, as aforesaid.

V. And the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, are hereby further impowered and enabled, upon due and satisfactory Proof to them made of the Right, Title, and Property of any Claimer or Claimers, in and to such their proportionable Part of the said Land, snd his, her, or their Lot or Lots being duly drawn, to assign to each such Claimer such his proportionable Part or Parts of the said Land, as by his, her, or their Lot or Lots shall befal unto him or them, mentioning the several Buttings and Boundings of the said proportionable Part or Parts so assigned; which said Assignment is hereby declared to invest the Fee-Simple of the said proportionable Part or Parts so assigned in him, her, or them, to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding.

VL And forasmuch as several Persons that may appear to have a Right to and Interest in some Part or Share of the said Land, having Confidence of such their Right and Interest, have erected Buildings, made Indigo Works, Wells, and other Improvements, on several Parts of the said Land; which said Parts or Shares may probably by Lot happen, befall, and be assigned over unto some other Claimer and Proprietor; it is therefore hereby further enacted, That the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, be impowered, and are hereby impowered to value and esteem such Buildings and Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, as they shall think them reasonably worth; and to award such Sum or Sums of Money to be paid to him, her, or them that shall have erected such Buildings, made such Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, as aforesaid, by him, her, or them to whom the said Shares mail by Lot befall and be assigned, as the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall value and esteem the said Buildings, Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, to be reasonably worth: And upon Refusal of such payment by the Party or Parties so awarded to pay the same, that then, and in such case, the said Commissioners are hereby impowered to issue out their Warrants of Distress for the said Sum or Sums of Money so awarded to be paid in lieu and full Assurance of such Buildings, Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, as they are before impowered for the defraying the Charges incident to the Divisions and Assignment, as aforesaid.

VII. And to the Intent that the said Divisions and Assignments may be timely executed and Performed, according to the true Intent and Meaning of this Act; it is therefore further enacted, That the Commissioners, or the major Part of them, be hereby impowered and required to meet at such Place as they shall think convenient on the second Tuesday in June next ensuing, then and there to appoint said the said Surveyors; which said Surveyors so appointed, shall, upon due Notice given them by the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, of the certain Time and Place, and when and where they shall attend the said Commissioners, in order to their being sworn, and laving out and dividing the said Land, according to the Directions and true intent and Meaning of this Act, are hereby required to attend accordingly: And at all Times hereafter the said Surveyors shall attend the said Commissioners, at such Times and Places as they the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall appoint.

VIII And the said Commissioners are hereby further impowered and required give Notice at some public Place in the Parish of Vere, whenever they intend to meet in the said Parish, in order to inspect and view the Titles of the several Claimers, and make Assignments of the said Land, Five Days before the said several and respective Times of Meeting.

IX. Provided nevertheless, That nothing in this Act contained shall extend to prejudice or destroy the Right, Title, or Interest: of the aforesaid Robert Smart, his Heirs, or Assigns, in and to Seven hundred Acres of Land; and of the aforesaid Arthur Goodwin, his Heirs and Assigns, in and to Sixty Acres of Land, included in the Plat of the aforesaid Two thousand six hundred Acres of Land, as is before specified.

X. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That in case the aforesaid Commissioners, or any one of them, shall be sued or impleaded for any thing that he or they shall act or do, by virtue and in pursuance of, and in compliance with this Act, it shall and may be lawful for the said Commissioners, or any of them, to plead the General Issue, and give this Act in Evidence, which shall be allowed as good and valid, to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever, in bar of such Suit or Action, in any of her Majesty's Courts of Record in this Island; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.

XI AND be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Surveyor or Surveyors, Constable or Constables, shall neglect his or their Duty, as in this Act is required, they shall respectively forfeit the Sum of One hundred Pounds; to be recovered in her Majesty's Supreme Court of Judicature in this Island; one Half of which Forfeitures shall be to our Sovereign Lady the Queen, her Heirs and Successors, for and towards the Support of the Government of this Island, and the contingent Charges thereof; and the other Half to the Informer, or him or them that shall sue for the same, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed, or Non vult ulterius prosequi be entered; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

New Leeward Road

1705, New Road over One Eye Savanna:

This road is shown on Browne (surveys 1730-49) but not on Sloane. It follows the Porus River, but continues further north than the modern Mandeville to Gutter road. Browne shows the road continuing past Fosters and Dickenson’s and crossing the Black River at Barton Bridge, where is appears to stop, although later maps show it carrying on South round the morass towards Lacovia.

An Act for the making and keeping clear a public Road from Clarendon to St. Elizabeth’s, over One-Eye Savanna.

WHEREAS the present Highway from St. Jago de la Vega into the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland, in that Part from Swift River over Long Bay and the Devil's Race, is very inconvenient and dangerous, by reason of

the Quick-sands along the Sea-shore, and the Narrowness and Difficulty of the Pass over the Devil's Race: And whereas by several credible Persons that have travelled in the Woods and Mountains between Porus Savanna in the Parish of Clarendon, and Forsters Plantation in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, it hath been found, that a more commodious and shorter Way may be cut through the Woods from Porus Savanna aforesaid, by the Cisterus to Martin's and by One-Eye Mountain to Forsters Plantation, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth aforesaid: And it being requisite, as well for her Majesty's Service in conducting speedy Succours to each Place, as for the necessary Use of her Majesty's liege People, that a public Road be laid out from the said Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmorland into the Parish of Clarendon aforesaid; be it therefore enacted by her Majesty's Governor, Council, and Assembly, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That a new Highway or Path shall be, with all convenient Speed, run out and made, leading from the Cross to Burnt Savanna, and through St. Jago Savanna by Mr. John Sutton's Penn, and so over St. Jago Savanna to Porus Savanna, in the Parish of Clarendon, according to the most direct and convenient Course it can be laid out; and from Porus Savanna aforesaid by Martin’s, and from Martins to the Cisterus, and from the Cisterus by One-Eye Mountain aforesaid, and from thence the most direct and best Way leading to Forster's Plantation in St. Elizabeth's aforesaid.

II. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Commissioners for the respective Parishes, in this Act to be hereafter nominated and appointed, shall and may, and they are hereby impowered and required to administer an Oath to the Surveyor of the Highways or Way-wardens of each respective Parish, forthwith upon the Return of the Surveyors, who are to run and lay out the laid Road or Highway, to the Commissioners in this Act to be hereafter named; which said Surveyors are to be appointed by the said Commissioners: And after such Return to be made and delivered by the said Surveyors to the said Commissioners, the said Commissioners are to deliver the same to the said Way-wardens or Surveyors of the Highways, who mail thereupon forthwith proceed to the Execution and Discharge of the several respective Duties, as is required in and by an Act, entitled, An Act for the Highways, as in all other Cases of Public Roads and Highways, which said Highway shall be cut sixty Foot broad, according to an Act of this Island, entitled, An Act for the Highways, and well cleared by the Way-wardens of the Parish of Clarendon aforesaid, by the Labour of the Negroes belonging to the said Parish, by them to be warned for that Purpose, so far Westwardly as the Bounds of the said Parish shall be found to extend; and the remaining Part of the Way to Fosters Plantation, as aforesaid, shall be cut and cleared in like Manner by the Way-wardens of St. Elizabeth's: And the said Highway being so cut and cleared, shall for ever hereafter be deemed and taken as a Public Road; and shall, as often as Occasion requires, be maintained, repaired, and cleared, and kept in good Order by the Way-wardens of the said Parish of Clarendon, from the Cross aforesaid to the Westward Bounds of the said Parish of Clarendon, and by the Way-wardens of the Parish of St. Elizabeth, from thence to Forsters Plantation aforesaid, and thence by or through Dickenson’s Plantation to the next Highway, leading to the Parish of Westmoreland, through the Parish of St. Elizabeth aforesaid.

III. And to prevent all Disputes which may arise about the Bounds of the said

Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or otherwise however touching the Execution and Performance of this Law, be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That Jonathan Gale, John Cambel Esq; Jonathan Dickenson, John Forster, and John Hodges, Gentlemen of the said Parish of St. Elizabeth; Peter Beckford, Edward Pennant, Edward Fearon, Thomas Roden, and Thomas Cargil, Esquires, of the Parish of Clarendon, be and are hereby appointed Commissioners to inspect and take Care of the due Execution of this Act; which said Commissioners, or any Three of them, shall and are hereby required to meet at the Cross in Clarendon the first Thursday in November next, in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and five, and there to choose and appoint one lawful and sworn Surveyor for the Parish of St. Elizabeth, and another for the Parish of Clarendon, who shall immediately proceed to the running out of such a Path as by this Act is appointed to be made a Highway, with the most Conveniency to the Public, and the least Prejudice or Damage to any particular Person, from the Cross, as aforesaid, to Burnt Savanna, and through St. Jago Savanna by the said John Sutton's Pen, as aforesaid, to Porus Savanna in Clarendon Parish, to Forsters Plantation in St. Elizabeth's aforesaid; and shall run out, fix, and ascertain the Bounds of the said two Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, according as the same is appointed by a former Act of this Country for the Division of the said two Parishes; and the same so ascertained shall mark out with Stakes or other notable Marks exactly in the Line, to the End a Post of good and durable Timber may be fixed, and for ever kept and maintained therein, when the said Highway comes to be cleared; on which said Post, so to be fixed, shall be cut or carved in good legible Characters, on the Westerly Side thereof, St. Elizabeth; and on the Easterly Side thereof, Clarendon, and the same shall be always known, reputed, and taken as the Boundary of the said two Parishes, and to which these said two Parishes respectively are hereby obliged to clear, and for ever maintain: And in case any Surveyor or Surveyors, so to be chosen respectively, shall neglect or refuse immediately to proceed to the running out the intended Path and Line, as aforesaid, that then, and in such Case, they shall respectively forfeit the Sum of Fifty Pounds.

IV. And it shall and maybe lawful for the said Commissioners, or any Three of them, to appoint Two such other lawful sworn Surveyors, as they shall think fit, who are hereby impowered to act and do in the Premises as by this Act is required and intended, instead of the other Surveyors intended to be chosen respectively by the Commissioners for the said two respective Parishes of Clarendon and St. Elizabeth aforesaid, under the like Penalty of Fifty Pounds; and the said Surveyors so to be chosen and appointed, shall, as soon as they have run out the said Path and Line, make Return of their Doings therein to the said Commissioners, or any Three of them, who shall cause the same to be recorded by the Clerk of the Peace of each of the said Precincts of Clarendon and St. Elizabeth; and that the said Surveyors shall be paid by the Church-wardens of each Parish, for the Work by them done on account of each Parish, as shall be adjudged by the Commissioners aforesaid, or the Majority of them, to be paid out of the Parish Stock respectively.

V. And it is hereby further enacted by the Authority aforesaid. That the said Commissioners having received the Return of the Surveyors, as aforesaid, shall cause Two Copies of the same to be fairly drawn out, one whereof they shall forthwith send to the Way-Wardens of the Parish of Clarendon, and the other wardens to the Way-wardens of St. Elizabeth's,, with their strict Orders to each and every of them in Writing, that they respectively, as before in this Act is appointed, immediately proceed to the cutting down and clearing the said Highway, so as the same may be completed and finished within Eighteen Months after the passing the said Act: And for the better doing and effecting thereof, the said Way-wardens of the said several Parishes, and every of them respectively, are hereby authorised to issue out their Warrants to the Constables and Tythingmen, to warn the Inhabitants of the said Parishes to furnish such Numbers of able Negroes or Slaves, together with such a Number of white Men-drivers to oversee them, as shall be appointed by the Justices and Vestry of each respective Parish, together with such Tools, Provisions and other Necessaries, as shall be thought by them necessary for carrying on the said Work, and finishing the same within the Time hereby limited and appointed, as aforesaid: And whosoever shall fail to send in his or her Proportion of Workers, with such Tools as shall be convenient, shall for every Head pay Three Shillings per Day upon Conviction thereof; to be recovered before any Justices of the Peace by the Surveyors respectively; any thing in this, or any other Act to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.

VI. And if the said Way-wardens, or any of them, shall refuse to do, or neglect his or their Duty in cutting or clearing the said Highway to the Extent of their respective Bounds, as hereby is appointed, he or they so offending shall respectively forfeit the Sum of Fifty Pounds, current Money of this Island: And in case the said intended Highway shall be neglected, and not maintained in good Repair by succeeding Way-wardens, he or they that shall so offend therein, shall respectively lie under the Pains and Penalties provided in an Act of this Island, entitled, An Act for the Highways: And if any Commissioner, Justice, or Surveyor, by this Act appointed, shall neglect his or their Duty, touching the Premises, or any Part thereof, he or they shall respectively forfeit the Sum of Fifty Pounds: And if any Vestryman, Constable, or Tythingman shall neglect his or their Duty, they shall respectively forfeit Twenty Pounds; all which said Forfeitures shall be one Half to the Informer, or to him or them that shall sue for the same; the other Half to the Church-wardens of each of the respective Parishes, to the Use of the said Highways: And all other Forfeitures, not exceeding Forty Shillings, shall be recovered by the Church-wardens of the said Parishes respectively, by Action of Debt before any Justice of the Peace; and if above Forty Shillings, in any Court of Record of this Island, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed, or Non vult ulterius profequi be entered; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary thereof in any wife notwithstanding.

The “New Windward Road” Act 151 1747 P284

This is the road described by Long, the latter part of which is the existing road down the May Day Hills to Gutters, and in Liddell probably went over the hills south of St Jago, up past Green Pond past Elgin, Knockpatrick and Moreland as on the map extract below. On a modern map, it is probably the road from Patrick Town, just north of Plynlimmon to pear Tree

An Act for laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon.

Act for the laying out and making good and convenient Roads between the different Parts of this Island, and from each to the Capital, cannot but contribute much to the future peopling, fettling, and cultivating of the Country, as well as to the Ease, Safety, and Advantage of the present Inhabitants, by promoting and facilitating an Intercourse of Commerce and Communication in Times of Peace, and of Aid and Council, in case of any public Danger: And whereas the Roads at present leading from the Leeward to the Windward Parts of this Island, are on many Accounts extremely incommodious; and it is therefore intended, as well for the Reasons aforesaid, as for the particular Benefit of the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland, and for the more easy Attendance of the Representatives, and others, upon the public Service at St. Jago de la Vega, to lay out and make a good and sufficient Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon; may it therefore please your most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the Governor, Council, and Assembly of this your Majesty's Island of Jamaica, and by Authority of the same, That a good and sufficient Road be forthwith laid out and made from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon; and that the Sum of Three hundred Pounds, out of the Monies to arise by virtue of an Act, entitled, An Act to oblige the several Inhabitants of this Island to provide themselves with a sufficient Number of White Men capable of bearing Arms, or White Women, or pay certain Sums of Money in case they shall be deficient, and applying the same to several Uses; and for adding Commissioners to those appointed for ordering and inspecting the Works to be performed in and about the Fortifications, passed or to be passed in this present Session of Assembly, be for that Purpose vested in the Honourable John Gale and Isaac Gale, Esqrs. and Barnart Andriess Woodstock, Nicholas Newton, Francis Cooke, Benjamin Blake, Norwood Witter, Francis Sadler Hals, Richard Beckford, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxtead, Esqrs. and the Survivors and Survivor of them, who are hereby nominated and appointed Trustees and Commissioners for the said Road; to be received by them, or such Person or Persons as they, or any Three or more of them, shall appoint; and they, or any Three or more of them, are hereby authorized and empowered to receive and apply the same, and to enter into and execute all Contracts, and in general to do and transact all things necessary in that Behalf, to be done, laid out, and expended in making and perfecting the said road; and that the further Sum of Three hundred Pounds be, and the same is hereby also vested in them the said John Gale, Isaac Gale, Barnart Andriess Woodstock, Nicholas Newton, Francis Cooke, Benjamin Blake, Norwood Witter, Francis Sadler Hals, Richard Beckford, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxtead, the said Commissioners; and that the Sum of Two hundred Pounds, part of the said Sum of Three hundred Pounds, shall be raised and paid by the said Parish of St Elizabeth, by an Assessment to be made by the Justices and Vestry of the said Parish, and which they are hereby empowered to make and levy in such Sort, Manner, and Form as other Parish Charges are made and levied in the said Parish, by the Laws and Statutes of this Island; and the remaining Sum of One hundred Pounds shall be raised and levied by the Parish of Westmoreland; to be assessed and levied by the Justices and Vestry of the said Parish, in Manner aforesaid: And that the respective Church-wardens of the said Parishes of St Elizabeth and Westmoreland, shall raise and levy the said several Sums of Two hundred Pounds, and One hundred Pounds, and shall pay the same into the Hands of the said Commissioners, or any Three of them; to be applied by them, or any Three or more of them, in Manner aforesaid, on or before the twenty fifth Day of December next ensuing.

II. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, do and shall, on or before the First Day of May, which shall be in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty-eight, or as soon after as the same can be conveniently done, lay out and expend the said Sums of Three hundred Pounds, and Three hundred Pounds, or so much thereof as shall be necessary for laying out, making, and perfecting such Road, as aforesaid; and they are for that Purpose hereby authorized and empowered, by Warrant or Writing under their Hand and Seals, or under the Hands and Seals of any Three or more of them, to order and empower any Person or Persons whom they, or any Three or more of them shall employ, and with whom they shall contract or agree for that Purpose; and his or their Workmen, Servants, or Slaves, or other Person or Persons to be employed by him or them, to survey, run out, level, drain, raise, ditch, fence, and inclose, and by any Manner of Ways or Means necessary or convenient for that Purpose, to make, or cause to be made, a good and effectual Highway, not exceeding the Breadth of Sixty Feet, in any one Place or Part thereof, and not less than Forty Feet broad, where so much can be cleared and laid open; and the same to be in as straight and direct Lines, and with as few Turnings and as little Declination as the Nature of the Soil and Quality of the Lands thro' which such Road is to be carried, and the Exigency of the Work to be done, can admit of: And that it shall and may be lawful to carry on and prosecute such Work, in Manner aforesaid, and under such Restrictions, Provisos, and Limitations, as are herein after specified, although the Lands through which such Roads are to be made now are or shall then be vested in his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, or any other Person or Persons whatsoever.

III. And whereas the making and perfecting the said Road, and the keeping the same in Repair, may be attended with an Expense exceeding the Sums hereby appropriated for that Use; be it therefore further enacted and is hereby further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said John Gale, Isaac Gale, Barnart Andriess Woodstock, Nicholas Newton, Francis Cooke, Benjamin Blake, Norwood Witter, Francis Sadler Hals, Richard Beckford, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxtead, the Commissioners and Trustees aforesaid, and the Survivors of them, or any Three or more of them, or such Person or Persons as they or any Three or more of them may appoint, as aforesaid, shall and may erect, or cause to be erected One or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes, in, upon, or across any Part or Parts of the said Road; and there shall receive and take the pikes, Toll or Duty following, before any Horse, Cattle, Coach. Berlin, Landau, Chariot, Chaise, Chair, Kitterin, Wagon, Wain, Cart, or other Carriage, shall pass through the fame; to wit, For every Coach, Berlin, Landau, Chariot, Chair, or Chaise drawn by Six Horses or Mules; the Sum of Three Shillings and Nine-Pence; for every of the said Carriages drawn by Four Horses only, the Sum of Two Shillings and Six-Pence; for every Chaise, Chair, or Kitterin drawn by Two Horses, the Sum of Fifteen- fence; and for every one drawn only by One Horse, Seven-Pence Half-penn; and for every Wain, Wagon, Cart, or Carriage for Goods, Provisions, or Merchandizes only, with Four Wheels, and drawn by Three or more Steers, Horses, Mules, or Asses, the Sum of Five Shillings; for every Two-wheeled Cart, or other Carriage of the like Kind, or to the like Use, and drawn by less than Three, Two Shillings and Six-Pence; for every Horse, Mare, Mule, or Ass, laden, and not drawing as aforesaid, Seven-Pence Halfpenny; for every Drove of Steers, Oxen, or neat Cattle, the Sum of Twelve Shillings and Six-Pence per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number; for every Drove of Calves, Sheep, Hogs, Goats, Lambs, or Kids, the Sum of Five Shillings per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number; for every White Person journeying on Horseback, Seven-Pence Half-penny; and for every Person riding on a Mule or Ass, Seven-Pence Halfpenny.

IV. Provided always, That this Act do not extend to charge with the said Toll any Person or Persons Carriages, Cattle, and Things, that may from Time

to Time be employed in the actual Service of the said Trustees and Commissioners, in the making or repairing the said Roads, or collecting the said Tolls: And the said respective Sums of Money shall be received and taken as and for a Toll or Duty, and the Money thereby to be raised is, and shall hereby be vested in, the said Trustees and Commissioners, and be applied and disposed of for the making, keeping, and repairing the said Road, in such Sort, Manner, and Form as before and herein after is mentioned: And the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, are hereby empowered and authorized by themselves, or such Person or Persons as they or any Three or more of them shall appoint, to levy the said several Tolls or Duties, upon any Person or Persons who shall, upon Demand thereof made, neglect or refuse to pay the same, by Distress of any Horse or Horses, Cattle or Carriages, or the Goods thereon laden, from which such Toll is or ought to arise, or upon any other the Goods and Chattels of him or them who ought to pay the same; and such Distress to impound, keep or detain, until such Toll or Duty, with all Costs and Charges reasonably incident to the same, be paid and satisfied; and further to sell and dispose of the same, in such Sort, Manner, and Form, as Distress for Rent Arrear, may be sold and disposed of by the Laws and Statutes of Great Britain.

V. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That such Toll and Duty to be raised and levied, be by the said Trustees and Commissioners applied to and for the laying out and making of the said Road, and the keeping of the same in Repair, and the Charges incident thereto; and to and for no other Purpose whatsoever.

VI. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Person or Persons having, or being in the Care, Management, or Occupation of any Lands adjoining or near to such Road, shall willingly or wittingly suffer any Person or Persons to take or make Use of any Roads or By-Paths through such Lands, whereby to Prevent the Payment of  such Toll or Duty as aforesaid, the Person Or Persons so offending, as well the Owner or Occupier of such Lands as the Party making Use of such Artifice to avoid the Payment of the Toll or Duty aforesaid, upon Complaint, in open Session, or before Two or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the Parish or Precinct where such Offence shall be committed, and due Proof thereof made by Oath of one or more credible Witness or Witnesses, or other probable Circumstance, shall respectively forfeit to the said Trustees and Commissioners Six Times the Value of  such Toll or Duty, or Forty Shillings, at the Election of the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them; to be applied by them, or any Three or more of them, to the Use of this Act. And further, to prevent such Frauds and Abuse as aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, to erect and place one or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes, on the Side or Sides of the said Road, cross any Lane, Path, or Way, leading from the said Road, and there to demand, levy, and take such Toll or Duty, and to have such Remedy for the same as aforesaid, so as the same do not amount to a double Charge, or exacting for the one and the same Thing in one and the same Day.

VII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and  may be lawful to and for such Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, from Time to Time, as Occasion shall require, by such Warrant, or Writing as aforesaid, to appoint one or more Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors of the said Roads, and one or more Receiver or Receivers, Collector or Collectors of the said Toll or Duty, with  such reasonable Salary, Hire, or Reward as they shall think fit; and them or any o; them so appointed to remove, and others in their Place and Stead to put; and that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors, or any of them, their Servants and Slaves, or any others by them commanded, ordered, or appointed to seek for, dig, carry away, and make Use of, for the making or repairing the said Read, any Stones, Gravel, Sand, or other such like Materials, in any common Savannah or other uncultivated Ground not inclosed, next adjoining or most convenient to such Roads.

VIII. Provided always, That nothing in this Act shall be construed to extend to empower the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Person or Persons acting under them, or by virtue of this Act, either in the laying out, making or repairing the said Road., to molest, disturb, or trespass upon any Person or Persons whatsoever, or his or their Dwelling-house, Out-houses or Curtelage, Works, Negro-Houses, Cane Pieces, Plantin Walks, or other Provision-Grounds, or in any Settlement, Pen, Pelinck, Pasture, or other inclosed Grounds whatsoever; but that upon Complaint made by any Person or Persons so mole ed, injured, or trespassed upon, - in open Session, or before Three or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the Parish or Precinct where the same shall happen, it shall and may be lawful for the said Justices in Sessions, or for such the said Justices to whom such Complaint shall be made, (and they are hereby strictly injoined and required so to do) summarily to hear the Parties so complaining, and such Witnesses as they shall offer to produce upon Oath, as likewise the said Trustees and Commissioners, and the Persons so appointed by them and their Witnesses; and upon the Whole to make such Order, either for the proceeding in the said Work, or slaying the same, as to them shall seem meet; such Order so made to be binding upon all Parties, till the said Matter can be heard and determined, in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either by Action of Trespass, to be brought by the Party so complaining, or by Removal of the said Proceedings, either by Certiorari, at the Instance of the said Commissioners, or any of them, as the Case shall happen or require.

IX. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Collector or Collectors, Receiver or Receivers so to be appointed by them the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, shall and may demand, take, and receive the said Toll and Duty, and all such Remedy for the same as is herein before mentioned and expressed; and further, that the said Collector and Collectors, Receiver and Receivers be, and are hereby made liable and accountable to the said Commissioners and Trustees, either according to such particular Contracts as shall be made and shall subsist between them, or, in general, for all such Sums as they shall respectively receive, over and above such Hire, Wages, or Salary, as is herein before mentioned and provided for.

X. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if it shall happen that any Dispute shall arise between the said Trustees and Commissioners and the said Receivers and Collectors, or any of them, or any other of their Deputies, Servants, or Substitutes, concerning the Sums received or to be accounted for, or otherwise, or for or concerning any other Thing whatsoever, that the same shall be decided and determined in such Sort, Manner, and Form, and such Order therein made, so to be obeyed and complied with, until the same shall be brought to a final Determination in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either on Removal of such Proceeding by Certiorari, or other proper Action to be brought by the Party grieved, in such Manner and Form as is herein before mentioned and provided.

XI. And for the further providing for the laying out and making the said Road, and the Expenses and Exigencies thereof; be it further enacted and ordained, by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Commissioners, and the Survivors, of them or any Three or more of them, from Time to Time, as Occasion shall require, by Lease or Mortgage of the said Tolls and Duties herein before laid, with Covenants, to execute the Powers herein given, or Alignment of the same, to raise any Sum or Sums of Money that shall be by them thought necessary for the Purposes aforesaid.

XII. Provided always, That this Act, and every Part thereof, shall be and remain of Force for the Term of Fourteen Years from the passing thereof, and from thence to the End of the next ensuing Session of Assembly, and no longer.

XIII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That this Act shall be deemed and taken to be a public Act, and shall be judicially taken Notice of as such by all Judges, Justices, and others, without specially pleading the same.

1750: More on 1747 Act

An Act for the more effectually carrying into Execution an Act entitled,

An Act for the laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon,

WHEREAS the Commissioners appointed by an Act entitled, An Act; Act for laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the

Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon, passed in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty-seven, by reason of their great Distance from that Part of the Country through which the Road intended by the said Act to be laid out, have not been able to make a Quorum of the said Commissioners so often as was necessary to complete the same: For Remedy whereof, and that the said Road may be effectually and expeditiously laid out and finished, we, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the Governor, Council, and Assembly of this your Majesty's Island of Jamaica, do most humbly beseech your Majesty that it may be enacted; be it therefore enacted by  he Governor, Council, and Assembly of this Island, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That all the Commissioners appointed in and by the said Act, shall, from and after the passing of this Act, cease to be Commissioners, except Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxsted, Esqrs.

II. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That they, the said

Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxsted, together with John Morse, Esq; shall be Commissioners for putting the said Act in Execution; and they, or either of them, mail exercise all the Rights, Jurisdictions, Powers, and Authorities, given by the before recited Act to the former Commissioners, or any Three of them.

III. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all and every the former Commissioners and their Executors and Administrators, and all other Persons whatsoever, in whose Hands any Money shall be and remain, belonging to or applicable to the said Road, shall forthwith pay the same into the Hands of the said Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, George Raxsted, and John Morse, or one of them.

IV. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, George Raxsted, and John Morse, or either of them, shall be, and they are hereby authorized to bring Actions for, and to recover in their, or either of their Names, either in Law or Equity, and to receive all and every Sum or Sums of Money belonging or applicable to the said Road, and to give Acquittances upon receiving the same; and they, or either of them, are further hereby empowered to do all and every other Act and Acts, Thing and Things, which the Commissioners appointed in and by the said recited Act, could or might lawfully do; any Law or Statute to the contrary notwithstanding.



Repairing St Jago – Pepper Road Vol 2 Act 32, 1762 P69

An Act, for amending and keeping in repair a Road leading from Pepper Plantation over Mayday Hills in the Parish of St Elizabeth, to Saint Jago Plantations in the Parish of Clarendon; and for vesting in Trustees the toll raised by a Turnpike on the said Mayday Hills for the Purposes aforesaid.

WHEREAS an Act entitled an Act for the laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over the May Day hills in the Parish of St Elizabeth to Saint Jago Savannah in the Parish of Clarendon, expired the last session of the assembly, and whereas the making and keeping in repair good and sufficient Roads will contribute much to the settling and cultivating this Island as well as to the Ease, Safety and Advantage of the Inhabitants thereof, by facilitating an Intercourse of Commerce and Communication in Times of Peace, and of Aid and Council in case of public Danger; and whereas the aforesaid Road leading over Mayday Hills cannot, by the ordinary Course provided by the Laws of this Island for repairing the Highway, be effectually amended and kept in good repair; to the intent that so necessary a Road may be with all convenient Speed amended and kept in good and sufficient Repair, may it please your most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted, Be it therefore enacted by the Governor, Council and Assembly of this your Majesty's Island of Jamaica; and it is hereby enacted by the Authority of the same, that the Honorable John Scott, the Honorable Norwood Witter and the Honorable Zachary Bayly, Esquires, Members of your Majesty's Council; John Olyphant, Robert Dellap, John Campbell, William Lewis, James Dawes, Alexander Crawford, Thomas Fearon, Luke Spencer Dowell and Walrond Fearon, Esquires, Members of the present Assembly, and Julines Beckford, George Raxtead, David Mitchell, Christopher Brooks, Thomas Wallin, Esquires, and the Reverend John Venn shall be, and they are hereby nominated and appointed Trustees, for the surveying, ordering, amending and keeping in Repair the said Road, leading from Pepper Plantation over Mayday Hills in the Parish of Saint Elizabeth, to Saint Jago Plantations in the Parish of Clarendon; and also, for putting in Execution all other the Powers in and by this Act given, and they and that the Survivors of them, or any three or more of them, or such Person or Persons as they or any five or more of them shall authorize or appoint, shall and may, from and immediately after the passing of this Act, erect or cause to be erected, one or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes in, upon, or across any Part or Parts of the said Road, and their shall receive and take the Toll or Duty following, before any Horse or other Beast, or any Coach, Berlin, Landaw, Chariot, Chair, Chaise, Ketterine, Wain, Cart, or other Carriages shall pass thro' the same; to wit, for every Coach, Berlin, Landaw, Chariot, Rates of the Chair or Chaise drawn by six Horses or Mules, the Sum of Seven Shillings and Sixpence; for every of the aforesaid Carriages drawn by four Horses or Mules only, the Sum of five Shillings; for every Chaise, Chair or Ketterine, drawn by two Horses or two Mules, the Sum of two Shillings and Sixpence; and for every one, drawn only by one Horse or Mule, one Shilling and Threepence; and for every Wain, Waggon, Cart or Carriage for Goods, Provisions or Merchandizes only, with four Wheels and drawn by three or more Steers, Horses, Mules or Asses, the Sum of Ten Shillings; for every two wheeled Cart or other Carriage of the like kind, or to the like Use and drawn by less than three Steers, Horses or Mules, five Shillings; for every Horse, Mare, Mule or Ass, loaden and not drawing as aforesaid, one Shilling and threepence; for every drove of Steers, Oxen or Neat Cattle, the Sum of one Pound five Shillings per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number, for every Drove of Calves, Sheep, Hogs, Goats, Lambs, or Kids, the Sum of Ten Shillings per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number; for every Person journeying on Horse-back, one Shilling and threepence; for every Person riding on a Mule or Ass, one Shilling and threepence.

II. Provided always that this Act doth not extend to charge with the said Toll, any Person or Persons, Carriages, Cattle and Things that shall from Time to Time be employed in the actual Service of the said Trustees in the amending or repairing the said Road, or collecting the said Tolls; and the said respective Sums of Money shall be received and taken as and for a Toll or Duty, and the Money thereby to be railed is and shall hereby be veiled in the said Trustees, and be applied and disposed of, for the amending and keeping in repair the said Road, in such Sort, Manner and Form as herein after is mentioned; and the said Trustees or any three or more of them, are hereby empowered and authorized, by themselves or such Person or Persons, as they or any five or more of them shall appoint, to levy the said several Tolls or Duties upon any Person or Persons, who shall upon Demand thereof made, neglect or refuse to pay the same, by distress of any Horse or Horses, Cattle or Carriages, or the Goods thereon loaden, from which such Toll is or ought to arise, or upon any other the Goods and Chattels of him or them, who ought to pay the same, and such Distress to impound, keep or detain, until such Toll or Duty, with all Costs and Charges reasonably incident to the same be paid and satisfied; and further to fell and dispose of the same, in such Sort, Manner and Form, as distresses for Rent-Arrears may be sold and disposed of, by the Laws and Statutes of Great-Britain.

III. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That such Toll and Duty so to be raised and levied shall be, by the laid Trustees applied to and for the amending and keeping in good and sufficient repair the said Road, and the charges incident thereto, and to and for no other Purpose whatsoever.

IV. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person or Persons, having or being in the Care, Management, or Occupation of any Lands adjoining or near to such Road, shall willingly or wittingly suffer any Person or Persons to take or make Use of any Roads or bye Paths through such Lands, thereby to prevent the Payment of such Toll or Duty as aforesaid, and the Person or Persons so offending, as well the Owner or Occupier of such Lands, as the Party making Use of such Artifice, to avoid the Payment of the Toll or Duty aforesaid, upon complaint in open Session, or before two or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the Parish or Precinct where such Offence shall be committed, and due Proof thereof made by Oath of one or more credible Witness or Witnesses, or other probable Circumstance, shall respectively forfeit to the said Trustees, six times the Value of such Toll or Duty, or Forty Shillings, at the Election of the said Trustees, or any three or more of them, to be applied by them or any three or more of them, to the Uses in this Act mentioned; and further, to prevent such Frauds and Abuses as aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Trustees, or any three or more of them, to erect and place one or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes, on the Side or Sides of the said Road, cross any Lane, Path or Way leading from the said Road, and there to Demand, levy or take such Toll or Duty, and to have such Remedy for the same as aforesaid, so as the same do not amount to a double Charge, or exacting for the one and the same Thing, in one and the same Day.

V And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful, to and for such Trustees, or any five or more of them from Time to Time as Occasion shall require, by such Warrant or Writing as aforesaid, to appoint one or more Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors of the laid Roads, and one or more Receiver or Receivers, Collector or Collectors of the said Toll or Duty, with such reasonable Salary, Hire or Reward, as they shall think fit, and them or any of them so appointed to remove, and others in their Place and Stead to put, and that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors, or any of them, their Servants and Slaves or any others by them commanded, ordered or appointed, to seek for, dig, carry away and make Use of, for making or repairing the said Road, any Stones Gravel, Sand or other such like Materials, in any Common, Savannah or other uncultivated Ground, not enclosed, next adjoining or most convenient to such Roads.

VI. Provided always, that nothing in this Act shall be construed to extend, to empower the said Trustees or any Person or Persons acting under them, or by Virtue of this Act, either in the laying out, making or repairing the said Road, to molest, disturb or trespass upon any Person or Persons whatsoever, or his or their dwelling House, Out house or Curtelage, Works, Negro houses, Cane Pieces, Plantain Walks or other Provision Grounds, or in any Settlement, Penn, Polink, Pasture or other inclosed Grounds whatsoever; but that upon Complaint made, by any Person or Persons so molested, injured or trespassed upon, in open Session, or before two or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, for the Parish or Precincts where the same shall happen, it shall and may be lawful for the said Justices in Sessions, or for such of the said Justices, to whom such Complaint shall be made, and they are hereby strictly injoined and required so to do, summarily to hear the Parties so complaining, and such Witnesses as they shall offer to produce upon Oath, as likewise the said Trustees and the Persons so appointed by them, and their Witnesses, and upon the whole to make such Order, either for the proceeding in the said Work, or flaying the same, as to them shall seem meet, such Order so made to be binding upon all Parties, till the said Matter can be heard and determined in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either by Action of Trespass to be brought by the Party so complaining or by removal of the said Proceedings, either by Certiorari at the instance of the said Trustees, or any of them, as the cafe shall happen or require.

VII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Collector or Collectors, Receiver or Receivers, so to be appointed by hem, the said Trustees, or any five or more of them, shall and may demand, take and receive the said Toll and Duty, and have all such Remedies or the same, as is herein before mentioned and expressed; and further, that the said Collector and Collectors, Receiver and Receivers, be, and they are hereby made liable and accountable, to the said Trustees, either according to such particular Contracts as shall be made and shall subsist between them, or in general, for all such Sums as they shall respectively receive over and above such Hire, Wages or Salary as is herein before-mentioned and provided for.

VIII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if it shall happen, that any dispute shall arise between the said Trustees, and the said Receiver and Collectors or any of them, or any of their Deputies, Servants or Substitutes concerning the Sums received, or to be accounted for, or otherwise, or for or concerning any other Thing whatsoever, that the same shall be decided and determined in such Sort, Manner and form, and such Order therein made, so to be obeyed and complied with, until the same shall be brought to a final Determination, in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either on Removal of such Proceeding by Certiorari, or other proper Action to be brought by the Party grieved n such Manner and Form as is herein before mentioned and provided.

IX. AND whereas, there are many Owners or Possessors of Lands joining to, or upon the said Road, and near to the Ends or Limits of the same, who may be put to great Expenses, were they subjected to pay the full Toll or Rates, not only on the necessary Occasions of sending their Cattle of different kinds to Water or Work, but also for the Carriage of Provisions from their Grounds or Timber for the Building or repairs of their Works, be it therefore enacted, that the Trustees aforementioned or any three or more of them be impowered, to agree with the said Owners or Possessors of Land joining to or upon the said Road, or with the Attorneys or Overseers of such Owners or Possessors of the said Lands, upon such Terms as to them may appear reasonable, for yearly or half yearly Sums, to be paid to the Collector or Collectors aforesaid, towards keeping the said Road in repair, instead of the Toll or Rates before specified and expressed.

X. And be it further enacted that this Act, and every Part thereof shall be and remain in Force, for the Term of Fifteen Years, from the passing thereof, and from thence to the end of the next ensuing Session of Assembly, and no longer.

XI. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That this Act shall be deemed and taken to be a Public Act, and shall be Judicially taken notice of as such, by all Judges, Justices, and others without specially pleading the same.

XII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Secretary of this Island, do cause this Act to be printed, and send two Copies thereof to each of the Trustees herein before named and appointed, the Expense whereof shall be paid him by the Receiver General out of any Monies in his Hands unappropriated.

Also Private acts:
30G2 re 7 Rivers & Martin Williams
26G2 re Francis Smith etc

An act for the laying out, making and repairing, a road from Chesterfield plantation in the parish of St Elizabeth, through Montpelier plantation, belonging to Francis Sadler Hales, esq, to the north sea (17 nov 1750)

Extract from Long: on Western Road


This great Western road, which leads from Spanish Town, traverses St. Jago Savannah, and the bridge of Milk River, in Clarendon; not far beyond which is the estate which belonged to the late lord Ol—ph—t. Soon after leaving this, the ascent begins over May-day Hills, continuing rocky for about half a mile, till it narrows into a gloomy path between two hills, over-hung with the interwoven boughs of trees on each side, which form an agreeable shade. At the end of two or three miles further on is a small plantation and pimento-grove; and, beyond this, the way opens suddenly upon a pretty rising lawn, on the highest part of which stands a little villa, belonging lately to Mr. W—stn—y, who is said to be a natural son of the late duke of L—ds. This villa over­looks a diminutive vale, through which the high road passes, and extends its narrow prospect to another delightful, rising spot, of a circular form, and fringed with stately trees. A number of kids, lambs, and sheep, are pastured in the glade, or roam on the sides of the adjacent hills, which are fenced in with a wall of craggy mountains, richly cloathed with wood. In rural charms few places exceed this little spot. The road across this assemblage of high lands is extremely curious in every part, and worthy the traveller’s attention. There are none in England, nor I believe in Europe, resembling it. It divides the May-day Ridges, as it were, through the middle; the breadth of which, from East to West, is upwards of fourteen miles; it is about fifty feet in width, and confined on each side by a majestic wood, that is almost impervious to the sun. The lofty trees, so close arranged, form a living wall; and, inter­mingling their leafy branches, afford a cooling shade during the greater part of every day throughout the year. The Tavern of Knock-patrick (belonging also to Mr. W—stn—y), the next settlement we come to, stands very commodiously, and enjoys a most excellent climate. The English beans, pease, and other cu­linary vegetables of Europe, grow here, in most seasons of the year, to the utmost perfection. A gentleman who supped here could not help remarking, that the victuals were literally brought smoaking-hot to table; a phenomenon seldom observed in the low lands, where the air is so much more rarefied. A species of the tarantula spider is said to be often found in this part of the country. The woods abound with paroquets, and pigeons of various sorts. The laghetto, and other useful trees, such as maho­gany, cedar, pigeon-wood, &c. This tavern stands in the midst of these woods, and as yet has but a very small tract of cleared ground about it. Every appearance of the road to the Westward of it is similar to what is observed on the approach to it from the Eastward, till the hills begin to decline, and the parish of St. Elizabeth breaks upon the view. From the different parts of this declivity, the prospects are finely variegated, and, from some stations, are extended not only over the champaign-country of this parish, but into great part of Westmoreland many miles: but one of the most pleasing scenes is, the spacious trail of open land, called Labour-in-vain Savannah, which appears partly of a vivid green, and partly of a russet colour. One side of it is girt about with romantic hills and woods; the other, towards the South, is washed by the sea; the middle sweep is graced with scattered clumps of trees and under-wood; which objects all together combine in exhibiting a very picturesque and beautiful appearance.




Land Areas – Acres, Roods & Poles

From Wikipedia, 3/2017:

(square) rod, pole or perch = 25.29 sq m
1 pole x 1 pole = 1 (square) pole = 30.25 square yards = 1 (square) pole

40 (square) poles = 1 rood,
Rod, pole and perch are rather complicated. First, they are different names for the same unit of length, which is five and a half yards (see length page). To shorten the explanations, I use one unit rather than all three. Next, they could also be used as a unit of area. So a 10 perch allotment would be 5.5 yards wide by 55 yards long, or 10 square perch. To make my explanations clear, I say '(square) rod' to mean rod as a unit of area.

rood = 1011.71 sq m =1210 square yards = 1 rood
40 (square) poles = 1 rood
1 furlong x 1 pole = 1 rood

4 roods = 1 acre
Old records of land mention areas measured in '... A, ...R, ...P'. This will be acres, roods and (square) poles or perch.
Old American records refer to a 'goad', which may be the same as a rood, although a goad may be other sizes as well.
acre = 0.4 hectares = 4840 square yards = 1 acre

1 furlong x 1 chain = 1 acre
10 square chains = 1 acre
4 roods = 1 acre

640 acres = 1 square mile
An acre is a conventional measure of area. It was defined in the time of Edward I (1272-1307) and was supposed to be the area that a yoke of oxen could plough in a day. Acre is derived from the Latin for field, but the common field system of medieval times in Britain was ten acres. An acre is a furlong long and a chain wide. In fact, an archaic word for furlong was 'acre-length' and for chain 'acre-width'. See the length page for furlong and chain.

The Scottish and Irish used to have different values for their acres. The Scottish acre was 6150.4 square yards and the Irish acre was 7840 square yards.

Hide =  ?40 hectares = ?100 acres = 1 hide
A hide was enough land to support a house-hold, usually between 60-120 acres (24-48 hectares). A hide of good land was smaller than that of poor quality. Hides are used in the Doomsday Book. However, I have a reference of a hide as 100 acres.

A correspondent wrote: An oxgang was viking measure used in the Doomsday Book, and was the area of land that an ox could plough in one season. Since oxen were usually used in teams of eight, the area that eight ox could plough was called a bovate, or carucate. So an oxgang was about 15 acres, and a bovate was 100-120. Just to make it more awkward, parts if England not under Danelaw used the virgate, which was twice the size of an oxgang (because you used two ox instead of one), and a carucate was then known as a Hide.


8 Ryals = 5/- Jamaican currency
8 Pistoles = 10/- currency
5 Moidore = £10 currency
12 Hd Joe = £33 currency
17 cwts. doubloon = 18/- currency
Half Johannes
Quarter Joe
Half Moidore

Barrel Sizes



An English and later British unit of capacity, a quarter of a tun, = 63 wine gallons. After conversion to imperial measure in 
1824, the hogshead became 52.5 imperial gallons, about 238.7 liters. See beer and ale for a chart showing its changes over time for those commodities. See wine barrel for a chart showing its changes in value and its relation to other wine measures. Abbr., hhd.

In Ceylon, a law in force in 1900 fixed the hogshead at 63 gallons.

In addition to the legal value, the hogshead had various conventional commercial values, depending on the commodity.


Mid 19th century,
according to Waterston

20th century


54 imperial gallons



45–60 imp. gal. some say 57

60 imp. gal. 273 liters


46 imp. gallons

46-49 imp. gal. 209-225 liters

madeira, marsala


46 imp. gal. 209 liters



58 imp. gal. 264 liters

Scotch whisky

55–60 imp. gallons

 56 imp. gal. 255 liters



55 imp. gal. 250 liters

sugar (West Indies)

1,456–1,792 pounds avoirdupois.



1,344–2,016 pounds avoirdupois.


Hock, Rhine and
Moselle wine

30 gallons




See these statutes: 1 Richard III, chapter 132 Henry VI chapter 14

Another source gives a hogshead of sugar as 272 kgs (600 lbs): this looks more likely with a specific gravity of about 1 for the sugar as packed and 60 gallons or so.



An English measure of capacity for wine, one third of a tun. This unit is also called a firkin or tertian.  After 
1824 it = 70 imperial gallons, about 318.2 liters.  Previously it had been 84 wine gallons. See wine barrel for a chart showing its relationship to other wine measures.

It also had other conventional commercial values, for particular commodities:

Mid 19th century, according toWaterston


100 to 110 imperial gallons


1,120 to 1,344 pounds av.


90 to 100 imperial gallons

Scotch whiskey

112 to 120 imperial gallons

Lederer speculates that the 18th century American pon, a cask in which sugar was shipped, was a shortening of puncheon.1

1. Richard M. Lederer, Jr.
Colonial American English. A Glossary.
Essex, Connecticut: A Verbatim Book, 1985.




Apples, Bushel lb 40 & up
Almonds, seron cwt 1.1/4 to 2s
      basket cwt 1.1/4 to 1.1/2
      Jordan, box lb 25
Anchovies, barrel lb 30
Beef (Irish), tierce of 38 pieces lb 304
Brandy, hogshead imp. gals 45 to 60
Puncheon imp. gals 100 to 110
    1/4 cask imp. gals 20 to 25
Bricks, load No. 500
Bullion, bar lb15 to 30
Butter, firkin lb 56
   tub lb 84
   barrel lb 224
Calico, piece yds 28
Carnphor, box about cwt 1
Candles, barrel lb 120
Cheese, stone lb 16
Cider, pipe imp. gals 100 to 118
Cinnamon, bale lb 92.1/2
Cloves a rnatt, lb 80 chest. lb 200
Coal, ton (10 sacks of 2 cwt) cwt20
Newcastle chaldron of 3 wains cwt 52.1/2
    estimated for boats at cwt 53
Cochineal ,seron lb 140
    bag lb 200. 70,000 insects to a lb
Coffee, tierce cwt 5 to 7
   barrel cwt 3 to 11
   bag cwt 11 to 11
Mocha, bale cwt 2 to 2.1/2
Cocoa bag, about cwt 1,
   cask, cwt 1.1/4
Cotton Wool (Virginia, Carolina, Georgia, West Indies)
   bale lb 300 to 310
    (New Orleans, Alabama) lb 400 to 500
   (East India) bale lb 320 o 360
   (Brazil), bale lb 196 to 250
   (Egyptian), bale lb 1 80 to 280
Currants, butt cwt 15 to 20
Figs, Faro, frail lb 32
Malaga lb 56
   barrel lb96 to 360
Fish, maze fish 615
   last.. fish 13,200
Fish, warp fish 4
   a long hundred fish 132
   a barrel of herrings. gals 32
    keg of sturgeon gals 4 to 5
Flour, peck or stone lb 14
   boll of 10 pecks or stones lb 140
   sack or 2 bolls lb 280
   barrel , lb 196
Ginger (Jamaica), bag, about . cwt 1
   (Barbados), bag, about cwt 1.1/4
   (East India), bag, about cwt 1
Glass seam of lb 120
Gum Arabic, E. I. chest cwt 6
Turkey, chest cwt 4
Gunpowder, barrel . cwt 1
   last 24 barrels or 2,400 lb
Hide: dicker skins 10
   last dickers 20
Hock aum . gals 30
Honey, gallon lb 12
Hops, pocket 1 cwt 1.1/2 to 2
  bag nearly cwt 2.1/2
Indigo, E.I. about 3.1/2 maunds lb 260
   (Guatemala) seron . lb 250
Lead, tother, or fodder lb 2,400
Mace, case, about cwt 1.1/2
Molasses, puncheon cwt 10 to 12
Muslin, piece yds 10
Mustard, cask lb 9 to 18
Nutmegs, casks lb 200
Nuts (Barcelona) lb 126
   (Messina), bag cwt l.1/2 to 1.3/4
Oil, tun wine gals 252
   imp. gals 210
   ton lb 1,770
Olive, Oil, chest of 60 flasks imp. gals 125
   jar imp, gals 25
Opium (East India.),chest 2 maunds, or lb 149.1/3
   (Turkey).. lb 136
Pepper (black), Company's bag lb 316
   free trade bags lb 28, 56, 112
   (white), bag, about cwt 1.1/2
Pilchards, hogshead (about 3,000 fish) gals 40
Plums. 1/4box. about lb 20
Plums, carton lb 9
Pork (Irish), tierce, 80 pieces, or lb 320
Potashes, barrel lb 120
Potatoes, bag lb 112 and 168, bushels 4 & 5
Quicksilver, bottle, about lb 84
   Valencia, box, from about lb 30 to 40
   a drum, about lb 24
   a barrel cwt 1
   (Malaga), a cask cwt 1
   (Turkey), a cask cwt 2.1/2
   (Ma)aga), a box lb 22
Rice, (East India), bag about cwt 1.1/2
   (American), cask cwt 6
Resin, barrel, about cwt 2
Rum, puncheon gals 90 to 100
   hogshead gals 45 to 50
Soapbarrel lb 256
   firkin, lb 64
Soda, cask cwt 3 to 4
Steel, faggot lb 120
Stone of iron lb 14
   butcher's meat lb 8
   glass lb 5
   hemp lb 32
   cheese lb 16
Straw load 11 cwt 64 lb
   truss lb 36
Sugar (West India), hogshead cwt 13 to 16
   tierce cwt 7 to 9
   (Mauritius), mat or bag cwt 1 to 1.1/2
   (East India), bag cwt 1 to 1.3/4
Tallow, cask, about cwt 9
Tapioca, barrel, about cwt 1.1/4
Tar, barrel imp. gals 261
Tea, India, Ceylon, Pakistan, East Africa,Indonesia.:
   chest, 19 in x19 in x 24 in approx. lb 110
   half chest 18 in x 18 in x 20 in approx lb 100
Tiles, load tiles 1,000
Tobacco, hogshead cwt12 to 18
Train Oil, gallon lb 9
Turpentine, barrel cwt 2 to 2.1/2
Vermilion, bag lb 50
Whisky (Scotch), puncheon imp. gals 112 to 120
   hogshead imp. gals 55 to 60
Wool, pack lb 2,403
   tod lb 28


8 pounds 1 stone
25 stone (beef) 1 barrel
28 stone (pork) 1 barrel
Irish Beef Irish Pork
8 pounds 1 piece 4 pounds = 1 piece
38 pieces 1 tierce 80 pieces = 1 tierce


2 fish = 1 hand 4 gills = 1 mutchkin
37.1/2. imperial galls. = 1 cran 2 mutchkins = 1 choppin
13,200 fish = 1 last 2 choppins = 1 pint
14 Pounds 1 Stone.
28 1 Quarter Cwt.
56 1 Half Cwt.
1 Sack of 112 Pounds 1 Cwt.
1 Double Sack of 224 Pounds 2 Cwt.
20 Cwt or 10 Large Sacks 1 Ton.
21 Tons 4 Cwt 1 Barge or Keel.
20 Keels, or 424 Tons ' 1 Ship Load.
140 Cwt or 7 Tons 1 Room
25.1/2 Cwt 1 Chaldron.
By the Weights and Measures Act of 1889, all coal had to be sold by Avoirdupois Weight. A truck of coal weighson an average about 8 tons.


3 Bushels = 1 Sack, 12 Sacks = 1 Chaldron.


100 Superficial Feet of Planking = 1 Square.
120 Deals = 1 Hundred.
108 Cubic Feet . 1. = 1 Stack.
120 = 1 Cord.
50 Cubic Feet of Squared Timber, or }
40 , of Unhewn or 1 Load or Ton. } 1 Load or ton.
600 Square . of 1" Planking }


7 Pounds 1 clove
14 lb or 2 cloves 1 stone
2 Stones, or 28 lb 1 tod
6 Tods 1 Wey
2 Weys 1 sack
12 Sacks 1 last
20 Pounds 1 score
12 Score, or 240 lb 1 pack
In different counties the stone of wool varies from 12 lb to 16 lb but the statutory value is 14 lb. Wool is weighed by wool weight only.


1 quartern of flour 3 lbs. 8 ozs. avoirdupois
1 quartern of bread 4 lbs. 5 ozs. 8.1/2. drs. avoirdupois
1 peck of flour 14 lbs. avoirdupois
1 peck of bread 17 lbs. 6 ozs. 2 drs. avoirdupois
1 bushel of flour 56 lbs. (4 pecks)
1 sack of flour 280 lbs. (5 bushels)


lb oz drm
A Peck Loaf weighs 17 6 2
A Half-Peck Loaf 8 11 1
A Quartern Loaf 4 5 8.1/2
A Quartern (or Quarter-Peck) of Flour 3 8 0
A Peck or Stone of Flour 14 0 0
A Bushel of Flour 56 0 0
A Sack of Flour, or 5 Bushels 280 0 0
Under wartime regulation bread had to be sold in loaves of 1 lb 14 oz or 15 oz.
Bakers are forbidden by Statute to sell bread by the peck or quartern.


8 Pounds make 1 Clove or Half Stone.
32 Cloves or 256 lb 1 Wey in Suffolk.
42 Cloves or 336 lb 1 Wey in Essex.
56 Pounds of Butter 1 Firkin.
84 1 Tub.
224 1 Barrel.


5 Pounds make 1Stone.
120 Pounds or 24 Stones 1Seam.


36 Pounds make 1 Truss of Straw.
56 Pounds 1 Truss of Old Hay.
60 Pounds 1 Truss of New Hay.
36 Trusses 1 Load.
1 Load of New Hay 19 Cwt 32 lb.
1 Load of Old Hay 18 Cwt.
1 Load of Straw 11 Cwt 64 lb
1 Cubic Yard of New Hay 6 Stone or 84 lb.
1 Cubic Yard of Old Hay 8 Stone or 1 Cwt


4        Francis Maitland 2nd Shipping



PRO Kew 29/4/94: Register's of Seaman's Service:
BT 119-12 gives FM ref no 1156
BT 112-44 shows FM: (register 1836-1845)
Age 25, b at Jamaica, voyage: m 9/56    Westbroke
BT 120-4 f558:  (register 1835-36)
Maitland, Francis, age 25, born Jamaica, Mate, Westbroke of London 7/9/36.
This appeared to be his only voyage recorded by this system.
BT98-384: Crew Record for Westbrooke shows Francis M (age 25 born Jamaica) sailed to Jamaica and back, joining the ship 25/1/1836 and leaving 6/9/1836. The master was Joseph A Freeman aged 30.

Giddy Hall pen shipped 20 tons of fustic and 45 bags pimento in 1834 in the Westbrook, so it highly likely that Francis was on this voyage
London Standard London, 27 Sep 1834, SHIP NEWS
sailed, the Westbrook, from Jamaica, the Black River Packet.

Royal Gazette, Jamaica 12/3/36[1],
Shipping intelligence:
"Westbrooke, barque, Freeman, London, Last Downs 31 days, arr Port Royal, 8/3/36." Passengers: Messrs Hankin & Goatley.
Advertised as sailing for London, and shown loading for some weeks before sailing for London 21/7/36. Passengers: Rev A Campbell, lady 2 daughters and servant, Mrs Freeman (Captain's wife??), Mr Thomas Bilby, Masters Alexander, Samuel & Solomon Lazarus.
Arrived 8/9/1836 London from Jamaica.
(Freeman noted as Captain of another ship sailing between London & Jamaica: probably a regular on the run – the Katherine in Lloyd’s Reg 1836).

The Westbrooke was built by Hillhouse and son of Bristol and completed 10/10/1820 for a syndicate of owners, including the 1st master, James Hall and several merchants.  She was first registered 6/11/1820.
She had one deck, 3 masts, was 98'8" x 24'8", square sterned and 5'2" between decks. She was 265 Tons.  Lloyds register of shipping show her still sailing the trade routes in 1846[2].
1826 Lloyd’s Reg: Master J. Hall, 265sdb, Bristol LS&K, 5, G.Joad, 16, Lo. Jamaica, A1 10, A1,6. C2 26 J Hall & C23 rp 24 Smith,
A Bark has 3, 4 or 5 masts, square rigged, with aft mast fore & aft rigged.

The travels of the Westbrooke have been found from newspaper reports (for the extracts see the Jamaica Appendix volume).

The Westbrook appears in the newspaper reports by 1829, sailing regularly between Jamaica and England; a report of her arrival in 1834 describes her as the Black River Packet. Captain Freeman takes over as captain sometime before 1834. When Francis Maitland joined is unknown.

“Shipping News” confirmed that Westbrook, Freeman, sailed for Jamaica[3] 28/1/1836 and returned about 7 September 1836[4].
Westbrooke went on sailing to Jamaica under Captain Freeman & others for a few years before changing to the East, Australia & other ports on the way.

Lloyd’s Register 1836:
Westbrook Bk, PH& C 33, J Green, 266, Bristol, 1820, Joad & Co, London, Lon Jamaica, -, AE1 39.

London Standard London, 9 May 1829, SHIP NEWS
Passed, the Westbrook, Smith, for Jamaica.

Morning Post London, 12 May 1829, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, Smith, Jamaica

Morning Post London, 4 Nov 1829, SHIP NEWS
London, Westbrook, Smith; and Juno, Pritchard, Jamaica

Morning Post, London, 21 Sept 1830
Arrived the Westbrook, Smith, from Jamaica.

Morning Post London, 12 Jan 1831, SHIP NEWS
With — Westbrook, from London, 18th ult. lat. 23. 52. long. 29. 23

Morning Chronicle, London, 4 May 1831
.. the Westbrook, Smith, from Jamaica.

Morning Post, London, 28 Sept 1831
Arrived the Westbrook, Smith.

Royal Gazette, Jamaica (PRO CO141 30), Shipping intelligence, 1832.
"Westbrooke, barque, Smith, (from) Downs, arr Port Royal, 27/11/1832."
4 Passengers, plus cargo.

London Standard 13 April, 1833
Westbrooke from Jamaica

London Standard London, 27 Sep 1834, SHIP NEWS
sailed, the Westbrook, from Jamaica, the Black River Packet.

London Standard, 29 Nov 1834
remains the Westbrook, Freeman, for Jamaica.

Morning Post London, 8 Dec 1834, SHIP NEWS
Porcupine, Westbrook, from Llandovery

Francis’s voyage:
Morning Post London, 28 Jan 1836, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, Freeman, for Jamaica

London Standard London, 6 Sep 1836, SHIP NEWS
the Westbrook. from (Jamaica)
Morning Post London, 7 Sep 1836, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook from Jamaica
Morning Post London, 8 Sep 1836, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, Freeman, from Jamaica

Kentish Gazette Kent, 7 Mar 1837, DEAL, Feb. 27
Westbrook, Freeman, for Jamaica

London Standard 16 Sept 1837:
Express from Liverpool.
...to sail, the Westbrooke, from Old Harbour, the same day for London (1 Aug).

London Standard London, 19 Sep 1837 SHIP NEWS
the Westbrook, from Jamaica

Morning Post London, 7 Oct 1837, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, Morgan, for Jamaica
London Standard London, 6 Nov 1837, ship news.
the Westbrook, for Jamaica
Morning Chronicle London, 8 Nov 1837, SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE

Westbrook, Morgan, for Jamaica;

Kentish Gazette Kent, England, 14 Nov 1837, DEAL, Nov. 6
Westbrook, Morgan, for Jamaica;

Royal Cornwall Gazette Cornwall, England 17 Nov 1837
Westbrook, Morgan, from London

London Standard London, 4 Jun 1838 SHIP NEWS
the Westbrook, Morgans, from Jamaica
Morning Post London, 7 Jun 1838
Westbrook Morgan, from Jamaica;
Kentish Gazette Kent, 12 Jun 1838, DEAL, May 28
Westbrook, Morgan, from Jamaica.

London Standard London, 19 Sep 1838, SHIP NEWS;
the Westbrook, for the Mauritius;

Morning Post London, 13 Oct 1838, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook. Lemmington, for the Mauritius

London Standard London, 22 Oct 1838, SHIP NEWS
the Westbrook, for the Mauritius
Morning Post London, 23 Oct 1838, SHIP NEWS,
Westbrook, Linnington, for the Mauritius Oct. 21

Morning Post London, 12 Jun 1839, SHIP NEWS

Westbrook. Leamington, March 1, from London and the Cape

London Standard London, 12 Jun 1839, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook. arrived at the Mauritius

Morning Chronicle London, 26 Mar 1839, SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE
by the Westbrook arrived at the Cape of Good The Hope

Morning Post London, 20 Jul 1839, SHIP NEWS

Westbrook, Lexington, New South Wales

Morning Post London, 4 Apr 1840, SHIP NEWS
the Westbrook cleared Dec. 24, for Sydney

1840 April. 21.-For Port Essington and India, the barque Westbrook, Captain Linnington, in ballast. Australasian Chronicle (Sydney, NSW : 1839 - 1843) (about)   Previous issueFriday 24 April 1840 http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/31728139

Morning Post London, 23 Jun 1840, SHIP NEWS.
Westbrook, Lennington, from the Mauritius

Morning Post London, 12 Sep 1840, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, from Sydney

Morning Post London, 13 Mar 1841, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, Nov. 22, from Bombay

Cork Examiner Cork, Republic of Ireland, 27 Sep 1841

Arrived.. Westbrook, Linnington, Canton, teas

Liverpool Mercury Merseyside, 19 Nov 1841, Shipping Intelligence
Westbrook, Linnlngten, Sydney

Morning Post London, England, 12 Nov 1841, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, Lemington, for Port Philip and Sydney

London Standard London, 6 Apr 1842 SHIP NEWS
the Westbrook, for Port Philip

Morning Post London, 28 Mar 1842, SHIP NEWS
Westbrook, for Port Philip and Sydney

Morning Post London, 19 Dec 1842, SHIP NEWS,
Westbrook, from Liverpool

Came to Port Phillip in 1842: (http://www.oocities.org/vic1847/42/c.html)
Westbrook barque 266 tons, Captain Linnington arrived late 4 Aug 1842 from Liverpool on 5 Apr 1842 via St Jago, Cape deVerde Islands, Report 9 Aug, Passengers Mrs and Master William Linnington. Miss Eyne, Revd B Hurst with wife and child, Revd B Tuckfield, Revd S Wilkinson with wife and 2 chn, Mr G Wilmott, Capt Symers/Wymiss

Departed August for Sydney

Miscellaneous Shipping Movements
Arrivals at Sydney, NSW during 1843


1843 Westbrook, barque, 265 tons, Linnington, from Launceston, 25th Apr; 4 passengers

Ships Nostalgia > Lost Contact & Research > Ship Research > Bencoolen

This is a long forum with extracts from the Bencoolen logs between Calcutta & England via St Helena in July to September, 1841. Westbrook is mentioned as sailing in the same direction, and doing better than the Bencoolen (a 465 tin ship rigged vessel). Unfortunately, the extracts do not contain dates.
This voyage is the one arriving in Cork in September 1841 from Canton with tea.

Helen Maria

Similar to 1842, Master: Richards (then?) Maitland, Lon Liv Rio

NB Richards/Richardson was the master who hit the Newark light vessel in July 1841: he probably lost his job to Captain Fish, from whom Francis took over in February 1842 for Rio.

Lloyds Register 1842:
Helen Maria, a Snow, Master: Maitland, 260 Tons, coppered with iron  bolts, Built Sunderland 1839, Owner Carr & Co, London. Sailing Liverpool to Rio de Janeiro. A1 condition.
Baring Archive: HC17.6 1832: Carr & Co, of Newcastle-on-Tyne, for opening an account in London
There is also mention of Carr & Co, Newcastle on Tyne as Sugar Bakers at the end of the 18thC: maybe the same firm, branching out into the sugar transport.

There was no mention of the Helen Maria in the wreck listing to mid 1843 in the "Report on the Committee on Shipwrecks, 1843", but 2 ships lost in the North Sea 19 November 1842. An interesting report.

Newcastle Journal Tyne and Wear, 27 Jul 1839, MARINE INTELLIGENCE

The Helen Maria, of and from Sunderland, for Quebec, out 30 days, all well, m lat. 45.1 long. 57.

London Standard London, 10 Oct 1839, Ship News

Arrived, the Helen Maria, Cliburn, from Quebec

Morning Post London, 17 Aug 1840

the brig Helen Maria, Capt. Sweetzer, 22 days from Tobasco, we have received intelligence that the Central General, Don Ygnacio, had taken possession of the principal fort at Tobasco. The remainder of the city is in possession of the Federal General, Dob

Newcastle Journal Tyne and Wear, 18 Jul 1840, MARINE INTELLIGENCE
Arrivals at Foreign Ports
Constantinople, June 11 – Helen Maria, Richards, Newcastle, and sailed on the 12th for Odessa.

Newcastle Journal Tyne and Wear, 2 May 1840,
Hamburgh Helen Maria, Richardson

Morning Post London, 23 Feb 1841, SHIP NEWS

Arrived the Helen Maria, from Taganrog
(Taganrog on the Russian coast in the Sea of Azov, to the NE of the Crimea)

Newcastle Courant Tyne and Wear, 2 Apr 1841, MARINE INTELLIGENCE

Helen Maria, Richards, for Malta

Morning Post London, 6 Apr 1841, SHIP NEWS.

The Helen Maria, bound to Malta has been towed into these roads with loss of mainmast and considerable damage, having been in contact with the new Warp Light. St. Michael's.
Newcastle Journal Tyne and Wear, 10 Apr 1841, MARINE INTELLIGENCE

The Helen Maria, Richards, from Newcastle to Malta, has been towed into our With loss of mainmast, and considerable damage to having been in contact with the Newark Light.

Norfolk Chronicle Norfolk, 17 Jul 1841
Also the Nautical Magazine & Naval Chronicle 1841 (Google Books).

Newark light ship in the Lowestoft/Yarmouth roads.

The Admiralty Court, Monday July 5
The Helen Maria – Salvage – This was an appeal from the award of the magistrate of Yarmouth, who had allotted a reward of 80l. to a steam tug for towing the vessel (which had, through carelessness, run foul of the Newark light vessel, and thereby lost her mainmast) into Yarmouth harbour. The salvors contended that, considering the value of the property (£3050), and that the magistrates had awarded the same sum to some boatmen from Winterton, who could render no effectual service, the sum of 80l. was inadequate.
Dr. Lushington was of opinion, that the magistrate had come to a just conclusion, and that there was no reason for the appeal. He affirmed the award, with costs.

Royal Cornwall Gazette Cornwall, 26 Nov 1841, SHIP NEWS
Helen Maria, Fish, from Alexandria;

Morning Post, London, 1 Feb 1842, Ship News:
Helen Maria, Fish, for Rio de Janeiro

Did Capt Fish leave, or go sick??

Morning Post, London, 19 Feb 1842,
Ship News: Helen Maria, Maitland for Rio Janeiro

Liverpool Mercury Merseyside, England, 15 Jul 1842
Shipping Intelligence: Helen Maria, and Ann Brideon, seen at Rio Janeiro

Newcastle Courant, 5 August 1842:
Helen Marie, Nairn for Malta. Probably not the same ship.

Morning Post, London, 19 Sep 1842,
Ship News: Arrived the Helen Maria, Maitland from Rio for Hamburgh

Royal Cornwall Gazette Cornwall, England
23 Sep 1842, Helen Maria, Maitland, from Rio Janeiro

Newcastle Journal Tyne and Wear, England
Newcastle cleared foreign – Helen Maria, Maitland, Malta.

John O’Groats Journal Friday, November 3, 1843 – not ours.
Dreadful Shipwrecks
The past week, like the great storm in January last will long be borne in melancholy recollection...At Berwick the Helen Maria, from Pappenberg, and the Anna Margaretta, from Dordt, both bound to Grangemouth, were wrecked to the westward of the harbour. The crew, fortunately, were saved.




     The prime areas interest for Maitland research in Jamaica are the "pens" (cattle estates) of Giddy Hall, Mitcham and Silver Grove, all in or near St Elizabeth Parish in the South West of the Island. The next property to Giddy Hall, Mount Charles was also owned by Andrew Maitland, son of Francis (1). A property just in Westmoreland from St Elizabeth called The Cove was owned by Patty Penford. Its boundary started on the eastern edge of Scott’s Cove.
     Giddy Hall was the principal property, and, from the remains visible, was probably the most substantial most of the children were baptised there. It was bought by Francis Maitland in 1809 from the Delaroche family (or their creditors!). In 1840, Giddy Hall was shown as 2000 acres. It was shown as 1150 in 1845, but John Maitland at that date was the owner of 2 other properties, Kensington (300 acres, on the way to Montego Bay) and Rosehill (130 acres, adjoining Giddy Hall): this probably was a more specific description of the 1840 2000 acres. Later, the Cooper family had, in addition to Giddy Hall, Mount Lebanon, adjoining Giddy Hall, land on Forrest Mountain, and property called Middlesex pen a mile or two north of Giddy Hall. When Giddy Hall was owned by the Delaroche family at the end of the 18thC, it was in 4 parcels, totalling 1900 acres. It was said that the Maitlands owned most of the property between Lacovia and Black River.
      Mitchum and Silver Grove belonged to Ann Maitland's father Andrew Wright. They were at one stage joint owned by Francis and his brother-in-law, George Roberts. It would appear that at some stage the ownership was split with Mitcham Pen going to Francis' daughter Emma who married Samuel Sherman and Silver Grove going to the Roberts family.
      The area was visited by A Maitland in April 1998, and Giddy Hall, Mount Charles and Mitcham greathouses found. Black River was also visited. Descriptions of the properties are given below. Silver Grove was visited on a later trip in 2002.
       Copies of the original aerial survey photograph taken in 1954 have been obtained from the UK Ordnance Survey and reveal a lot of detail of the sites: both Mitcham and Giddy Hall were still standing then. Several photographs of Giddy Hall and Mount Charles taken in 1899 have been found in Peter Rushbrooke's collection.


    The Black River, once known as Rio Caobana (Mahogany Rver), was a great obstacle to movement with its surrounding Morass. The first crossing point was a deep ford near what is now Lacovia, even there the water was usually about 5 feet deep. The modern road from the East through Lacovia still follows the earliest trail round the foot of the mountains down to Black River town before following the coast on to Savanna la Mar.
    Giddy Hall and Mount Charles are about 1100 ft amsl on the crest of a limestone ridge above Middle Quarters at the Northwest corner the Black River lower flood plain, morass and estuary. The vegetation was prolific, but free water was a problem: water for the houses appeared to be rainwater fed.  The main local centre is Black River, a small port town which probably looks much the same now as it did 150 years ago. In the early 19thC, it was an important town and port. It would have been about 1-2 hours drive by trap. The present church in the middle of town was in good condition and a beautiful example of a late Georgian church with many monuments to local dignitaries by smart London masons. In the churchyard was a gravestone for a Rebecca Wright who died 1805 aged (according to MI of Jamaica) 56.  The stone was more weathered than when the MI survey was conducted.
     It seems very likely that this stone was that of Rebecca Dunston Wright, born 1749, the assumed mother of Francis Maitland. She was born free, and if she had a gravestone was a person of some consequence and resources.
     At least two Maitlands live locally, one at Hodges Land, near Giddy Hall and another who had recently returned to Black River and was a member of the church there.


    Giddy Hall, St Elizabeth Parish is about 10 miles NNW of Black River, on the high ground above the river flood plane.
    The origin of the name is not known, but there is a village in north Wiltshire, near Castle Combe, called Giddy Hall (or Giddeahall): perhaps this was a connection of the Delaroche family?
     It appears that the Pen was owned by the Delaroche family from probably about 1750 until the time Francis Maitland bought it, although there was a land grant to Nich. Delaroche in St Elizabeth in 1675. At Dec 2006, the ownership from then to the Maitland family is unknown. It was owned by Francis Maitland from at the latest 1811, and probably from 1809. The ownership before then is unknown, but it is interesting to note that Charlotte Bedford (Hill) Tomlinson, Dr. Andrew Wright Maitland's mother-in-law was born at Giddy Hall. The Maitland family owned it until the death of John Maitland in 1853, when it seemed to have passed to his wife, who then remarried John Myers Cooper. On her death, it passed to the Cooper family. Indications in John’s will are that he bought his brothers out of Giddy Hall.
     We have photographs of the house from 1899, and aerial survey image of about 1952. There appear to be some stone piers to the east of the site of the recent house. One suggestion is that they might be the remains of an earlier structure which perhaps was destroyed in the earthquake and hurricane of October 1780.

    Sir Francis Cooke, Francis Bacon's grandfather was born at Giddy Hall,  Essex about 1500. Any connection???

See later in this paper for the Delaroche Family.

Giddy Hall Almanacks etc

1804:- seems to be Roaches on Robertsons. (probably Delaroche)
1810: Francis Maitland. Giddy Hall        74/140
1811: Francis Maitland                    74/142
1815: Francis Maitland. Giddy Hall
                        and Mitcham       197/456.
1816: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall      Torn – no info
1817: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      75/224
1819: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      71/240
1920: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      70/217
1821: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      66/220
1822: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      67/298
1823: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      68/320
1824: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      76/300
1825: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      72/231
1826: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      74/228
1827: Maitland, Ann,                      72/226
1828: Maitland, Ann, Giddy Hall,          37/244
1830:- Ann Maitland, Giddy Hall           77/145
1831:- Ann Maitland, Giddy Hall           77/216
1832:- Ann Maitland, Giddy Hall           100/300
1837:- Ann Maitland, decd. Giddy Hall     76 (apprentices)
1839:- Andrew Wright, decd. Giddy hall,   2000 acres (should this have been Ann?)
1844:- Maitland J. Giddy Hall,            1150
                   Kensington,            300
                   Rosehill,              130
1891:- Cooper J & Cooper WS (Directory)

1839: Wint, James, Mahogany Grove, 1000 acres.

Kensington Almanacs:

Not found on maps.
1833:- William Nembhard.
1837: Nembhard, Eliza F. 62
1839: Nembhard, Eliza P. 202 acres
1845:- Maitland J.

AM Visits 1998 & 02:

    Giddy Hall settlement consists of a church (late 19thC) and a post office and little else. The postmistress was helpful, but having only been there 3 months not very knowledgeable.  After consultation with a man in the back, we established the general location of Giddy Hall Greathouse. (only later did we find that it was marked on the old 1:100000 map).
    We drove in the general direction of the house: about 1/2 mile beyond the post office, to take a right fork (the left fork goes to Mount Charles) and on a further 1/2 mile and stopped to ask a man in a field who offered to direct us.  This he did and led us to a mound of undergrowth on the right of the road, below a small house. He attacked the mound with his machete and revealed two graves, one of John Myers Cooper and the other of Augusta Spence Cooper (the widow of John Maitland). He told us of some other Europeans who came about 4 years ago who searched for 2 days to find these - we were lucky.
     Augusta Spence Cooper, wife of John Myers Cooper, who died at Bloomsbury, 13 January 1858, aged 33.
     John Myers Cooper, died 8 December 1875 in his 61st year: "For 30 years and upward he took a prominent part in the public affairs of the Parish of St Elizabeth. He was a man of large sympathy of great generosity and liberality and his charities though unostentatious were extensive and widely distributed. His departure is mourned by many. He contemplated the creation of a church and schoolroom on the farm pen but dying soon after work was commenced it was left to his successors to carry out."
   Giddy Hall was sold to the Bauxite companies after the war by the last Cooper, Douglas, who was childless: presumably he was the son of John Cooper who owned the pen in 1915.
    The Greathouse site was about 200 yard along the road from the burial ground, on the left on rising ground. We spent some time examining the site: there were extensive stone walled pens, which were difficult to walk over thoroughly due to the undergrowth. The site of the Greathouse was marked by the remains of the main entrance stairway, but little else remains standing. The stairway seemed to be unusually at the corner of the house and had evidence of an arch springing from one side, indicating an arched lower front to the lower part of the house. Some fragments of cast iron railings, probably from the entrance stair, were found: additionally and very unusually, we found a fragment of what appeared to be an East-Anglian pan-tile. The front of the house seemed to have been about 80ft long and to have faced over the valley containing the Black River Estuary - the view was spectacular.
    To the East of the house were the remains of Barbeques for pimento drying and on the valley side of the house were the remains of what might have been gardens.

An Air Photo of the site in 1952.
The rear view in 1899, see.
The front view in 1899, see.

Visit 4/2002:

N18°06.09' W77°52.73'  1300'amsl

     The site was much as before, but more overgrown. Investigated the extensive paved Barbeque area which fed by a system of stone gulleys, the big water tank to the SE of the position of the house. The Barbeques are arranged in 3 terraces, with about 18" fall between each. Water supply must be a major problem for stock on this site. The tank still held water, although only what fell into it, the feed gulleys having fallen into disrepair.
     Most of the sites seen in this area had barbeques which were usually dual purpose, being used for Pimento drying (we were told elsewhere that the crop was taken in when moisture threatened), but also often were used to catch rainwater.
     Very little remains of the house seen on the aerial survey photograph, but it is just possible to distinguish the original outline and see enlarged piles of rubble where the steps seen on the 1899 photographs would have been. The building must have been about 16x17 metres. Curiously, a single floor support pillar remains in place within the perimeter of the building. The kitchen visible on the survey photograph still stands, although much damaged. It seemed small for the site, but looked to be 3 bay, open fronted, with a hearth remaining.
     The regularly spaced objects to the SE of the house seen on the survey appear to be the remains of an arcade of arches. They are substantial, with the one nearest to the house with a return on it as though it was part of a flight of steps on the other end, there are indications of an arch spring from the wall. It is possible this might have been an aqueduct, but where would a sufficient quantity of water have come from? It seems to me that this is the remains of an earlier house. It was by these ruins that parts of an early cast iron railings were found on the previous visit. A coping stone rests on the ground with the stump of a balustrade inset with lead. The external walls of this ruin are of good quality cut stone.
     The 1899 photograph shows a late 18thC house. There are references (Thomas Thistlewood's diary) of a severe hurricane 3 October 1780. Almost all the buildings in Westmoreland were destroyed in this event, and a considerable amount of damage in St Elizabeth: Giddy Hall's exposed position facing the worst of the Southerly and Southeasterly winds described would have made it particularly susceptible to damage in this storm.
     Perhaps the original house was destroyed in this storm and the later house built on a slightly different site, maybe using the material from the old one (see piece on the 1780 Hurricane later in this paper). There is mention in the Cooper history of a separate hipped roof billiards room being there in the latter part of the 19thC, but these remains seem too substantial for such a place additionally, the building would probably have been visible in the survey photo. It must have been exiting into the 1920’s and probably later as it is mentioned as being used after John M Cooper’s death in 1921.

Later visits have been made.
In 2011, a lock was found on the site. It is a corroded brass rim lock. An apparently identical one was for sale in England 2012:

Brass Rim Lock RL395

Original, quality late 18th/early 19th century, surface mounted brass door lock to take a standard modern square bar for the handles. A replacement keep has been made to suit and an old key altered to fit. This lock has the provision for a handle turn, a key lock and security slide on the inside of the room, which overrides the handles and the key lock. All has been fully overhauled, polished and lacquered, although the lacquer may be removed if required at no extra cost. A super lock of smaller proportions, complete and in good and working order. Lock 6.75" x 3.75" x 0.75".

Click on photo for larger and other view.

I spoke to the seller, a specialist antique dealer, who confirmed that it was very late 18thC, early 19thc. There is no indication of the maker, who would have been one of the many artisan lockmakers, probably in or around Willenhall, England. This is of interest to me as my mother’s family business was lock making in Willenhall.

    DPNJ: (Mount Charles extract) ...It is interesting to note that Andrew Maitland in the 19th Century also owned Giddy Hall, which was the estate adjoining Mount Charles....

Giddy Hall: (Ref Dictionary of Place Names - Jamaica)
"... was first known, some claim, as Giddeon Hall and took the name of the first owner. When it became known as Giddy Hall is uncertain, but for many years it was owned by the Cooper family, who were English settlers."

1910: Giddy Hall: W.S. Cooper
1915: Giddy Hall - Jno Cooper resident
     629.5 acres of grass & pasture
     538.5 acres of "other"
     291 cattle.                                               HBJ1915

Crop Accounts - Giddy Hall

Accounts copied for:
1806 Jan-june
1807 2 parts

CROP ACCOUNTS: Giddy Hall, ref 1B/11/4/62, f.10.  1824.        JR1998
    Giddy Hall Pen, St Elizabeth. An account of all the rents, profits, produce and proceeds of Giddy Hall Pen late the property of Francis Maitland, Esq, deceased and now belonging to Mrs Ann Maitland and in the possession of John and John Salmon, Esqs., as attorneys from the 1st day of June 1824 to the 31 December 1824.

August 27. Geo. Gordon 12 young steers at £20              £240
August 31.      ditto  4 mules at £40                      £160
September, Robert Milne 6 head of cattle                    £88
November. Mr Walker 12 steers at £20                       £240
  do      Prospect Pen 2 asses                              £10
  do      Richard Lloyd  1 telescope                        £10
  do      Geo Gordon. 3 days cart hire                       £6
Personally appeared before me Richard Lloyd overseer on Giddy Hall Pen and made oath that the above is a just and true account.
Signed Edward Coke, 10 March 1825.

CROP ACCOUNTS: ref 1B/11/4/62, f.10.                           JR1998
An account of all the rents, profits, produce and proceeds of Giddy Hall Pen in the parish of St Elizabeth, the property Mrs Ann Maitland from 31 December 1824 to 31 December 1825.

1825                                              Bags of  Pimento
April 6 shipped on Thetis                                   81
July 23 shipped on Piggot                                  120
August 3 shipped on Black River                             16
August 3 shipped on Marquis Angelsea                        40

Jany: G.G. stone 3 days cart hire                          £6
Feby: P.A. Scarlett 6 heifers at                           £16
March W.S. Grignon 14 steers at £20                        £280
      Barton Isles butchers 2 cows, 2 spayed cows          £69
      P. Milne 1 steer, 4 spayed cows 1 heifer             £78
      C Farquhason 4 steers, 1 heifer, 1 old cow           £78
      Richard Lloyd for a saddle £9 and 8 days cart hire   £25
      J. Salmon 3 days cart hire                            £6
      New Savannah cartage, 11 tierces of coffee £11
      10 bushels of corn £5, 149 days of Negro labour
      at 2/6d - £18.12.6                                   £34.12.6
Nov: Wm Miller 21 steers at £20, 13 spayed heifers at £18  £654
Dec: John Wilson 11 head cattle                            £132
     W. Farquharson a mare, 1 cow                          £13.6.8
            do      140 days labour at 2/6d                £17.10.0
            do      2 steers and 2 cows                    £56

Personally appeared before me Mr James McGregor overseer on Giddy Hall Pen and made oath that the above is a just and true account.
Signed J. McGrath, 7 February 1826.

1835, (ref 1B/11/4/76, f 233) John Maitland named overseer and owner not mentioned.

Slave Registrations:

1817: Francis Maitland: 77              FM & George Roberts: 51
1820: Francis Maitland: 78              FM & George Roberts: 43
1823: Francis Maitland: 77              FM & George Roberts: 43
1826: John Salmon as attorney to GH 74. Ann Maitland & GR:   39
1829: John Salmon as attorney to Ann Maitland @ GH Pen:      76
1832: Francis M & JS as attorney to Ann M @ GH Pen:          78
      George Roberts & Ann Maitland as joint owners:         37
Those as joint owners with George Roberts were for Mitcham.

14 slaves baptized Giddy Hall, 12/4/1814.
1878 Directory, Giddy Hall, J. M. Cooper proprietor, Middle Quarters
1891 Directory, Giddy Hall, Middle Quarters: J Cooper & WS Cooper.

Slave Emancipation Compensation

Jamaica St Elizabeth 602 (Giddy Hall)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
6th Mar 1837 | 70 Enslaved | £1563 10S 2D
Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 302.

The award was split: £781 12s 3d went to Morrice, 06/03/1837 £781 17s 11d went to Salmon, 16/10/1837.

T71/870: claim from J. Salmon, as executor of John Maitland. Counterclaim from William Morrice (a London West India merchant), as judgement creditor.


Giddy Hall - The people well off for provisions, working steadily at their grounds.

Mount Pleasant Ditto ... - ditto.

Mount Charles & Mount Lebanon : The industrious Part have good grounds and sufficient provisions ; the few worthless not so well off; I have directed a particular investigation.

Whitehall - Not abundantly supplied with provisions, but pretty well off; grounds attended to, but land rather poor.

Mitcham Pen (inter alia): The grounds of all the properties in this week's report are in as good order as formerly, and many of the apprentices are cultivating arrow-root, &c. in a larger degree than formerly.

The Coopers at Giddy Hall

    This is an extract of a "History of the Coopers of Edzell" by John Craig Cooper gives much information on the Coopers of Giddy Hall a longer extract is to be found in "Jamaica Maitland". This history claims that John Myers Cooper was at Giddy Hall by 1845: this is not born out by the Jamaica Almanac of 1845. John Maitland died in London in 1853, his elder brother was by then at Mount Charles, as a doctor. His younger brother Francis, was by then dead and his widow remarried with children in London. The youngest brother, Septimus was married soon after this date in London. It is thus a reasonable assumption that The Coopers acquired the Giddy Hall Pen and its associated other properties by marriage in 1855. The Cooper family (originally from Edzell in Scotland) acquired Giddy Hall Pen seemingly when John Myers Cooper snr married John Maitland's widow, Augusta (Spence) Maitland in 1855. They were there for 3 generations before loosing the estate through poor management in the 1920's. John Myers senior and junior developed the estate

...... an inventory of his (JMC snr) moveable assets of 22 March 1879. What follows is based on that inventory.
      On the Fellowship Pen [ranch], Middlesex Pen, [reached by a road from Shaw's, see below] and the Giddy Hall Pen there were a total of 651 "horned stock," and thirty horses. Over half these animals were at the Giddy Hall home place. Also at Giddy Hall were thirty-three sheep, four carriages, buggies, Wains, wagons, drays, carts etc.
      The contents of Shaw's House and Shaw's Store [between Middle Quarters and Lacovia] was valued at £822-7-2.
      The debts owing him, bills receivable, amount due on mortgages, debentures, and cash in bank came to £9,713-3-6.
      Among the household effects was a billiard table. (there is reference in the body of the text to a hip-roofed billiard house adjacent to the main house)
      Personalty [i.e. moveable personal property] in addition to that listed, was valued at £12,000.
      The total of his moveable assets was £27,606-3-8, in addition to the real estate, store, houses and other buildings. (£2.1M 2006)
      This fortune was created in three decades of the mid 19th century, without the support of the developed world's infrastructure.
      Although no will is available, his grandson Arnold Cooper says that John Myers Cooper Sr. left the Fellowship Pen to his son William, and the Giddy Hall Pen to John Jr. A river flowed through the Middlesex Pen and he left to each the land on one side of the river. In years of drought each could move his cattle to his own land with water.
     When John Myers jnr died in 1920, Giddy Hall was still 1268 acres.

Middlesex is a mile or two north of Giddy Hall.

       Here is John Junior's will:
        I John Cooper of Giddy Hall ... leave to my sons John Molison Cooper and Douglas George Cooper, all my books, mechanical tools, surveying and mathematical and philosophical instruments to be divided by them. I leave to my beloved wife Joan Alexander Cooper to her absolute and unmolested control my Properties Giddy Hall and Mount Lebanon [between Giddy Hall and Hampstead] and two detached pieces of land situated on Forrest Mountain on the Giddy Hall boundary  ... and my Properties of Dickinsons Middlesex and East Middlesex ... with the land there known as Mount Unity adjoining them, with all the live and dead stock [dead stock=hardware] on them severally to her absolute and unmolested use and control for her life time, and thereafter I give Giddy Hall and Mount Lebanon, and the said two pieces of land of Forrest Mountain together with all the live and dead stock then therein to my son ... John Molison Cooper.
         To my son ... Douglas George Cooper I give my properties Dickinsons Middlesex and East Middlesex and the said piece of land of Mount Unity ... with all the live and dead stock then thereon.  Both these bequests being subject to that my two daughters Catherine Elizabeth Cooper and Mary Helen Cooper are to be supported and maintained from the ... revenues from Giddy Hall and Mount Lebanon at the rate of Fifty pounds per annum to each, and from the ... revenues of Dickensons Middlesex and East Middlesex and Mount Unity with the said stock, Thirty  pounds to each.... Catherine ... and Mary ... shall have and enjoy domicile at Giddy Hall in the old House, so long as they are content to dwell there and conduct themselves as loving sisters each to their brothers, and they shall likewise be entitled to the privilege of rearing on the properties ... such stock bona fides owned and belonging to them and excepting goats, in such reasonable and limited number as their brothers John and Douglas shall determine and afford.
     I appoint my ... wife ... and sons ...as my executors, and also to be, together with my daughters ... residuary Legaties of this my last will and Testament.... this third day of October [1921]."

Delaroche Family & Giddy Hall

Thornbury Roots
55 High St
Tenants of Ralph Grove 


James Main (or Maine) – was listed as a tenant in the 1781 and 1782 land tax records.  We don’t know anything about him.


Benjamin Addis – was tenant of Ralph Grove in the 1783 and 1784 land tax records.  We suspect that he was  probably the one who died in 1792 aged 93 and described then as an alderman.  He was a cooper and in 1749/50 he was Mayor of Thornbury.  Click here to read more


William Delaroche – William was the member of the Delaroche family connected with property near St Elizabeth in Jamaica.  In his will dated 23rd May 1800 William describes himself as being ‘formerly of the parish of Saint Elizabeth in the island of Jamaica, afterwards of Thornbury in the County of Gloucester but late of Woolaston in the same county’.  William left ‘his capital messuage or mansion house called Giddy Hall’ with land totally about 950 acres in trust to his appointed executors, ‘his friends, William Osborne and George Rolph both of Thornbury gentlemen’.  He left an annuity to his sister, Frances Galuido wife of Philimon Galuido (an actor in 1799 and Commandant of Bocatora in 1836), late of Bristol and made bequests for his two nieces, Frances’s daughters.


William left the rents and profits of his estate to his wife, Elizabeth and the rest of the personal estate were left to William’s brother, John.  William was born on 2nd December 1771 and baptised on 8th April 1773 at St Elizabeth, Jamaica.  He was the son of William Delaroche and his wife, Frances (nee Clarke) and grandson of Thomas Delaroche.  Records on the Internet show that William was resident in Thornbury in 1793.  He was certainly in Thornbury in 1796 and 1797 when the land tax records show him to be the tenant in this house when it was owned by ‘Mrs Day’.  On 14th August 1797 William married Elizabeth Gillam in Olveston.  There are several records available on the Internet referring to William.  Two of them refer to inventories of William’s assets in 1794 and 1803 (presumably after his death for sorting out the probate) which show he owned 98 slaves in 1794 and 95 slaves in 1803.  William died aged 38 on 7 June 1800 and buried at Almondsbury on 11th June 1800.  The inscription on his gravestone indicates that he was buried there ‘at his particular define’.  We note that the grave inscription also includes ‘Elizabeth Woodruffe, widow of the late William De La Roche’ who died 18th December 1806 aged 28 years.  We assume that Elizabeth married again after William’s death.


There was also a John Delaroche who was living in Thornbury around this time.  In 1800 he was occupying 49 High Street and then in 1809 and 1820 he was at 10 and 11 The Plain.  It seems likely that John was William’s brother.  John was baptised in 1769 in St Elizabeth, Jamaica.  John married Elizabeth Shapland on 14th September 1789 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire.  In 1797 John was described as being a ‘Gentleman of Thornbury’ when he was fined £5 for using a greyhound to kill game at Slimbridge.  John also had property in Jamaica, in his case a large plantation called Carisbrook’ which is listed as having 142 slaves and 200 stock in 1811.  It is interesting that John’s will written in 1812 suggests he may have had at least two black or mulatto ‘wives’ with whom he had had children.  He made sure that the proceeds of his estate were used for the benefit of those wives and their children.  The will was proved in 1823.  We note that in 1851 the Bristol Mercury reported the death “on April 6th in the 85th year of her age Martha widow of John Delaroche Esq of Carisbroke Castle in the island of Jamaica”.  We are not sure why William and John came to live in Thornbury.  We assume that it was because their cousin, Sarah, has married George Rolph, the Thornbury solicitor in 1785.  Sarah was the daughter of Sampson Delaroche and grand-daughter of Thomas Delaroche.  Following William’s death, George Rolph as his executor, arranged for the sale of Giddy Hall and William’s other estate in 1809 to enable him to repay mortgages still outstanding on William’s property.

Thomas Delaroche  Burial: May 22, 1776, Giddy Hall, (White)
His eldest son, Sampson, left Carisbrook Estate, St E to his daughter the estate later passed to John, one of his nephews.
His second son, John was buried at Giddy Hall 27/12/1779 he was the owner of 955 acres in 1754. He left several coloured children.
His nephew William, the son of brother William, owned Giddy Hall in 1793 William by then resident in Thornbury, Gloucester.

There are some deeds in the Gloucester Record Office pertaining to William Delaroche. The first is a deed dated November 10, 1793 by which William grants Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth to Joseph Longman of Thornbury for ten shillings. The deed identifies him as the nephew of John Delaroche mentioned in John's Will, and the second and youngest son of William Delaroche, John's brother.

The second deed, dated November 22, 1793, grants the property from Joseph Longman back to William Delaroche for ten shillings.

The following lands are listed as part of Giddy Hall:
400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom.
250 acres patented August 12, 1689 in the name of Thomas Spencer.
300 acres patented in 1697 in the name of Elisabeth Jones – seen 2/20.
950 acres of land situated in Luana Mountains cutting and bounding northerly on land belonging to Henry Louis Esq. Easterly on Robert Smith. Southerly on David Fyffe, and Westerly on lands belonging to Matthew Smith Senior Esq.
George Rolph was witness to both deeds.

1811: Smith Thomas, Fonthill and Hapstead 606/ 1,128
Smith John, Mount Charles 66/ 12
Smith James L., Hazle Grove 52/ 50
Smyth Francis George, Goshen and Longhill 379/ 1,447
Smyth Alexander, deceased, Ballynure 125/ 42

JG: 7/8/1813:
Westmoreland, July 10 1813:
For sale Carisbrook Pen, in the Parish of St Elizabeth, containing about 1275 acres with 145 negroes and 227 head of stock, consisting of cattle and horsekind, the property of the late John Delaroche esq. For particulars apply to John Wright of the Parish of St Elizabeth or the subscriber.
William Forbes.

1816: John Delaroche at Carisbrook 150 slaves, 250 stock

1818: est of John Delaroche at Carisbrook, 91/265

George Rolph acted as attorney on the Giddy Hall sale to Francis Maitland
George Rolph From Brice Salmon – 1807
569/73 Feb-18 Date 28/10/1806 Ent 22/4/1808.
Ind btw Brice Vassall Salmon late of St E now of Bristol  and Sarah his wife of 1st part & George Rolph of Thornbury of 2nd part for docking etc entail and vesting land in Salmon. Brice Vassall Salmon sells land to George Rolph at Gravesend, or Black River 20 A S on Kings Rd leading to Black River, N on logwood fence bounding on Lower Works estate E on church land S on the sea. deed reverses 31st Oct. Land was Brice Vassall Salmon's father, John Salmon. Reference to Dr Rose dwelling round here.

John Delaroche From Dell – 1807
546/71 Feb-18 Date 3/2/1806 Ent 13/6 1806.
At Grand Court Sale, John Delaroche bought Binneba, Sylvia, Beff, Dido, Naney, Hannah, Margaret, cuba, Pinkey, Romulus Reamus, Will, Lewis, Bristol, Primus & Peter . Wright v Clark, J£905

Descendants of Thomas Delaroche

A Nicholas De la Roche a holder of 6 acres in St Andrew in 1670 (Cal of St Papers).

19 Aug 1668, St Andrew: Nichola(s) Delaroche & Elizabeth Woodin married.

Thomas Delaroche was born Abt. 1704. He married Sarah (Delaroche). She was born Abt. 1704, Burial: May 22, 1776, Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 334.) Race/nationality/color: White

Children of Thomas Delaroche and Sarah (Delaroche) are:
1/1. Sampson Delaroche, born December 01, 1729 died May 1777.

Baptism: July 26, 1732, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 5.)

Burial: May 15, 1777, Lacovia, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 335.)
Fact: 1777, The burial record lists his name as "Simpson"
He married Elizabeth (Delaroche).
Occupation: 1777, Clerk of the Vestry, Lacovia, St. Elizabeth
Race/nationality/color: White

Child of Sampson Delaroche and Elizabeth (Delaroche) is:
2/1. Sarah Delaroche, born November 16, 1767.

Baptism: June 13, 1768, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 29.) Residence: 1785, Parish of Olveston, England
She married George Rolph 1786, son of George Rolph. He died 1815.
More About George Rolph:
Residence: 1785, Thornbury, England
Marriage Notes for Sarah Delaroche and George Rolph:
From Gloucester Record Office, a marriage settlement:
George Rolph to Miss Sarah Delaroche 1 Jan 1786.
Marriage contract: December 28, 1785, Gloucester Record Office
(Source: B992 Gloucester Records Office, D340A\T108.)
Status of bride/groom: Spinster

George Rolph as Trustee for William Delarohe’s will sold Giddy Hall to Francis Maitland in 1809.

George Rolph the younger of Thornbury........Sarah Delaroche late of the parish of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica but now of the parish of Olveston, spinster an infant under the age of twenty one.....only child and heiress at law of Sampson Delaroche late of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica .....plantation or estate called Carrisbrooke in the said parish of St Elizabeth with the stock of negroes cattle buildings and appurtenances........also of a certain legacy or sum of seven hundred pounds

Jamaican currency given to her by the will of her late uncle John Delaroche late of the said Island of Jamaica deceased to be paid to her at twenty one years or marriage and also of a considerable sum in the hands of William Salmon late of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica but now residing in England being the savings and gain of the plantation since Sampson Delaroche died.........

Children of Sarah Delaroche and George Rolph are: (Source: B652 Thornbury, Gloucestershire, Parish Registers.)
3/1. George Rolph, born June 26, 1789 Baptism: August 06, 1789, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/2. William Rolph, born August 20, 1791. Baptism: October 03, 1791, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/3. George Rolph, born May 07, 1793. Baptism: June 24, 1793, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/4. Annis Rolph, born July 29, 1794. Baptism: September 18, 1794, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/5. Susannah Rolph, born December 20, 1796. Baptism: January 22, 1797, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)
3/6. Susannah Rolph, born August 06, 1799. Baptism: September 09, 1799, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/7. George Rolph, born October 08, 1800. Baptism: November 20, 1800,  Thornbury, Gloucestershire

1/2. Mary Delaroche, born May 03, 1731.

Baptism: July 26, 1732, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 5.)

1/3. John Delaroche, born Bet. 1732 - 1744

died December 1779.
John Delaroche I

Profile & Legacies Summary

No Dates


Resident slave-owner in Jamaica, owner of Giddy Hall in St Elizabeth, dead by 1780.

John Delaroch was listed in the Jamaican Quit Rent books for 1754 as the owner of 955 acres of land in St Elizabeth.


'A List of landholders in the Island of Jamaica together with the number of acres each person possessed taken from the quit rent books in the year 1754', TNA CO 142/31 transcribed at http://www.jamaicanfamilysearch.com/Samples2/1754lead.htm.

He met Sarah Brown. She was born Abt. 1748.
John is being attached as a child here, based on (1) "John" being the Uncle of Sarah, (2) being buried at Giddy Hall, (3) death before 1785
(4) bearing no legitimate heirs.
Addressed as: Esquire
1754 John Delaroche 955 acres St Elizabeth
Burial: December 27, 1779, Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 336.)
Race/nationality/color: White
Will: August 03, 1778

John Delaroche To John Markman 1774
266 99 Feb-17 Dated 3/11/1774 ent 17/11/1774
John Delaroche of Giddy Hall esq sells to John Markman planter for £50 1 acre being part of a run patented by Elizabeth Jones in the Middle Quarter mountains for John Markman's life. (Plat 18F264 – noted 2/20)

Children of John Delaroche and Sarah Brown are:
(Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 54.)
2/1. Catherine Delaroche, born Bef. April 08, 1773.

Fact: "reputed daughter of John Delaroche"
Race/nationality/color: Not white

2/2. John Delaroche, born Bet. 1773 - 1779.

Baptism: June 25, 1788, St. Elizabeth
Other facts: "reputed son of John Delaroche Esq., deceased"
Race/nationality/color: Not white

1/4. William Delaroche (Thomas) was born Abt. 1742.

He married Frances Clarke June 02, 1767 in St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 295.). She was born Abt. 1742. Residence: 1767, St. Elizabeth
More About Frances Clarke: Residence: 1767, St. Elizabeth
Ceremony by: Thomas Coxeter, rector of Vere Marriage license: 1767

William Delaroche II

Profile & Legacies Summary

???? - 1800



Son of William Delaroche I, brother of John Delaroche II and nephew of John Delaroche I. Married at Olveston in Gloucestershire in 1797 and died of Woolastone Gloucs. in 1800.


Will of William Delaroche of Woolastone Gloucestershire proved 22/01/1801. Under the will he left Giddy Hall and all his other property in trust (his trustees included George Rolph, his cousin Sarah's husband) to secure an annuity of £50 p.a to his sister Frances Galindo wife of Philimon Galindo late of Bristol and after her death a like annuity of £50 p.a. to her daughters Charlotte and Portia Galindo, and £100 to his own wife Elizabeth, together with the right for Elizabeth to leave an annuity of £20 p.a to whomever she chose. The residue of his estate went to his brother John Delaroche.


PROB 11/1352/224.

He was the owner of Giddy Hall, which his executors sold to Francis Maitland, 1808/9:
Full text in another section.
581/161 Dated 20 March 1808, Ent 25 April 1809
Long Document detailing William Delaroche's will and subsequent mortgages by George Rolph, and necessity to sell to repay mortgages.
George Rolph of Thornbury Esq, Devised in Trust under the Will of William Delaroche of Great Britain esq by John Salmon of St Elizabeth his true and lawful attorney duly constituted and appointed of the one part John Delaroche of St Elizabeth esq residuary & Francis Maitland of the parish of Westmoreland a free man of colour gentleman.
Ref William Delaroche executor William Osborne and George Rolph for Giddy Hall about 950 acres and all slaves etc.
William Delaroche died 7 June 1800
Mortgage to George Rolph 1/4/1794 £2209-17-11d also £284-9-5 =£2903-7-4
Became necessary to sell GH together with several negroes and other slaves. £5000 Jamaican

Bought off George Rolph with title from John Delaroche. No direct info if conveyance included slaves.
Children of William Delaroche and Frances Clarke are:
2/1. John Delaroche, born Bet. 1768 - 1769.

Baptism: 1769, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 30.) Fact: There is no month and day on the baptismal record, and no date of birth
Residence: Bet. 1790 - 1792, St. Elizabeth
Residence (2): Bet. 1797 - 1799, Gloucestershire, England
He married Martha Shapland September 14, 1789 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B772 British newspapers, Sept. 19, 1789, Vol XL (No2135), Felix Farley's Bristol Journal.), daughter of John Shapland and Martha (Shapland). She was born Bet. 1767 - 1774 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire, England (from C1851)
In the 1811 Almanac (the first containing the names of property-owners) John is listed as the holder of Carisbrook, St. Elizabeth, with 142 slaves and 200 stock. When the Almanac next lists proprietors in 1815 the numbers are 150 slaves and 250 stock.

John Delaroche From Dell 1806 546/71 Feb-18 Date 3/2/1806 Ent 13/6 1806. At Grand Court Sale, John Delaroche bought Binneba, Sylvia, Beff, Dido, Naney, Hannah, Margaret, cuba, Pinkey, Romulus Reamus, Will, Lewis, Bristol, Primus & Peter. Wright v Clark, J£905

1818: est of John Delaroche, Carisbrook.

The 1822 Almanac lists the holder of Carisbrook as Donald Cameron with 103 slaves and 343 stock. Cameron was dead by 1824, and his estate had evidently not yet been settled. There were 70 slaves and 95 stock. In 1919 John Dennis, a testator in St. Elizabeth, was resident at Carisbrook.

A John Delaroche was at Carisbrooke in 1819
Jamaica Gazette, 7 Aug 1819, Died:
At Rowington Park, in Clarendon, on the 4th inst, deeply lamented, Charlotte, third daughter of the late John Delaroche, esq, of carisbrook pen in St Elizabeth, and, on the 8th, Frances Bart Kelsall, the infant daughter of Joseph Delaroche esq.

Jamaica Gazette, July 6 1817.
Sir, Having been informed that Dr. R.B. Wright had asserted that I had, on a late trial at Black River, perjured myself; I deemed it necessary to call upon him for an explanation; he denied the charge in the strongest terms and which it was my intention to have published, but our correspondence having involved a number of  family concerns; I felt a repugnance at it, although at the same time I held it absolutely necessary for my justification that something should be done on the occasion, in order to clear me of so base and disgraceful an aspersion: I did in consequence apply to my friend Mr Allen for his advice how to act on the occasion, and showed him our correspondence, and he in a friendly manner undertook to converse with Dr Wright on the business. The following letter has been transmitted to me by Mr. Allen, which I deem necessary to have published in order to clear me of so gross and foul a calumny. I am your obedient servant, J. Delaroche.

1825 & 1830: Coote & Delaroche at Longwood.

More About Martha Shapland:
Census: 1851, St Andrews Parish, Bristol, England.
Lodger, widow, Fund Holder, age 84

In same house:
      Mary A. Coote, Lodger, Widow, 58, Annuitant, Carisbrook Jamaica,

Children of John Delaroche and Martha Shapland are:
Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth PR I & II, 1707-1825 x p nn,
3/1. John Shapland Delaroche, born May 27, 1790

Baptism: July 10, 1790, St. Elizabeth private baptism (Source, I. p. 57.)
Baptism (2): February 02, 1792, St. Elizabeth, received in Church and recorded in Register I, p. 57.) died January 1813, 23 years, in Burial Register
Burial: January 28, 1813, Carisbrook, St. Elizabeth (Source, I, p. 347.) Addressed as: Esquire Race/nationality/color: White
Post script to the Gaz 12/2-120/2/1813 died Carisbrook St E John Shapland Delaroche, surgeon, a young man universally respected, from his engaging manner and extensive information.

3/2. Martha Shapland Delaroche, born June 05, 1791.

Baptism: February 02, 1792, St. Elizabeth (Source: I, p. 62.)
Race/nationality/colour: White

3/3. Mary Ann Delaroche,

born August 18, 1792 in Carisbrook, St. Elizabeth (birthplace found in 1851 Census) Baptism: March 22, 1793, St. Elizabeth (Source: I, p. 65.).
She married ? Coote died Bef. 1851.

The 1822, 1824, and 1833 Almanacs list "Coote & Delaroche" as holders of Longwood in St. Elizabeth. The number of slaves there was 29, 29, and 26 respectively. The number of stock 321, 345, and 198.
Census: 1851, Bristol, England.
Lodger, widow, Annuitant, age 58. Race/nationality/color: White

3/4. (male) Delaroche, born Bet. 1793 - 1795.
3/5. (male) Delaroche, born Bet. 1794 - 1796.
3/6. Joseph Delaroche, born February 24, 1797.

Baptism: June 04, 1797, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England  (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)
He married Rebecca (Simons) October 23, 1817 in St. Elizabeth  (Source: I, p. 318.).
Marriage license: 1817 Status of bride/groom: Widow
The Almanacs for 1820, 1822, and 1824 list him as the owner of Rowington, Clarendon. The number of slaves was 69, 65, and 63 respectively. The number of stock was 131, 136, and 23.
Addressed as: Esquire
More About Rebecca (Simons):
She was born Abt. 1786, and died March 1826.
Age: 1826, 40 years
Burial: March 23, 1826, Vere by Revd John Smith (Source: B0024 Jamaica PR Burials I & II, 1826-1844, I, p. 309 #1.)
Residence: 1826, Clarendon
Child of Joseph Delaroche and Rebecca (Simons) is:
4/1. Frances Burt Kelsall Delaroche, Baptism: August 04, 1819, Vere in a private baptism by G. C. R. Fearon, rector (Source: B0063 Vere PR I, 1694-1825, I, p. 140.) died August 08, 1819 in Rowington Park, Clarendon.
 Burial: August 10, 1819, the Church yard, Vere by G. C. R. Fearon (Source: B0063 Vere PR I, 1694-1825, p. 215.)

3/7. Charlotte Delaroche, born February 27, 1798

Baptism: April 11, 1798, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.) died August 04, 1819 in Rowington Park, Clarendon. Burial: August 05, 1819, the Church yard, Vere (Source: B0063 Vere Parish Register I, 1694-1825, I, p. 215.)

3/8. Frances Delaroche, born February 25, 1799.

Baptism: March 27, 1799, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)

2/2. Frances Delaroche, born August 15, 1770

Baptism: April 08, 1773, St. Elizabeth (Source, I, p. 35.)
Fact: 1773, The St. Elizabeth Baptism Register spells her name "Francis"

She married Philemon Galindo November 13, 1789 in St. Augustin's Church, Bristol, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.). He was born 1770.

Notes for Philemon Galindo:
By later marriages he was the father of Juan and Philip. See Philip's Diary at Galindo diary.
Occupation 1: 1799, Actor
Occupation 2: 1836, Commandant of Bocatoro
Residence: 1799, Bristol, England
Children of Frances Delaroche and Philemon Galindo are:

3/1. [male] Galindo, born Bef. July 14, 1790

Baptism: July 14, 1790, St. Augustin's church, Bristol, England
Burial: August 31, 1790, St. Augustin's church, Bristol.

3/2. Charlotte Delia Galindo, born Abt. 1794.

She married John Bragge 1814.
Children of Charlotte Galindo and John Bragge are:
4/1. Charles William Bragge.
4/2. John Delaroche Bragge.
4/3. Mary Frances Bragge.
4/4. Caroline Portia Bragge.

3/3. Portia Galindo, born Abt. 1798

Burial: April 13, 1850

2/3. William Delaroche, born December 22, 1771

died June 1800.
Baptism: April 08, 1773, St. Elizabeth (Source: I, p. 35.)
Burial: June 11, 1800, Almondsbury, Gloucestershire, England
(Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)
Occupation: 1797, Gentleman
Residence: 1793, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
Residence (2): 1797, Parish of Olveston, County of Gloucester,
Diocese of Bristol, England
He married Elizabeth Gillam August 14, 1797 in Olveston, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.).
Marriage license: 1797
Status of bride/groom: Spinster

MI Almondsbury[5]:
In Memory of William De la Roche late of Giddy Hall, Saint Elizabeth’s, Jamaica, Gentleman, Who died at Woolaston In this County and was (by his particular define) interred here the 11th day of June 1800 aged 38 years. Also of Elizabeth Woodruffe widow of the late William De la Roche, Who died Dec 18th 1806 aged 28 years.

There are some deed in the Gloucester Record Office pertaining to  William Delaroche. The first is a deed dated November 10,1793 by which William grants Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth to Joseph Longman of Thornbury for ten shillings. The deed identifies him as the nephew of John Delaroche mentioned in John's Will, and the second and youngest son of William Delaroche, John's brother.

The second deed, dated November 22, 1793, grants the property from Joseph Longman back to William Delaroche for ten shillings.

The following lands are listed as part of Giddy Hall:
400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom.
250 acres patented August 12, 1689 in the name of Thomas Spencer.
300 acres patented in 1697 in the name of Elisabeth Jones.
950 acres of land situated in Luana Mountains cutting and bounding northerly on land belonging to Henry Louis Esq. Easterly on Robert Smith. Southerly on David Fyffe, and Westerly on lands belonging to Matthew Smith Senior Esq.
George Rolph was witness to both deeds.

More About Elizabeth Gillam:
Residence: 1797, Almondsbury, County of Gloucester, Diocese of Bristol, England.


[This is the text of the first page of the marriage settlement between George Rolph and Sarah Delaroch(e), referred to in Delaroche 1]
This Indenture of three Parts made the twenty eighth day of December in the Twenty sixth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King defender of the Faith and so forth And in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty five Between George Rolph the Younger of Thornbury in the county of Gloucester Gentleman of the first part Sarah Delaroche late of the Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica but now of the Parish of Alveston in the said County of Gloucester Spinster an infant under the age of twenty one years (only child and heiress at Law and next of kin of Sampson Delaroch late of the said Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the said Island of Jamaica Esquire Deceased) of the second part and William Salmon of the Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the said Island of Jamaica Esquire now residing in England and William Osborne of Kington in the Parish of Thornbury aforesaid Gentleman of the third part. Whereas a marriage hath been agreed upon and is intended shortly to be had and solemnized between the said George Rolph and Sarah Delaroch And Whereas the Estate and Fortune of the said Sarah Delaroch consist of a certain Plantation or Estate called Carrisbrooke in the said Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the said Island of Jamaica with the stock of Negroes Cattle Buildings and Appurtenances theron and thereto belonging and appertaining and which on the Decease of the said Sampson Delaroche descended upon and came to her as his only child and heiress at Law and next of kin Also of a certain legacy or sum of Seven Hundred Pounds Jamaica Currency given to her by the will of her late Uncle John Delaroche late of the said Island of Jamaica Esquire deceased to be paid at her age of Twenty one Years or time of marriage which should first happen And also of a considerable Sum of Money now in the hands of the said William Salmon being the savings out of the gains and produce of the said Plantation and Estate since the decease of the said Sampson Delaroch to the present time after deducting and paying thereout the Charges and Expences incurred by reason of the Education Board Maintenance and Support of the said Sarah Delaroch And Whereas upon the Treaty for the said intended marriage it was by and with the Privity and good liking of the said William Salmon proposed and convented and agreed to by the said George Rolph and Sarah Delaroch That in consideration of the Grant and Release hereby or intended to be hereby made by the said George Rolph of the Messuage or Tenement Closes Lands and Hereditaments hereinafter particularly described to for and upon the several uses intents and purposes hereinafter expressed and declared of and concerning the same She the said Sarah Delaroch (in addition to her personal Estate and fortune intended for the said George Rolph and which he will become entitled to by the Rights of Marriage) should absolutely convey and assure the said Plantation or Estate with all the appurtenances thereto belonging (save and except such part or parts thereof as being personally the said George Rolph will so become entitled by the Rights of Marriage) unto and to the use of the said George Rolph his Heirs Executors Administrators and Assigns according to the nature and qualities of the same respectively But that in regard the said Sarah Delaroch being under the Age of Twenty one Years and therefore ‘till her arrival to such age incapable of effectuating such conveyance and assurance to the said George Rolph aforesaid It hath been further agreed on the Treaty for the said intended marriage with such privity and consent as aforesaid That the Grant and Release hereby made or intended to be made by the said George Rolph of the Messuages or Tenements Closes Lands and Hereditaments hereinafter particularly described to for and upon the several uses ends intents and purposes hereinafter thereof expressed and declared shall be subject and liable to the proviso or condition hereinafter contained for making void the same Grant and Release by the said George Rolph in Case of the said Sarah Delaroch’s death under the age of twenty one years or of her neglecting after attaining that age to make such conveyance and assurance of her said Estate in Jamaica to the said George Rolph his heirs or assigns as is hereinafter mentioned Now this Indenture Witnesseth that for and in consideration of the said intended marriage and in pursuance and performance of the said recited agreement made on the Treaty thereof in this behalf And for the conveying settling and assuring of the said messuage or Tenement Closes of Ground Lands and Hereditaments hereinafter particularly mentioned and described To for and upon the several uses ends intents and purposes and under and subject to the proviso Declaration and Agreement hereinafter mentioned expressed and declared of and concerning the same And also for and in consideration of the sum of ten shillings of lawful money of Great Britain

55 High Street, Westbourne House, Thornbury:[6]

William Delaroche - William was the member of the Delaroche family connected with property near St Elizabeth in in Jamaica.  In his will dated 23rd May 1800 William describes himself as being 'formerly of the parish of Saint Elizabeth in the island of Jamaica, afterwards of Thornbury in the County of Gloucester but late of Woolaston in the same county'.  William left 'his capital messuage or mansion house called Giddy Hall' with land totally about 950 acres in trust to his appointed executors, 'his friends, William Osborne and George Rolph both of Thornbury gentlemen'. He left an annuity to his sister, Frances Galuido wife of Philimon Galuido (an actor in 1799 and Commandant of Bocatora in 1836), late of Bristol and made bequests for his two nieces, Frances's daughters.  William left the rents and profits of his estate to his wife, Elizabeth and the rest of the personal estate were left to William's brother, John.

William was born on 2nd December 1771 and baptised on 8th April 1773 at St Elizabeth, Jamaica.  He was the son of William Delaroche and his wife, Frances (nee Clarke) and grandson of Thomas Delaroche.  Records on the Internet show that William was resident in Thornbury in 1793.  He was certainly in Thornbury in 1796 and 1797 when the land tax records show him to be the tenant in this house when it was owned by 'Mrs Day'.  On 14th August 1797 William married Elizabeth Gillam in Olveston.  There are several records available on the Internet referring to William.  Two of them refer to inventories of William's assets in 1794 and 1803 (presumably after his death for sorting out the probate) which show he owned 98 slaves in 1794 and 95 slaves in 1803.  William died aged 38 on 7 June 1800 and buried at Almondsbury on 11th June 1800.  The inscription on his gravestone indicates that he was buried there 'at his particular define'.  We note that the grave inscription also includes 'Elizabeth Woodruffe, widow of the late William De La Roche' who died 18th December 1806 aged 28 years.  We assume that Elizabeth married again after William's death.

There was also a John Delaroche who was living in Thornbury around this time.  In 1800 he was occupying 49 High Street and then in 1809 and 1820 he was at 10 and 11 The Plain.  It seems likely that John was William's brother.  John was baptised in 1769 in St Elizabeth, Jamaica.  John married Elizabeth Shapland on 14th September 1789 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire.  In 1797 John was described as being a 'Gentleman of Thornbury' when he was fined £5 for using a greyhound to kill game at Slimbridge.  John also had property in Jamaica, in his case a large plantation called Carisbrook' which is listed as having 142 slaves and 200 stock in 1811.  It is interesting that John's will written in 1812 suggests he may have had at least two black or mulatto 'wives' with whom he had had children.  He made sure that the proceeds of his estate were used for the benefit of those wives and their children.  The will was proved in 1823.  We note that in 1851 the Bristol Mercury reported the death "on April 6th in the 85th year of her age Martha widow of John Delaroche Esq of Carisbroke Castle in the island of Jamaica".

We are not sure why William and John came to live in Thornbury.  We assume that it was because their cousin, Sarah, has married George Rolph, the Thornbury solicitor in 1785.  Sarah was the daughter of Sampson Delaroche and grand-daughter of Thomas Delaroche.

Following William's death, George Rolph as his executor, arranged for the sale of Giddy Hall and William's other estate in 1809 to enable him to repay mortgages still outstanding on William's property.

It seems the Rolph family spread his investments very widely.   Perhaps some of the Rolph family's business interests were questionable by today's standards.  In 1785 when George Rolph junior married Sarah Delaroche of Jamaica her property there included "a stock of Negroes, Cattle, Buildings and appurtenances."  A mortgage indenture dated 27th December 1785 shows George had recently bought from Mrs Martha Cullimore the property described as being  'all that messuage or tenement newly erected and built by George Rolph on the spot of ground whereon a messuage or tenement formerly in the occupation of John Gayner apothecary stood heretofore called The Tavern'.  We know from George's will that he had acquired the two other properties at the rear of his house fronting the High Street. However George continued to let these properties to tenants.



Probably at N18º04.6' W77º36.8' (ref Google Earth)

    Mitcham and Silver Grove were separate properties, both owned by Andrew  Wright in the late 18thC and early 19thC. Mitcham is on the lower ground to the north of the road from Mandeville to Lacovia near Gosham. Silver Grove was up the hill, and on the high ground: Mitcham is good flat alluvial ground, probably productive. Silver Grove would be much drier and less reliable.
    By 1824, they were operated by Francis Maitland and George Roberts (with about 43 slaves and 224 stock at Mitcham and 81 slaves and no stock at Silver Grove). Mitcham was a cattle pen, but Silver Grove seemed to carry no stock, it was probably coffee, pimento and stock. In 1832, Mitcham was operated by George Roberts and Ann Maitland as joint owners of the slaves. By 1840, Mitcham was owned by Samuel Sherman, the husband of Emma Maitland, and remained in their hands, it was 807 acres in 1840 and 843 in 1845. By 1840, Silver Grove was owned by George Roberts and was 1200 acres, and by his heirs in 1845, and was 1400 acres.
    An estate map[7] from early 19thC shows Mitcham as 807 acres, bounded by Goshen to the south, Mount Alta to the East, with Silver Grove on the northern end of the eastern boundary, Cabbage Valley to the north and Peru Pen to the west. The lane to the house can still be seen on the 1952 air photo. At that time, the remains of the negro houses could still be seen.

Published in Jamaica Gazette, 1794, the following advertisement:
Mitcham Pen, 13/11/1793:
Runaway slave from the subscriber about the latter end of August last, a new negro man named Jamaica, about 5 feet high: has filed teeth, country marks on both temples and right shoulder and breaks down back, marked on right shoulder AW rather small had on when absconded a blue baise frock and took with him an afnhurgh(?) one, Reward £2-15s. Andrew Wright.

This shows that Mitcham was a Wright property, presumably came into the Maitland family by Francis' marriage to Ann, Andrew Wright's daughter.

1804: Mitcham: A. Wright (in fact property just east of Morass)
1804: Silver Grove: (approximate position - shown a bit far north)
    A.  Wright (next one south was Mashetts)                   Map1804
All were then in St Elizabeth: the boundary was redrawn later.

LDS shows baptism of 94+ slaves of Mitcham & Silver Grove 21/6/1821, many with surname Maitland.

Ref West India Committee Library:
Silver Grove Pen: Gordon, George, attorney, Accounts 1832-36 (Jamaica Archives ref 1B/26)

    There was a note in my early researches that Silver Grove was owned by the Earl of Balcarres in 1763 (he was a sometime Governor of Jamaica – this was deduced from an estate map[8] entry, but examination of the map shows that the Balcarres land was further East).

Slave Emancipation Compensation - Mitcham

Jamaica St Elizabeth 764 (Mitcham)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
14th May 1838 | 66 Enslaved | £1222 7S 0D

Claim Notes

Not listed in Parliamentary Papers.

T71/870: adjudged (with Manchester claim no. 224) £792 9s 11d to John Pusey Wint the residue went to John Salmon etc.. John Salmon claimed as executor of Ann Maitland John Pusey Wint counterclaimed 'under the will of the late Andrew Wright'. Under Andrew Wright's will, dated 21/01/1806, John Pusey Wint is shown as his 'son-in-law' (in fact he was his stepson). John Pusey Wint was a trustee under the will. Reference to the reputed daughters Ann Wright and Elizabeth Wright, born of the body of Ruth Sinclair: 'if the said A & E Wright go to Jamaica unmarried they should forfeit all benefit under the will'.

Associated Individuals (5)
Andrew Wright                 Other association
John Pusey Wint               Awardee
Edmund Francis Green          Awardee
John Salmon the younger       Awardee (Executor or executrix)
George Roberts                Awardee (Executor or executrix)

1793:- Owned by Andrew Wright, ref Gazette advert.,13/11/1793.

Mitcham Almanacs:

Giving year (almanac later by 1)
1810:- Andrew Wright, decd. 116/174
1811:- Andrew Wright, decd. Slaves: 118 stock: 169.
1815:- Francis Maitland. Giddy Hall and Mitcham 197/456.
1815: Ryde, John Pusey Wint 131/5 1817 similar.
1816: Francis Maitland T
1817: Francis Maitland 114/185 (probably includes Silver Grove)
1819: Maitland and Roberts 42/179
1820: Maitland and Roberts St E 38/194,
1821: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham 41/219
1822: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham 41/266
1823: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham 43/234
1824: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 42/274
1825: Maitland & Roberts 42/245
1826: Maitland & Roberts 41/264
1827: Maitland & Roberts 40/241
1828: Maitland & Roberts 37/244
1830: Maitland & Roberts 39/247
1831: Maitland & Roberts, Mitcham 50/300
1832: Maitland & Roberts, Mitcham 60/350
1837: Sherman, Samuel, Mitcham 44
1839: Sherman, Samuel, Mitcham 807 acres
1844: Sherman, S. 843 acres

AM Visit 1998:

Mitcham Greathouse.
     The settlement of Mitcham is just west of the border between Manchester and St Elizabeth Parishes, and is reached by following a track off the Mandeville to Lacovia road for about a mile northeast. The site of the Greathouse is about 1/2 a mile beyond the settlement. The house was sited on a limestone outcrop about 100 ft above the surrounding plain, with a 2500ft wooded ridge immediately to the East, on top of which is Silvergrove, another Maitland related adjoining property.  The surrounding land looked good fertile cattle country with Bauxite red soil. No stock buildings remain, all milking etc being done at another property a mile or so to the west.
     The former burial ground below the house had been flattened, the remains of some tombstones remaining in a pile of spoil. "Great Grandfather Sherman" was buried there, but the rest of the Shermans are buried in the local church - Goshen(?).
     The house itself was destroyed about 1951, but the foundations remain, now covered with concrete to form a pan draining into a comparatively recent water tank (half full and green!). The shell of a small cottage has been built at one side, but not finished.  We were told that there had been a separate kitchen, but there was no sign it now. GA Hendrix was said to have "mashed it up". The house was about 60'x30' and was timber framed on stone foundations, with a veranda, 2 rooms and hall, + slave quarters and separate kitchen.
    We met in the settlement an old man, born 1910 who remembered the Sherman family and had been the farm manager for 28 years. He was now starting a new church at the bottom of the drive. Another oldish negro at the site remembered the house before it was demolished and showed us round. We also met an older lady who also told us of the Sherman family: one Sherman (white) had "had pickny with black girl: some children came out black like her and some came out pretty like you (referring to the writer)!": told with great glee and no colour problem.

See Mitchum Air Photo in 1952
Mitchum Site Photo in 1998.
Mitcham house seemed little changed in 4/2002.

Ref Brett Ashmeade Hawkins:
    According to my Godfather, John Calder Earle bought Mitcham Estate after the end of the Second World War and made it into one of the finest Dairy Farms in Jamaica. Perhaps he only leased it from the Sherman family. The Earles never lived at Mitchum. They lived at Aberdeen Great House, which must have been at least 20 miles away. I know that there was some problem regarding Mitcham which led to John Calder Earle giving it up shortly before he died, but I don't remember what it was now.

Silver Grove Visit,

N18°05.2 W77°35.7 2800' amsl.

   The house is reached by a marl track through rough, stony, but fertile  looking fields. It is owned by a Mrs Finch(spelling?) who is related to the Roberts family, the last of whom died about 1997. There are still some of that family in the village of Lincoln, about 5 miles to the south.
    The house was described by Douglas Blain, who visited the site with me. A modest 3 bay 3 hip Spanish wall greathouse (only just reaches that level!) formerly a pimento (& probably coffee) estate (also and cattle pen - AM). Looks about 1820, in fair condition, still lived in by relatives of the Roberts family, whose graveyard contains perhaps a dozen, mostly Roberts, graves. Fine stone tank. 3 stage, stone walled barbeque. Detached kitchen formerly single roofed. Additional alterations about 1920. We both agreed it seemed a simple building for a 1400 acre estate. It was a coffee plantation in 1806.

William Roberts, born 25/12/1841, married 31/10/1869, died 8/6/1896.
     Wife and 7 children.
Rozelle Roberts (mother) born 15/11/1842, died 16/1/1926.
Edward Roberts born 12/1/1870, died 10/1881.
Clement Meikle, died 24/9/1958, aged 54.
Herwin Roberts, died 28/4/1956 aged 52
Millicent Roberts, died 2/4/1956 aged 22.
Ellen B Roberts, died 6/2/1960 aged 45.

Silver Grove: Manchester Almanacs.

The first appearance in Manchester was 1819
1819: Maitland & Roberts 80 (slaves)
1820: Maitland & Roberts 81 (slaves)
1821: Maitland & Roberts 80 (slaves)
1822: Maitland & Roberts, Silver Grove, 79
1823: Maitland and Roberts, Silver Grove 81
1824: Maitland and Roberts, Silver Grove 85
1825: Maitland & Roberts 85 (slaves)
1826: Maitland & Roberts 87 (slaves)
1827: George Roberts, Silver grove 86
1828: George Roberts, Silver grove 89
1830: George Roberts, Silver Grove 90
1831: George Roberts, Silver Grove, 180 – has he bought extra land??
1832: George Roberts, Silver Grove, 180
1837: not found
1839: Roberts, George, 1200 acres
1844: George Roberts, heirs of, 1400 acres

1820: Wilderness, John Hewitt est of, 78/4.

Slave Emancipation Compensation – Silver Grove

Jamaica Manchester 224 (Silver Grove)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
14th May 1838 | 68 Enslaved | £1271 5S 11D

Claim Notes

Not listed in Parliamentary Papers.

T71/860: claim by Geo. Roberts, as guardian to Edward Maitland, Wm. Allen, Rebecca Roberts and Georgiana Roberts. Counterclaim by John Pusey Wint, under the will of the late Andrew Wright. 'Adjudged (with St Elizabeth claim no. 764) £792 9s 11d to John Pusey Wint and the residue to John Salmon, George Roberts and Edmund Francis Green'.

Associated Individuals (8)

Edward Maitland Roberts           Beneficiary
William Allen Roberts             Beneficiary
Rebecca Roberts                   Beneficiary
Georgiana Roberts                 Beneficiary
John Pusey Wint                   Awardee
Edmund Francis Green              Awardee
John Salmon the younger           Awardee (Trustee)
George Roberts                    Awardee (Guardian)


  18 5’41.0 w77 52 10
     Mount Charles was a cattle pen situated on the high ground to the NNW of Black River town and overlooking the Morass on the River, with magnificent views of the flood plain and the coast. It appears on the 1804 map as "Miss Smith's", and later as the property of John Smith 1811-21 in the gazettes, beginning with 66/12, falling to 28/5 in 1822. From 1824, it was in the name of James E Burlton with 55 slaves & 15 stock, rising to 92 & 225 in 1831 in 1840 it was combined with Ashton a total of 1002 acres, Ashton being probably 370 acres. In 1845 it was owned by his estate (again combined 1209 acres). According to BAH, it was sold to William Spence in 1846, but Dr Andrew Wright Maitland acquired the property between then and 1850, possibly as a result of his marriage to James Burlton's sister-in-law in 1847. If William Spence was involved, Mount Charles may have come into the family with Augusta Spence who married John Maitland in 1848. For some reason, John Maitland continued with Giddy Hall and Andrew took over Mount Charles. Indications in John’s will are that he bought his brothers out of Giddy Hall.

689: 31 January 1861. From Mr Cunningham’s plan in May 1846.
Mount Charles Pen. T Harrison. C.
Giddy Hall pen to NW. Also shows Sherlock Settlement & Clifton. Shows Mount Charles to be 466 acres.

208 aft 1851: Plat of 181A part of Luana Pen with Mount Charles to NNE & W, Luana Pen to S & E. John Colhoun attorney to Andrew Maitland from plat by Geo Cunningham 3/1851.
Also 60 acres part of Providence Pen, JE Burlton to Samuel Sherman, 1861 Queens Rd to SW old Rd to S & Hodges Pen. NC

    Dr AW Maitland bought 171 acres of the next property, Luana Pen later. Andrew's widow, Katherine lived there for the rest of her life. The Miss Haastrob referred to in DPNJ was almost certainly Ann Catherine (Maitland) Haastroup, Dr AWM's daughter.
    Dr AWM's mother-in-law, Charlotte Bedford (Hill) Tomlinson was first married to a Charles Burlton.

    About 2004, Mount Charles pen was bought by Robbie McMillan from Kingston. He has sympathetically restored the house to its former state and style, and in 2006 was in the process of improving the land surrounding, planting many native tree species. He has made an extremely good job of the house.

1804: Hodges Land: Cohen's
1878 Directory, Mount Charles, A. K. Maitland proprietor, Black River
Mount Charles Photo in 1998.

Extract from DPNJ:
   Mount Charles in St Elizabeth was owned from 1811 by Charles Phipps and was evidently named after him. A grave which dates back to 1856 could bear the name of a subsequent owner. The inscription reads as follows: Andrew Wright Maitland M.R.C.S. It is interesting to note that Andrew Maitland in the 19th Century also owned Giddy Hall, which was the estate adjoining Mount Charles. Subsequent owners were the Earl family and a Miss Haastrob, a German from whom the Rev John Maxwell, a Presbyterian Minister then stationed in this parish, purchased it. It is now (1978) owned by Mrs Iris Sangster, daughter of the Rev J. Maxwell.

Mount Charles adjoins Giddy Hall:

Extract from Brett Ashmeade-Hawkins[i], 19/9/06
See also "Other Places of Interest" below.

    James Edward Burlton, who was an English Merchant in Black River during the Early 19th Century, owned both Ashton and Mount Charles. He married Charlotte Tomlinson, one of three beautiful sisters known as "The Three Graces". Their only son, Edward James Burlton, was their pride and joy. He was sent to boarding school in England, but on the voyage home to Jamaica in 1840 he caught Yellow Fever and died at the tender age of 17. He was buried at sea and the ship arrived in Black River with its flag flying at half-mast. James Edward Burlton never recovered from the loss. His wife, Charlotte, had already died in 1834, and so he was left distraught and alone.
    In 1829 Charlotte's sister, Ana Katherine Tomlinson, had married Col. John Earle, who owned Mount Olivet coffee plantation near Malvern, in the Santa Cruz mountains of St. Elizabeth. Their son, John William Earle (1837-1912), became James Edward Burlton's favourite nephew and he later made him his heir. When James Edward Burlton died in 1853, he left Ashton to John William Earle. (Mount Charles had already been sold in 1846 to William Spence).
    In 1847 Mrs. Ana Katherine Earle, the widow of Col. John Earle, married Dr. Andrew Wright Maitland, M.D. (1809-1856) of Mount Charles and Giddy Hall. She died in 1886 and is buried at Mount Charles. Two of her sons from her first marriage, Edward Muirhead Earle and Charles J. Earle, are also buried at Mount Charles.
    Having inherited Ashton in 1853, John William Earle later moved from Mount Olivet Plantation to take up residence at Ashton Great House. He probably also wanted to be closer to his mother, who was living at Mount Charles with his younger brothers. He brought with him some of the fine mahogany furniture from Mount Olivet Great House, including a massive hand-carved Jamaican four-poster bed that was made on the plantation in 1829 as a wedding present.
    John William Earle married Mary Elmina Calder, the daughter of John Calder of Stanmore Hill Plantation, near Malvern. She was descended, on her Mother's side, from the famous Vassall family of Jamaica, which produced Elizabeth Vassal, Lady Holland. I have a manuscript history and genealogy of the Vassal family, listing all the descendants, if you need any of the relevant dates. John William Earle (1837-1912) left Ashton to his eldest son, Charles Edward Earle (1869-1954). His youngest son, John Calder Earle (1881-1957), bought Aberdeen Estate, near Accompong, in St. Elizabeth, which he ran as a banana plantation. He was married in 1929 to Stella Mia Pulford (1893-1970), an English girl who had come out to Jamaica to visit a friend. She was born at a hill-station in India, the daughter of Col. Russell Richard Pulford, C.I.E., R.E., of the India Army, and her brother was Air-Marshal Conway W.H. Pulford of the R.A.F. He was captured by the Japanese during the Second World War, following the fall of Singapore, and was beheaded by a Japanese officer in one of the prisoner-of-war camps. Stella was a talented linguist and spoke 14 languages. During the Second World War the British Governor of Jamaica, Sir Arthur Richards, appointed her Official Translator to the German and Italian prisoners-of-war interned at Mona. Sir Arthur had been a friend of her Father during the British Raj in India.
     It is said that John Calder Earle bought Mitcham Estate after the end of the Second World War and made it into one of the finest Dairy Farms in Jamaica. Perhaps he only leased it from the Sherman family. The Earles never lived at Mitchum. They lived at Aberdeen Great House, which must have been at least 20 miles away. There was some problem regarding Mitcham which led to John Calder Earle giving it up shortly before he died.

Slave Emancipation Compensation

Jamaica St Elizabeth 605 (Mount Charles)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
31st Oct 1836 | 80 Enslaved | £1993 17S 1D

Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 302.

T71/870: claim from James Edward Burlton, as owner. Numerous counterclaims from judgement creditors, including Robt. Blemell [sp?] Pollard, a creditor on 'judgement of Oct 1833 and assignment of the compensation', for £645 18s 2d and interest from 20/03/1835. Counterclaim also by Robt. Blemell Pollard for £760 7s 4d, with the same judgement date.

The London Oratory: British History Online (from survey of London vol. 41 1983, available at http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=50008 [accessed 14/03/2012]): Robert Pollard bought a site of 3 1/2 acres from Alexander Barclay (a wax-chandler) for £4000 in 1819 and set up a boarding school, Blemell House. Pollard sold the site to the Congregation of the Oratory in 1852 for £16,000.

Mount Charles: St Elizabeth Almanacs.

1804:- Miss Smith's
1811-22:- John Smith.
1839:- James E Burlton. 1002.
1844:- James E Burlton, est of.(& Ashton) 1281 acres
1878: Prop AK Maitland

AM Visit 1998:

     The house was reached by about a mile of now very rough track: we were led up it by a young lad on a motorcycle, who spoke to someone to get permission. After passing one set of formal gate pillars, entry was through a further gate leading onto a grassed area with the house on a rise at the far end, with rough buildings below and left.  The house was smaller than Giddy Hall and probably not as grand.
    It was built with stone lower floor and wooden living area above. It had verandas front and back. Like Giddy Hall, it faced over the Black River and its estuary, with a Victorian style terraced garden below the house overlooking the valley. Barbeques were still in existence at the back of the house and the original separate kitchen building was still in use, one room used for storage, the other as a kitchen with a large open fire - the interior was heavily soot covered. Interestingly, the path leading to it from the house was very similar to the remains of a path found in the garden of Giddy Hall.
     The occupant of the house appeared and after finding out why we were wandering around his homestead, was friendly and helpful. He showed us the burial ground to the southwest of the house where Andrew Wright Maitland and his wife, Ann Katherine were buried. The graves were in a good state of preservation.  A number of other graves had lost their name plates. Those still there read as follows:

Ann Katherine Maitland died 22 February 1886
(Marble horizontal gravestone)
Andrew Wright Maitland died 20 April 1858 (brass plaque)
Charles James Earl died 29/6/1858 (brass plaque)
(presumably the Ann Katherine's son by her first husband)
The occupant said that the house was owned by Mr Sangster from Kingston, possibly the son of Iris Sangster, who was a Miss Maxwell.
    By 2006, Mount Charles Pen had been bought from the Sangster family by Robb MacMillan from Kingston and had been restored, bringing out many of the original features of the building. Robb at that time was clearing and planting the surrounding land

National Library, Kingston, ref St Elizabeth 689,              JR1998
Mount Charles Pen map based on Morris Petgrave's plan of August 1822 and Mr Cunnungham's plan of May 1846. Shows Mount Charles Pen with its boundaries being Giddy Hall Pen, Whitehall Pen, Luana Pen, part of Providence, sold to Wm Spence.
Note that John Maitland married Augusta Spence (re her gravestone) in 1848.
National Library, Kingston, ref St Elizabeth 643.              JR1998
diagram represents 171 acres of land - part of Luana Pen - and is intended to be purchased by Dr A.W. Maitland and belongs to Mount Charles Pen.

The COVE & LITTLE CULLODEN - Westmoreland

These 2 properties were left by Patty Penford in her will of 1795, The Cove to Rebecca Wright, Little Culloden to Margaret Forbes.

Patty bought for £60 12½ acres from Alexander & Mary Forbes in 1769 in Westmoreland. The Forbes are marked on the 1755 map.

In 1778 she bought Little Culloden pen of 96½ acres for £200.

The Cove pen of 213 acres, was bought by Patty Penford in 1784, left to daughter Rebecca, who then left it to Francis Maitland. He presumably sold it about the time he bought Giddy Hall in 1809. The site was visited by AM in May 2009 when it was raining heavily. The road from Black River to Sav la Mar passes through the property, but little was visible now, the land on the north side of the road being now covered by bush, although fenced. The conveyance to Patty Penford contains a plat of the site, which stretches down to the sea. A couple of buildings are shown on the map. A further visit on a better day might reveal a little more. From the 19thC publications, the Cove remained occupied into the 20thC. The plat, included in the Deed, indicates that the property was owned by Thomas George in 1775, and was sold by Thomas Hogg, possibly his heir (interestingly, the Hogg family reappear as owners of the Pen in 1891).

There were 2 properties called the Cove in the Almanacs for Westmoreland, one looked from the slave numbers to have been quite small, the other was fairly substantial judging by the slave numbers. Their locations are not known, but the larger of the two was grouped with others in the Bluefields area. The larger of the two is probably the one owned by our family at Scott’s Cove.

The 1804 map has Pentfords marked near Scots Cove, within the scale of the map, the position is correct.
Earlier references to "The Grove" for Benjamin Capon might have been the Cove?

Letellier look to have been a Roman Catholic family, some appear in Kingston early 19thC.
Ann Letellier recorded as being at the Cove (a small version) from 1817-32.
Benjamin Capon recorded at the Grove 1817-22, and then at The Cove 1824-26. (BC a merchant 1808 Westmoreland).
Thomas Tate at the Cove 1829-38, and left it to a son in his will in 1855.

Proprietors etc./Properties etc./Slaves/Stock

1812: Cove, Capon & Letellier: nil.
1815: Walcott & Capon, Glenislay 102/ 10
1817: Capon, Benjamin, Grove, 25
      Letellier, Ann, Cove, 13/2
1818: Capon, Benjamin, Grove, 34/4
      Letellier, Ann, Cove, 11/2
1820: Capon, Benjamin, Glenislay and Grove 75/16
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 12/ 2
1821: Capon, Benjamin, Glenislay and Grove 101/ 47
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 13/ 4
1822: Letellier, Ann, Cove 12/ 4
      Capon, Benjamin, Glenislay and Grove 109/ 97
1824: Capon, Benjamin, Cove and Glenislay 88/ 79
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 11/ 2
      Tait, Jane, Farm 8/5 Tate, Thomas, 46/85 Tate, William, 12.
1826: Capon, Benjamin, Cove and Glenislay 99/66
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 12
1829: Letellier, Ann, Cove, 4
      Tate, Thomas, Old Shaftston, 105/165
      ..ditto, Rotherwood, 98/174
      ..ditto, Cove Pen, 36
1831: Letellier, Ann, Cove, 11
      Tate, Thomas, Old Shaftston, 98/225
      ..ditto, Rotherwood, 97/192
      ..ditto, Cove, 33
1832: Letellier, Ann, Cove, 5
      Tate, Thomas, Old Shaftston, 97/ 307
      .......ditto, Rotherwood, 101
      .......ditto, Cove, 34
1833: Tate, Thomas, Cove 36/ 1-2 [?]
      .......Old Shaftston 99/ 215
      .......Rotherwood 103
      .......Heath Hall 84
1838 Westmoreland Proprietors, Properties, Apprentices
     Tate, Thomas, Old Shafston 83
     ........Rotherwood 64
     ........Cove 40
1840 acres: Tate, Thomas, 786
      ---Same, 1821
      ---Same, 226
      ---Same, 1333

1845 prop estate acres:
Spence, W. heirs of, Woodstock, 1500
Tate, H. Industry, 14
Tate, R. Robin’s River, 1187
_Same, Orange Grove and Bronte, 206
_Same, Mount Edgecombe, 2215
_Same, Old Shatton, 786
_Same, Rotherwood, 4155

1891 Post Office Address, Kings, (near Culloden pen, west along coast towards Savlamar)
Hogg, W. E. (Owner), Cove Pen
Tate LA, Shafston, Bluefields
Sinclair DJ, Shafston Pen, Bluefields

Hogg William, Cove Pen, Hogg William, Bluefields PO


Descendants of Philip Anglin
Generation No. 3
Mary Ann Anglin, born June 23, 1805 died December 1846. She married Thomas Dale Tate June 28, 1826 in Westmoreland25 born Bet. 1789 - 1790 died October 1855.

More About Mary Ann Anglin:
Age: December 1846, 42 years
Baptism: February 02, 1809, Westmoreland
Burial: December 09, 1846, Orange Grove, Westmoreland28
Residence: 1846, Robins River, Westmoreland

Will of Thomas Tate of Westmoreland, Esquire
As executors and trustees I appoint my friend Hugh Anthony Whitelocke and my son Thomas Anglin Tate.
I give to the trustees to hold in trust the property called Rotherwood, and runs of land called Metcalfe and Leamington, and Mount Edgecombe and the Cove Plantation, Robins River and Shaftston and all other real estate I may own. To pay any debts they may rent the real estate for 7 years. They are to hold any real and personal estate as follows:
Cove, Rotherwood, Metcalf and Leamington and 40 cows in trust for son Napoleon Tate.
Robins River in trust for son Cornelius Moore Tate.
Shaftston in trust for William Anglin Tate.
Culloden, Amity, Allsides and stock and Mount Edgecombe Pen in trust for Thomas Anglin Tate.
To my daughter Helen Campbell Whitelocke (formerly Tate) an annuity of 150 pounds.
An annuity of 150 pounds to my daughter Mary Ann Tate.
An annuity of 150 pounds to my daughter Fanny Ann Tate.
The annuities are to paid in equal portions half-yearly on January 1st and July 1st. One fifth to be paid by Napoleon Tate from Cove, Rotherwood, Metcalf and Leamington. One-fifth to be paid by each of the other boys, William Anglin Tate, Cornelius Moore Tate and Thomas Anglin Tate from lands they received. [This only accounts for 4/5ths. There must have been another bequest that was not copied into the Will Book, to another surviving son, John or Philip.]
The land is to be held as tenants in common [See Glossary].
The trustees may invest in stock until the estate is distributed.
Dated the third day of 1852.
Witnesses: G. B. Vidal, Jane Vidal, and Ellen Georgina Braine were sworn on December 7, 1855 before Benjamin Vickers. The will was declared on April 15, 1856.

According to Cundall, "Culloden and Auchindown, in St. Elizabeth, date from the time of the arrival of the ill-fated Darien refugees." [These properties would have been in St. Elizabeth before that area became part of Westmoreland] (B149, Cundall, page 371).
More About Thomas Dale Tate:
Addressed as: Esquire
Burial: October 03, 1855, Orange Grove, Westmoreland29
Occupation: Bet. 1832 - 1843, Planter
Occupation (2): 1837, Proprietor of Old Shaftston, Rotherwood, and Cove30
Occupation (3): 1840, Proprietor of 4,166 acres in Westmoreland31
Occupation (4): 1855, Proprietor Robins River, Westmoreland
Probate: April 15, 1856, Entered Vol. 127, p. 13432
Residence: Bet. 1832 - 1834, Bluefields, Westmoreland
Residence (2): 1842, Residence: Auchindown, Westmoreland
Residence (3): 1855, Residence: Robins River, Westmoreland

Will: 185233

Thomas Hogg to Patty Penford – 1785

339/116 Date 1/12/1784 Ent 4 March 1785
Thomas Hogg, merchant of Westmoreland and Patty Penford, a free mulatto of St Elizabeth.. J£1000 conveys to Patty Penford … All that piece etc of land etc in Westmoreland and St Elizabeth commonly called the Cove containing 213 acres bounding easterly on Major General James Bannister now Fonthill estate Northerly on Thomas Parris and Benjamin Heath formerly Griffith Jenkin and westerly and southerly on the sea..

Patty Penford grants to Thomas Hogg 15 feet square around the grave of Thomas George
Witness Hyem Cohen & William Clark

a run of land patented by John James and part of a run of land patented by Major General James Bannister .. now belonging to Thomas George .. surveyed 1st March 1775.

Thomas Taylor to Patty Pinford – 1778

291/73 Date 19 January 1778 Ent 27 May 1778
Thomas Taylor of Hannover practitioner of Physic and surgery of Hannover and Patty Pinford a free mulatto woman of Westmoreland .. for J£200 .. convey Little Culloden containing 96 acres and one half .. bounding southerly on the sea easterly on Great Culloden westerley on Ankerdown (Ankendown?)

6        OTHER RELATED PROPERTIES – Almanacs etc


from MAP1804 and Jamaica Almanacs
A summary of properties mentioned in various texts related to their position on the 1804 map and a mid 20thC Jamaican road map (pre 1950's air survey). The latter map shows many estate names, while the 1804 map shows owners' names. Where possible, lat/long reference has been established. This can be referenced to the Jamaica grid.
The owners are listed as found in the Jamaica Almanacs.

Berlin: St Elizabeth.

17 55N 77 33W, on SE end of Santa Cruz Mountains.
1804:- Cerf
1811-24:- Almanac, Henry Cerf
1833-40:- Hyman Cohen

Blenheim: Vere

17 57N 77 31.5W, 6.5 miles north of coast.
1804:- not shown, blank area.
1809:- George Brooks
1815-24:- George Brooks
PRO has reference to Accounts of Blenheim & Cranbrooke plantations of John Moffatt, 1806-7 WO 9/48.


2 miles North of Giddy Hall.
1824:- George Spence.
1858:- Augusta Cooper (nee Spence, and married to John Maitland, died).

Burnt Ground: St Elizabeth.

18 02N 77 44.5W
1804:- J Brooks
1804:- G Brooks, 1 mile north of here.
1808:- George Brooks (m Sarah Wright).
1811:- Almanac, George Brooks.

Burton & New Ground

1811 (1809): Burton’s: John Chorley, 62/0, New Works: John Blackburn, 213/20
1812 (1811): Burton’s: John Chorley, 60/0, Blackburn: Wallen’s etc, 437
1816 (1815): John Blackburn: Wallens, 234/156, Burton’s, 55/69, New Works, 204/184
1817: John Blackburn, Wallens, 234/144, Burton’s & New Works, 260/361
1818: John Blackburn, Wallens, 213/167, Burton’s & New Works, 219/286
1820: John Blackburn, Wallens, 241/9, Burton’s & New Works, 253/97
1821: John Blackburn, Wallens, 239/2, New Works, 342/74
1822: John Blackburn, Wallens, 237/184, New Works, 350/306
1823: John Blackburn, Wallens, 239/185, New Works, 310/286
1824: John Blackburn, Wallens, 313/175, New Works, 308/323
1833: John Blackburn still.
1838: Henry Lowndes: New Works 220, Wallens 220.
1840: Henry Lowndes, New Works 2060 acres, Wallens 1760
1845: A Sutherland, New Works, 2000 acres.

Enfield: Vere

17 57.5N 77 29W, 6.5 m inland from South Coast.
1804:- Booth
1815-22:- William Burt Wright.
1824-38:- William Burt Wright, est of.

Kensworth: Vere.

17 56N, 77 30.2W, 5.5 miles inland, north of Cut River mouth.
1804:- either Golburns or Stimpsons.
1815-20:- Robert Benstead Wright.
1822:- RB Wright, est of.
1824-6:- Kenilworth.
1833-38:- N Wright. ("Kinworth")
1840:- Nicola Wright.

Lowerworks: St Elizabeth.

1/2 mile NW of Black River centre, off Lacovia Road.
1804:- No indication.
1811:- Joseph Royal.

Meribah: St Elizabeth.

1811-26:- John Wright.
1833:- John Wright, decd.

Middlesex Pen: St Elizabeth

A Cooper property later.
JG 16/8/1813:
For Sale, Middlesex Pen, in the Parish of St Elizabeth, containing about 700 acres of land, on the direct road from Kingston to Savanna la Mar, 4 miles distant from Lacovia and 8 miles from Black River about 250 acres are in well established Guinea Grass Pieces, fenced chiefly with stone walls, 50 acres in Common Pasture, also fenced, the remainder in Woodland. The YS River runs through the property which is very seasonable, and well worthy the attention of any Person desirous of purchasing a Pen. For terms apply to Messrs Boyles & Co, Kingston or to William Rowe esq, St Elizabeth.

Mount Olivet: St Elizabeth.

17 59N 77 43.5W, E side of Santa Cruz Mountains, N of main road.
1804:- Williams marked near there, but not exact.
1811-24:- Thomas J Williams.
1840:- John Earl. (also Chelsea)
1845:- J Earl, heirs of.

Mount Lebanon: St Elizabeth.

18 26N, 77 56W, 2 miles NW of Giddy Hall.
1804:- Smith's
1811:- Alexander Rose
1812: Rose, Alexander, 57/89
1816 Rose, Alexander Mount-Lebanon   

1818 Rose, Alexander Mount-Lebanon   

1821 Rose, Alexander Mount-Lebanon   

1821 Rose, Mary

1821 Rose, Wm. A. and George Norfolk

1825 Rose, Alexander, dec. Mount-Lebanon   

1826:- Alexander Rose, decd.
1830 Rose, Alexander, dec. Mount Lebanon   

1830 Rose, William A. Norfolk

Rose Hill: St Elizabeth.

About 2 miles WNW of Giddy Hall.
Roses Valley,
in St Elizabeth, is named after the first owner, William Rose (Jamaica Almanacs, 1811) of this now defunct estate. Roses Valley is now a village in the centre of which is a Baptist Church, There is also Roses Valley Post Office.                 DPNJ.

Southampton: St Elizabeth.

18 00.5N 77 41.5W,
1804:- J Wright
1804:- W Wright at South Valley, nearby.
1811:- Robert B Wright.

Stretton Hall: (also Streten), Vere.

17 12N 77 42W, on Salt River Bay, 1 mile N of river.
1804:- Wright & Glasgow.
1811:- James Wright, deceased.
1815:- Wright & Glasgow, executors of
1820-22:- White & Levys.

Tophill, St Elizabeth.

Between Junction and Treasure Beach. Small elongated town in 2010.
1811: Powell, Sarah, Tophill 35/ -


MI of Jamaica:

Clarendon Patented survey 1670:
George Booth, 1200 acres
Robert Wright 100
ST Thomas: Thomas Booth 12

VERE TROOP, Militia of Horse

Capt. John Ashley

1st Lieut. Thomas John Parker

2d Lieut. John Gall Booth

Vere Troop, Horse
2d Lieut., John Gall Booth

1790 & 1796:
Vere Troop:
Captain, John Gall Booth

Vere Regiment:
Ensign JG Booth.

Vere Regiment of Foot:
Lt JG Booth

Vere Vestryman:
Samuel Booth

1824 Vere Troop of Horse:
Lieutenant: Samuel Booth 3/8/1821

Vere 1811:
Booth, J. G., Farm 62/ 13
Booth, J. G., deceased, Mount Pleasant 58/ 12
Booth, Samuel, Asia 41/ 19

Vere 1816:
Booth, John Gall, heirs of, Mount-Pleasant 42/ 20

Booth, Samuel, Asia 24

Vere 1818:
Booth, Samuel, Rest, 24/11
Manchester 1818:
Booth, John Gall, heirs of, Mount Pleasant, 38

Booth, John Gall, Farm, 64/29

Clarendon 1820:
Schroeter and Booth, 23
Vere 1820:
Booth, Henry, 10

Booth, Robert W., 2/ 20

Booth, Samuel, Rest 29/ 2
Manchester 1820:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 81/ 33

Booth, John G. heirs of, Mount Pleasant 33/4

St Andrew 1822:
Booth, Annabella, Rowlington Pen 18/ 1

Vere 1823:
Booth, Henry, 3/ 16

Booth, Robert W., 3

Booth, Samuel, Rest 25/3
Manchester 1820:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 74/ 30

Booth, John Gall heirs of, Mount Pleasant 35/ 4

Vere 1823:
Booth, Henry, 5

Booth, Robert W., 2/ 18

Booth, Samuel, Rest 29
Manchester 1823:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 78/ 31

Booth, John G. heirs of, Mount Pleasant 35/ 5

Manchester 1824:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 115/ 23

Ditto.............., Mount Pleasant 32

Vere 1824 Vestrymen:
Booth, Samuel,
Booth, Robert W.

St Andrew 1824:
Booth, Annabella, Rowlington Pen, 26/ 3

Vere 1825:
Booth, Annabella, 6

Booth, Robert W., 6 / 30

Booth, Samuel, Rest 26 / 4
Manchester 1825:
Booth, John G. deceased, Farm 113/ [torn]

Ditto.............., Mount Pleasant 40/ [torn]
St Andrew 1825:
Booth, Annabella, Rowlington Pen, 26/3

St Andrew 1826
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 25 / 4

St Catherine 1826:
Booth, Joseph W. 8/0
Silverwood, Samuel, as guardian of E. L. Booth 6/0

Vere 1826 (all slaves, not all have stock):
Booth, Annabella, 23

Booth, Robert W., 6 / 21

Booth, Samuel, Rest 28 / 4

St Catherine 1827:
Booth, Joseph W., 7
Silverwood, Samuel, as guardian of F. L. Booth, 6
St Andrew 1827:
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 32/3

Clarendon 1828:
Booth, Annabella, 11

..ditto, administratrix, 20

Booth, Rebecca, 51/10
Vere 1828:
Booth, Annabella, 17

Booth, Robert W., 18

Booth, Samuel, Rest, 24
Manchester 1828:
Booth, J. G., deceased, Farm, 85
St Catherine 1826:
Booth, Joseph W., 14
Manchester 1828:
Booth, J. G. estate of, Farm, 80
St Andrew 1828
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 31/4

Clarendon 1829:
Booth, Rebecca, 54/10
Vere 1829:
Booth, Annabella (or Ansabella?), 9

Booth, Robert W., 9

Booth, Samuel, Rest, 28/6
St Andrew:
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 40/4

Vere 1828:
Booth, Annabella, 15

Booth, Henry, 5/5

Booth, Robert W., 17/27

Booth, Samuel, Rest, 25/6

St Andrew 1831:
Booth, Annabella, Rollington Pen, 42/5
Vere 1831:
Booth, Robert W., 9/18

Booth, Samuel, The Rest, 25/8

Clarendon 1831:
Booth, Annabella, 8

St Andrew 1832:
Booth, Annabella, Rollington Pen, 38/ 4
St Dorothy 1832:
............... for estate of Catherine Booth 4
Manchester 1832:
Booth, John Gaul, heirs of, 99
Vere 1832:
Booth, Robert W. 11/ 17

Booth, Samuel, The Rest 20/ 7

St Andrew 1833:
Booth, Annabella, Rollington Pen 40/ 7
ST Dorothy 1833:
............... for estate of Catherine Booth 4
Vere 1833:
Booth, Robert W. 8/ 13


Vere 1839:
Constable: Joseph L Booth.

St Andrew 1840:
Booth, Arabella, *Rollington pen, 12

Vere 1840:
Booth, R. W. estate of, 300
Burrell, George P., executor of Booth, 137

Manchester 1845:
Booth, J. W. Gains, 27
St Catherine 1845
Marshall, J. F. Booth’s pen, 17
Vere 1845:
Booth, W. P. Milk-River, 25

Booth, W. P. Rest, 10
Booth, S. Milk-River, 16

Booth, R. B. March Quarter, 66

Booth, R. B. Serpentine River, 1100

Moravian Church in Lititz, St. Elizabeth:
James Booth Feb 9, 1830 Alligator Pond Dec 25, 42 W.A.Prince P.L. Simon Booth (father)

Michael Booth Feb10,1834

1. William McLeod was born Abt. 1802. He married Adah Jane Booth May 02, 1827 in Manchester (Source: B0059 Manchester Parish Register I, 1817-1836, p. 310 #3.). She was born Abt. 1802.

More About William McLeod:

Purpose of travel: Free person of color

Residence: 1827, Manchester

More About Adah Jane Booth:

Race/nationality/color: Free person of color

Residence: 1827, Manchester

Cohens: St Elizabeth.

1804:- Shown in 2 places NW of Black River, S of Giddy Hall:
18 04N 77 55.5W, between Brompton and Fiffes
18 03.5N 77 45.5, Mt Salus??
1822-24:- Cohen & Co. Heathfield. (Manchester)
1833:- Hyman, Heathfield & Berlin.
1833:- Judah Cohen, Potsdam & Corby Castle
1838:- Hyman, Apropos & Albion (Vere) & Berlin.
1838:- Judah, Potsdam & Corby Castle.
1840:- Hyman, Berlin, Apropos, Isle, Albion
1840:- Judah, Potsdam, Colby Castle, Heathfield, Berwick, Maidstone,  Bath & Chatham.

Hyman's:  Vere.

Maybe Dean's Valley, 18N 77 43W
1804:- Hyman's
1804:- Hyman's also 1 mile west of Santa Cruz.

Wrights: Vere.

1755:- shown on Minho (Dry) River, east bank. In 1804 perhaps "Richmonds", roughly opposite Gibbons.

Wrights: St Elizabeth.

1804:- shown 1 mile NE of Lacovia, at Greenfield or Petersfield.

Pusey Hall:

17 38N 77 15W, North of Rocky Point, Carlisle Bay.
1804:- Pusey Hall.

Jamaica Vere 42 (Pusey Hall Estate) £5018 7S 11D [236 Enslaved]


Richard Godson


Henry Hargreaves
Jamaica Vere 42 (Pusey Hall Estate)

Claim Details & Associated Individuals

5th Oct 1835 | 236 Enslaved | £5018 7S 11D


Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 19.

T71/858: shows 'Henry and Richard Godson Hargreaves [sic] absentees'. Corrected by hand to Henry Hargreaves and Richard Godson.

T71/56 p. 107: enslaved persons were registered in 1832 by Jno Melmoth, as attorney to Henry Hargraves and Richard Godson esqs.


Jamaica Vere 43 (Pusey Hall Estate) £618 1S 9D [32 Enslaved]


Susan Goulburn


Rebecca Ross
Jamaica Vere 43 (Pusey Hall Estate)

Claim Details & Associated Individuals

29th Feb 1836 | 32 Enslaved | £618 1S 9D


Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 19.

T7/858: claim from Thomas Heney, of Vere, as the agent of Rebecca Ross and Susan Goulbourn.

T71/56 p. 54: Susan Goulburn registered 5 enslaved persons in 1832.

T71/56 p. 125: Rebecca Ross registered two enslaved persons, as guardian.


Wint: Vere.

1804:- on Milk River, north of Main road crossing, on east bank. Also there were Mrs Booth's.
1811:- John P. Wint.
1804:- Myers were shown about 1/2 mile west of Giddy Hall Settlement
Mrs Parchment's shown near south coast, between Jack's Holt and White Horse.

Thomas Hercey Barratt

Particulars of the Estates of Mile Gully and Spitzbergen, and Harmans or Harmony Run, in the Parish of Manchester : Paradise, Piper's or Smith's Penn, Mumbies & Blackwall, in the Parish of Vere, and Garbrand Hall and Mullet Hall, in the Parish of Saint Thomas in the east, all in the Island of Jamaica, containing alltogether 15,932 acres, or thereabouts : which will be sold by auction, in seven lots, or in such lots as the chief Commissioners shall determine at the time of sale, by Messrs. Leifchild & Cheffins, before Henry James Stonor, Esq., Chief Commissioner, at the Court of the Commissioners.

Other Title

In the Court of the Commissioners for the Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies (Jamaica)

Incumbered Estates in the West Indies (Jamaica)
Copies of the estate maps are in the Estate Map folder, and available from the Library of Congress: https://www.loc.gov/resource/g4961gm.gct00414/?sp=1

Jamaica, particulars of a valuable Sugar Estate : known as Carlisle, containing 900 acres, or thereabouts, and a piece of land belonging thereto, containing 163 acres or thereabouts, in the Parish of Clarendon (Vere District) in the Island of Jamaica, together with the buildings, fixtures, machinery and live & dead stock thereon : which will be sold by auction, in one lot, by Messrs. Hards, Vaughan & Jenkinson, before James Fleming, Esq., Q.C., and Reginald John Cust, Esq., Commissioners for Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies, at the Sale Room of the Commissioners.

Title from accompanying text. "In the matter of the Estate of Issac Baruh Lousada, deceased." "Sale on Wednesday, the 14th day of May, 1879." Accompanied by text: In the Court of the Commissioners for Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies, Jamaica. ([4] unnumbered pages : cadastral data, annotations ; 44 cm, folded to 28 x 11 cm). "At the Auction Mart, Tokenhouse Yard, in the city of London, on Wednesday, the 14th day of May, 1879, at one o'clock precisely. The purchaser will have an indefeasible Parliamentary Title under the Seal of the Court." Available also through the Library of Congress Web site as a raster image.



Geographical Features of Note

Round Hill

Round Hill is included as it appears in several grants and deeds and is an imposing landmark on the coast on the eastern extent of Carpenter’s Mountains.
Extracts from Report of a field meeting to south-central Jamaica, 23rd May, 1998[9].
  Round Hill is an imposing, roughly oval-shaped limestone massif orientated in an approximately east-west direction. It is bounded to the east and south by the floodplain and mangrove swamps of the Milk River, and to the west by similar wetlands within the lower reaches of the Alligator Hole River. To the north, Round Hill is bordered by conical hills and enclosed depressions forming poorly developed kegelkarst, which gives way in the northwest to collapse dolines around God‟s Well and to small limestone gorges associated with uplands containing some enclosed depressions in the Alligator Hole River area. Much of the southwest margin of Round Hill is skirted by a gently sloping, apron-like footslope covered with scrubland vegetation and comprising limestone conglomeratic debris with many fallen limestone blocks on its surface, which terminates at the coast as an 8-10 m high seacliff, below which is a discontinuous beach containing black sand.

Although Round Hill is composed of limestones of the Newport Formation, there is a general lack of typical, large-scale karst landforms on its surface. For the most part, the slopes of Round Hill are broadly convex to rectilinear, but are occasionally broken by benches and steps, particularly on the north- and south-facing slopes, which can be interpreted as „structural benches‟, probably marking bedding planes or structural trends within the limestones. There are also numerous gullies and possible old landslide scars cut into the flanks of Round Hill, especially on its southwest-facing slopes, whilst many former drainage lines can be traced on its surface on all aspects of the massif. These gullies and drainage lines are predominantly relic phenomena and were presumably cut during periods of more significant rainfall than at present, or, alternatively, secondary permeability of the limestones has now advanced to a stage where all rainfall simply infiltrates below the surface. Many of the gullies which drained to the lower slopes, especially on the colluviated footslopes on the southwest flanks of Round Hill, are associated with fans and talus cones, comprising conglomeratic limestone debris and larger fallen blocks. The distal ends of some of these fans are exposed in the seacliff to the west of Farquhar‟s Beach as Holocene conglomeratic beds containing predominantly limestone boulders and pebbles in a reddish, rendzina-like matrix. The conglomeratic beds contain moderately rare calcified root remains and calcrete horizons, and also are associated with semi-continuous paleosol horizons. This suggests that the mass movement and fluvial processes which formed the fans and talus cones were episodic, and punctuated by periods where the fans were at least temporarily stabilised by a vegetation and soil cover. The gastropods within the conglomerates confirms their terrestrial origin as mass movement and fluvial deposits laid down in a debris fan and talus cone environment. Generally on all aspects, the base of Round Hill is marked by an abrupt break of slope, below which are much gentler slope.....
    The coastline from the mouth of the Milk River to Farquhar‟s Beach is a sandy beach backed by mangrove swamps. It is one of several black sand beaches that occur along the south coast of Jamaica (see above). West of Farquhar‟s Beach, the coastline is marked by a low seacliff, which is about 8-10 m high, and exposes the Round Hill beds and overlying distal fans/talus cones. The cliff is generally poorly stabilised, and many fallen blocks of both these units litter the beach below. The more stable sections of the cliff are buttressed by the more resistant components of the Round Hill beds. Uncommonly, the cliff is broken by gullies, whilst slumped sections occur to the extreme west of the cliffline. The slumps could be the product of wave action undermining the base of the cliff, though they may also be related to groundwater movements to the southwest of Round Hill. For the most part, the mass movements within the slumped cliff zones can be classified as small-scale slab and toppling failure, with some rotational components....
    “Raised beach‟. Edward Robinson (1967b, p. 46) described this unit as “... a thin deposit of raised beach sand, containing marine molluscs of modern aspect”, that he considered to lie unconformably on the Round Hill beds. We use „raised beach‟ in the broad sense herein, that is, a beach feature elevated above present sea level, whether this position results from either uplift of the land or a drop in sea level (Lowe and Walker, 1997, p. 84). At the time of deposition of the „raised beach‟, the eroded surface which now forms the unconformity on the Round Hill beds presumably formed a wave-cut, rocky shore platform. This was subsequently buried by the “raised beach‟ and overlying distal fans/talus cones.

Note: much of Jamaica has raised beaches on the shore.

Other Relevant & Surrounding Properties


Ashton Pen

- Once owned by the Burlton family with Mount Charles     HBJ1840
   once owned by Earl family,                         HBJ1915
   1915: 365 acres
   1998: now a smart Greathouse hotel just outside Black River.
2008: AM stayed there opinion reserved! Very poorly converted into hotel - front door and immediate hall only original part remaining.
     From Jamaica Gazette, 30/1/1813 (AM 4/2008): Ashton Pen, part of Longwood Pen, containing 300 acres situate in district of Santa Cruz, and binding upon Emmaus Pen. To save trouble, the considerate money is £1500 down, or £2000 by instalments of 1 & 2 years. Applications are to be made to James Miller or George Graham Stone, attorneys to John Mitchell esq.
From Government Gazette, 1813, Ashton Pen, part of Longwood Pen,

St. Elizabeth’s, Dec. 17, 1817. (Jamaica Gazette)

For SALE, ASHTON, a most desirable residence, situate two miles from B1ack-River, commanding an extensive and picturesque view of the Sea and surrounding Country:  This Property contains 320 Acres of Land, about 100 of which are in Guinea-Grass, well divided with Stone Walls, the remainder in Ruinate, Logwood, and Common Pasture. The House consists of a Dining and two Bed-Rooms, below, a spacious Drawing and two Bed Rooms above, a detached wing with excellent Out-Offices, and a mason .work Kitchen and Wash- House; the whole worthy the attention of any Family wishing for a genteel country residence. Part of the purchase money will be required down, and, time given for the remainder on approved Security : To prevent unnecessary applications the premises are valued at £600. currency. Apply to JOHN SALMON.
"Brett Ashmeade-Hawkins" 24/9/06.

    Unfortunately the house was converted into a rather shabby hotel in the early 1990s and the original building has been altered almost beyond recognition. Sadly most of it is now half-hidden behind a mass of incongruous modern additions.
   Please find attached three pictures showing Ashton Great House as it once looked when the Burlton and Earle families lived there.

   They are as follows (these are held by AM, but not on line as they may be in copyright):
1. Ashton in 1832. Copy of an original drawing by Miss Storer. Private Collection[ii].
2. Ashton in 1964. Copy of an original  photograph by the late T.A.L. Concannon. Concannon Collection. National Library of Jamaica.
3. Ashton in 1981. Copy of an original watercolour by Prudence Lovell. Jamaica, National Building Society Collection.

Jamaica Gazette, 22 January 1813: To be sold, Ashton Pen, being part of Longwood Pen, containing 300 acres, situate in the district of Santa Cruz, in the parish of St Elizabeth, and binding on Eammaus Pen. To save trouble the consideration money is £1500 down, or £2000 by instalmets of one and two years. Applications to be made to James Miller or George Gresham, Attornies to John Mitchell, Esq. (20180313_141844)

    The drawing showing Ashton in 1832 really captures it as it originally was. It stands on a high hill in the midst of over 350 acres of English-style parkland. The house had wonderful views of both Black River and the sea from the front and also the mountains from the back. Most importantly it was always delightfully cool and a pleasant escape from the constant heat and humidity of the nearby town of Black River.
    The late T.A.L. Concannon, an English architect who was the leading architectural historian in Jamaica from the late 1940s to the early 1970s, always described Ashton as an 18th Century house. However it is really quite different from most 18th Century Jamaican houses and I tend to think that it was probably built in the Early 19th Century instead. I would say sometime  between 1810 and 1815. It has almost a Regency feel to it.
     As you can see Ashton was actually three storeys high, which was somewhat unusual for Jamaica since most houses were usually two storeys. The ground floor was a raised basement built of cut-stone and it contained a "hurricane room", a wine cellar and various storage rooms. The first floor and second floors were built of wood, solid mahogany boards, and the roof was covered with cedar shingles cut and cured on the plantation.
     A double staircase of stone led up to a pillared entrance portico on the first floor and into a projecting entrance hall with open wooden jalousies on all sides. This entrance hall led into a central hallway on the right of which was a large Dining Room and on the left of which was a large Drawing Room. Both of these rooms had tall arched doorways and very high ceilings, with glass sash windows and wooden jalousies on three sides. This allowed the slightest breeze to pass through both rooms, constantly keeping them cool. A beautiful mahogany staircase led to the second floor were there were 6 bedrooms. The bedroom above the entrance hall was said to be the coolest room in the entire house and at one time it was used as a Study by James Edward Burlton. He always kept a large brass telescope standing in the window to keep an eye on the shipping in the harbour at Black River.
     The old Slave Kitchen was in a separate building behind the Great House and was connected to the back veranda of the house by a covered pillared walkway.  The Stables and Servants Quarters were also in separate buildings behind the house. To the right of the Great House stood a separate one storey wing known as the "Bachelors Quarters". It is not shown in the drawing of 1832 and must have been built later on, possibly in the 1840s. According to family tradition it was used to house the Overseer and Bookkeepers and also visiting Sea Captains and it contained a splendid Billiards Room for their amusement.
    Plantation life probably seems dull now to our modern eyes. but the Burltons and the Earles enjoyed a very active social life in the 19th Century. They frequently entertained visitors from Britain and from other parts of the Island. British Governors, Commanders-in-Chief and Admirals or Commodores, on official tours around Jamaica, would have been frequent guests at Ashton, along with their A.D.C.s and Staff. Long visits of a month or more would have been exchanged with family and friends who owned plantations in other parts of the Island and there would have been trips to Spanish Town, to Kingston and occasionally home to Britain. Grand Balls and Receptions were often held at the Black River Court House and numerous dinner parties, formal dances and musical evenings were constantly being held in the town houses in Black River and in the Great Houses on the plantations. Jamaica merchants and planters were well-known for their lavish hospitality, with vast quantities of fine food and drink, and wonderful parties that lasted for days. All this was made possible in those days by the huge retinues of servants.
     St. Elizabeth was famous for breeding thoroughbred racehorses. Black River had a fashionable racetrack and grandstand, and some plantations such a Emmaus Pen, just adjoining Ashton Pen, even had their own private racetracks. Race meetings were crowded events, attended in force by the local Gentry, and visitors from other parishes, anxious to show off their new carriages and the latest fashions from Europe. The Highgate Hunt, supported by the local Anglo-Irish gentry such as The Cuff family, frequently met in St. Elizabeth, to ride to hounds. Later on there was Polo at Gilnock Hall Estate, Tennis and Golf at Malvern, and weekend Shooting Parties on all the country estates during "The Season". Shooting began in Jamaica on "The Glorious 12th" of August, exactly the same as in Scotland, and guests were invited down for the long weekend from Kingston and Montego Bay and even came out for the Winter from England, to shoot quail, snipe, plover, wild pigeon and wild duck. These were elaborate social affairs, each with an army of beaters and bird dogs and the usual servants and shooting luncheons. There was even the occasional crocodile hunt in the swamps of the Black River.
     In the late 19th Century, due to the export of Logwood, Black River became one of the richest towns in Jamaica, and it was actually the first town in Jamaica to have electricity. The Farquharson and Leyden families, who had two beautiful Victorian mansions at Black River, Invercauld and Magdala, competed with each other to entertain in the grandest manner. Mrs. Leyden, who had once been an Opera singer in Paris, was the leading Society hostess of Black River during the Victorian era. Old St. Elizabeth families such as the Farquharsons, the Griffiths, the Dalys, the Robertsons, the Hendricks, the Levys, the Cuffs, the Earles, the Calders, the Muirheads, the Myers, the Brownes, the Muschetts and the Coopers, would have been frequent guests at her mansion, to listen to visiting Opera singers, Orchestras and Classical Pianists. A fashionable Spa at Black River attracted International Society including British aristocrats, titled Europeans and even the King and Queen of Belgium. One of the first Motor-Cars in Jamaica was imported into Black River in 1904 by the Griffith family of Hodges Pen and, after the First World War, came the "Dance of the Millions" in the 1920s with new Rolls Royces, free-flowing  Champagne and endless Cocktail Parties.
     All this has long since vanished and today, in a modern, noisy, crowded, rundown Third World Jamaica, it is increasingly hard to visualize the graciousness of the old British Colonial Jamaica that we knew and loved. If I had not seen the last vestiges of this world with my own eyes, and had not listened to the stories of my Mother and Grandmother and others of their generation, most of whom have now passed away, it would all seem to have been part of some sort of insubstantial dream, just a romantic vision of the past, more myth than history. To most Jamaicans today it is a world as alien and as remote as that of Slavery itself, yet it still existed when I was a child and a few traces of it still survive even to this day.

Fellowship property owned by Jno S. Cooper 1915  HBJ1915

Font Hill,

in St Elizabeth & Westmoreland, named from Font Hill Manor, was owned by Sir William Beckford, Lord Mayor of London, an absentee landlord of sugar plantations in Jamaica in the 18th Century.  DPNJ.

This was a big Estate in the SW corner of St Elizabeth owned by the Beckford family until they went bust in 1821, when it passed from the family.  Octavius M. described at his burial in 1840 as a Planter, resident at Font Hill. A Samuel M married Camilla Beckford, both of Font Hill, in 1850.
In April 2002, the Font Hill estate is a research forestry plantation  owned by Petrol Company of Jamaica: the original greathouse has disappeared.

Fullerswood (Salmon):

"Jamaica Surveyed" by BW Higman describes a plantation called Fullerswood which in 1860 was owned by John Salmon: it is on the East bank of the Estuary of the Black River in St Elizabeth: this John Salmon was probably the Executor of Francis M.'s will.

Seen in April 2002, but now a relatively modern house of little interest: could be seen to have been originally an attractive entrance.


 is a ten mile strip which links Port Royal to the mainland. The peninsula was formed when a group of cays, swept by currents and winds, eventually merged. At first Port Royal could only be reached by a boat from Kingston Harbour, but there is now a road to it which also takes travellers to Norman Manley - originally Palisadoes - Airport, which is situated on a bulging section of Palisadoes and is Jamaica's principle airport. Of interest as this was a major burial ground, where Frederick Lewis Maitland's mulatto mistress was buried.

Port Royal

(extract) ... It became famous as a port at which naval celebrities were stationed. Among these were: George Brydges: Lord Rodney (1739-42) Vice-Admiral John Benbow, who was stationed in Jamaica in 1702 Admiral Edward Vernon (1739-42), C in C West Indies Admiral Sir Peter Parker, Bt (1778-82) and Admiral Horatio Lord Nelson (1779-1805).  ..... At that point chiefly a resort for seamen, Port Royal was again nearly demolished, this time by a violent hurricane on the 28th August, 1772. .....               DPNJ.

Roses Valley,

in St Elizabeth, is named after the first owner, William Rose (Jamaica Almanacks, 1811) of this now defunct estate. Roses Valley is now a village in the centre of which is a Baptist Church, There is also Roses Valley Post Office.                 DPNJ.

Dictionary of Place-Names in Jamaica (extracts) Inez Knibb Sibley (Institute of Jamaica 1978).

Chew Magna,

in St Elizabeth, near Balaclava, was named by the Roberts Family after the place in Keynsham, England from which they came.

Fort William

near Savannah la Mar, was part of an estate owned by William Beckford, an early English settler, and named after him.


is in St Elizabeth. The place name originates in Edinburgh, Scotland. Many Scotsmen were early settlers in St Elizabeth.

Yarmouth Estate.

Google earth: New Yarmouth 17° 53' 0" North, 77° 16' 0" West, on the west bank of the Rio Minho, west of Hayes. It looks still to be a sugar factory.

NEW YARMOUTH sugar estate and factory is owned by the ancient firm of J. Wray and Nephew. A private consortium that includes J Wray and Nephew and Booker-Tate of the U.K. has recently bought MONYMUSK from the government http://www.discoverjamaica.com/tour7.htm

Henry Lord Garrigues
Profile & Legacies Summary
4th Apr 1790 - ????
Claimant or beneficiary
Merchant in Jamaica, owner with Sarah Bar[r]iffe of the Yarmouth estate in Vere Jamaica, and appearing in various capacities in some 17 other awards, largely in the central parishes of Jamaica, son of Abednego Garrigues (d. 1791-2) and Jane Frances Lord, and brother of Peter Francis Garrigues (q.v.). 
Louisa Rodon Garrigues, the daughter of Henry Lord Garrigues 'merchant' and Frances Anderson Garrigues of Torrington Square, appears on the baptism register at St George Bloomsbury 15/04/1830. 
The will of Abednego Garrigues, practitioner of physic and surgery, of St Thomas-in-the-Vale, was proved 22/11/1792. Henry Lord Garrigues born 04/04/1790, had one child (Caroline Lord Garrigues) with Maria Dally c. 1812 (a 'free mulatto'), and married Frances Anderson Christian 29/04/1813 Kingston.  The couple had 11 children (in additon to Louisa Rodon shown above) baptised in Kingston or St Andrew between 1814 and 1832.

T71/858 Vere No. 76.
Ancestry.com, London, England, Births and Baptisms, 1813-1906 [database online]: a note says 'according to the certificate from the Rev. J.B. Murray curate St Olave West Street transmitted....15/04/1830.'

Rt. Hon. Rev. Henry Phillpotts
Profile & Legacies Summary
1778 – 1869
Claimant or beneficiary
Bishop of Exeter, awarded with others the compensation for Whitney and Rymesbury in Clarendon and New Yarmouth in Vere, all in Jamaica, as trustees and executors of the will of the Earl of Dudley (q.v.). 
Son of Henry Phillpotts of Bridgwater matriculated Corpus Christi 07/11/1791 aged 13 fellow Magdalen 1795-1804 BA 1795 MA 179 BD and DD 1821 chaplain to Bishop of Durham 1806 Vicar of Kilmersdon 1804, Bishop Middleham 1805, Stanton-le-Street 1806, Rector Gateshead 1808, preb of Durham 1810-20, rector of Stanhope in Weardale 1820, dean of Chester 1828, visitor Exeter College 1831 and bishop of Exeter 1831, died 1869.
Often identified as a slave-owner since Eric Williams discovered his presence in  the compensation records, including by the synod of the Church of England in 2006 and more recently the BBC.
T71/859 Clarendon nos. 284 and 320 T71/857 Vere no. 70. He is given as 'Philpotts' in these records.
T71/962 Vere no. 70: letter 14/09/1835 from solicitors (Alban & Benbow) for the trustees and executors of late Earl of Dudley, enclosing extract from will of Earl of Dudley. Begs compensation to be awarded to Philpotts etc. the executors and trustees. Hibbert Oates had made claim on the part of the Heirs of the Earl of Dudley instead of the Trustees: 'we presume as they are uncontested this mistake is unimportant.'
Summary of will of 26 July 1831 after reciting amongst other things that 'he was entitled to the remainder or reversion in fee simple expectant upon his own death and failure of the issue male of his body of or in several plantations...situate in the Island of Jamaica late of or belonging to his grandmother Mary Viscountess Dudley and Ward....gave and devised unto certain trustees The Rt Hon George Earl of Aberdeen and the Rt Hon James Abercromby...his said remainder and reversion of or in all and singular the said plantations and estates and the negro and other slaves thereon to hold them...to the uses upon and for the trusts...and purposes in his said will and in part hereafter mentioned viz in default of heirs of his body and subject with other estates to an Annuity of six thousand pounds to his cousin the Rev. William Humble Ward now Lord Ward for his life to the use of the Rt Rev H Lord Bishop of Exeter, the Rt Hon Edward John Baron Hatherton, then Edward John Littleton, Francis Downing Esq. and John Benbow Esq. for the term of 500 years upon trust during the term of 12 years to raise annually such sums for the person entitled in remainder to his estates until he should attain the age of twenty-five years as in the said will mentioned. And then to raise certain sums for the maintenance and education of the younger children of the said Lord Ward and also for portions for such younger children as in the said will mentioned. And the said Testator directed that his last named trustees should recevie the rents and profits of his Mines and Estates during the said term of twelve years and apply the same in discharge of any sums charged upon the said estates and lay out and invest the residue in the purchase of freeholds copyholds or leasehold estates...

And the said testator of his said will appointed the said Bishop of Exeter, Eward John Baron Hatherton, Francis Downing and John Benbow executors.'

Earl of Dudley died 6 March 1833 a bachelor will proved 17 September 1833 'by the four executors'.

1. CCEd [database online] Person ID: 28960, sourced to Foster.

2.E.g. Nigel Pocock and Victoria Cook, 'The business of enslavement', BBC History in depth http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/abolition/slavery_business_gallery_03.shtml [accessed 30/04/2012]: 'Phillpotts and three business associates invested in slave plantations in Jaamcia, and when slavery was abolished they were paid compensation for the loss of 665 slaves. A bishop personally owning slaves must have been a powerful legitimating tool for Caribbean interests in Britain.'

Gale-Morant papers (Exeter): http://www.microform.co.uk/guides/R97047.pdf

Carlisle Estate

Owned in the 1st half of the 19thC by the Lousadas, who were left handsome bequests in George Booth (1707-1769).

Carlisle Bay was the site of De Casse’s French landings.

Sale in 1879: Jamaica, particulars of a valuable Sugar Estate : known as Carlisle, containing 900 acres, or thereabouts, and a piece of land belonging thereto, containing 163 acres or thereabouts, in the Parish of Clarendon (Vere District) in the Island of Jamaica, together with the buildings, fixtures, machinery and live & dead stock thereon : which will be sold by auction, in one lot, by Messrs. Hards, Vaughan & Jenkinson, before James Fleming, Esq., Q.C., and Reginald John Cust, Esq., Commissioners for Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies, at the Sale Room of the Commissioners.

The Gibb Family in Jamaica
Robert Charles Gibb sailed for Jamaica at the end of the 18th century, being first at Ludlow plantation, Clarendon in 1797. He purchased Bank's, an estate of 170 acres planted in cotton and sorghum, in Vere Parish. This estate was near the coast just west of the River Minho and was recorded on James Robertson's map of Jamaica dated 1804, reproduced in Jamaica Surveyed by B.W.Higman. Robert had two recorded children, James Mitchell, born c.1807, and Charlotte.
In the 1811/12 Jamaica Almanac, R C Gibb was recorded with 64 slaves and 6 stock. By 1820 the estate supported 92 slaves and 11 stock. In 1834 slavery was abolished in Jamaica.
James Mitchell Gibb, who was born abt.1807, was recorded in 1840 with 170 acres in Vere Parish. This was most likely Bank's which he would have inherited from his father, Robert. James subsequently lived at Cottage, Vere Parish (1851), Bog Great House, Vere Parish (1855) and Hermitage, Vere Parish (1856) until his death in 1890. He was also recorded as owner of Salt Pond Pen, Spanish Town, St Catherine (1878) and Carlisle Estate, Clarendon (1881), a sugar estate in cultivation. Carlisle Estate was south of The Alley, east of the Minho River. Banks was west of the River Minho, north of MacCary Bay, and west of Paradise Estate. Bank's, Carlisle and Bog are all shown on James Robertsons map of Jamaica, 1804. In the 1878 Business Directory he was listed as Gibb, James M., Custos and Banker, propr of Hermitage Pen.

James first married Mary Ann Robinson, who was English. Her brother, John, married a Miss Jessie MacLachlan Blount, who, after being widowed in 1857, became the second Mrs Gibb in 1858.
James and Mary had the following children:
1. Marian Agnes was baptised in 1849. She married Stephen Horseley, brother of a Canon Horseley in England.
2. Robert Charles Gibb was born on 12 January 1851. At the time of his birth the home of James and Mary Ann Gibb was `Cottage', Vere. Robert qualified as a Member of the Royal College of Surgeons (MRCS) and as a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians (LRCP). Robert practised first at Guy's Hospital, London and then returned to Jamaica to specialise in tropical fevers. In 1878 he was recorded in the Clarendon Parish Business Directory as: Gibb, Robert C., MRCS & LRCP, Parochial Medical Officer. In 1900 he was recorded in the Jamaica Almanac under Clarendon Parish, Legal & Judicial, Gibb, Robert Charles, Kingston. Justice.
3. John James Gibb was born on 25 September, 1854, and died aged 4 months. He was buried in the Church Yard on Feb 6, 1855. At that time James and Mary Ann were living at Bog Great House, east of the River Minho, near Perrins estate and north east of The Alley.
4. Jessie Mary Ann Gibb was born on 20 June 1856 and was baptised on the 21st. At the time of her birth the home of James and Mary Ann Gibb was given as `Hermitage', Vere. Jessie died aged 3 months and was buried in the Church Yard on Sep 25, 1856.
Mary Ann, aged 40, died following the birth of Jessie and was buried in the Alley Church Yard on June 22.
In 1858, James married Jessie MacLachlan Robinson (nee Blount), widow of John Robinson, Esq, of Perrins Estate, who died in 1857 aged 30. John Robinson had been the brother of Mary Ann Robinson, James Gibb's first wife.

In 1881 the Clarendon Parish Directory listed: Gibb, J. M., Carlisle. Carlisle was the sugar plantation east of the River Minho, owned by James Gibb.

Engines ordered by Jamaica:
1830: Ordered by Emanuel Lousada. This was a bright 

Carlisle Estate, Vere, Jamaica engine, originally made for Mr Musket.

Merchants Marks: C and EB. Seven additions by

Hibbert & Co. for Anglo­Mexican Mint (see below  under Portfolio No. 1019). 

Greenwich Estate

London Times 25 June 1805:
Greenwich Estate, Jamaica, by Mr Farebrother
At such Place and Time as shall hereafter advertised
The highly valuable estate of Greenwich situate in the Parish of Vere, on the south side of the island of Jamaica consisting of extensive plantations, in the most improved state of cultivation, with the stock of negroes etc. Particulars will be given in due time, and information  obtained by application to GJ Robinson, Esq, Lincoln’s Inn New square and at Mr Farebrother’s Office, 7 Beaufort buildings, Strand.

Jamaica Vere 29 (Greenwich)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
2nd Nov 1835 | 107 Enslaved | £2359 2S 0D

Parliamentary Papers p. 19.
T71/858: claim from Boddington & Davies, of Vere, as owners. 'Stand over for explanation as to reasons Registry in name of heirs of Ratcliff'. Documents were produced including an assignment from Geo. Ratcliff to Samuel Boddington and Geo. Adam Davies, dated 1822.  Awarded to Samuel Boddington as surviving trustee under these deeds [?].
Times 05/10/1864 p. 16: Greenwich estate was auctioned off with Friendship estate by the executors of Samuel Boddington.

The South Australian Advertiser (Adelaide, SA ) Monday 4 July 1859

AN ESTATE DESTROYED.-By the West India mail, we learn that the Greenwich estate, at Vere (Jamaica), the property of the Hon. Edward Thompson, had been destroyed by fire, with all the cane pieces, except one, and 200 hogsheads of sugar. (nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1194761)

Harmony Hall

1845: 1337 acres heirs of W McKenzie

Jamaica Vere 37 (Harmony Hall)

Claim Details & Associated Individuals

5th Oct 1835 | 159 Enslaved | £3018 16S 11D



Claim Notes


Parliamentary Papers p. 19.


T71/858: claim by Mrs Mary McKenzie, as owner in fee (withdrawn). Counterclaim by Joseph Brooks Yates, as 'assignee of certain mortgages for £5000'. Counterclaim included also Rev. (?) George Stevens Byng and his trustees (the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Wiltshire), claiming 1/3rd of the estate and an annuity of £300 per annum charged upon the estate subject to the mortage of £5000 vested in Messrs. Brooks Yates.


Jamaica Almanac: Harmony Hall is shown as owned by the heirs of P. Mackenzie (1815) and by Mary Mackenzie (1833).


T71/1185: counterclaim from the Rt. Hon. George Stevens Byng and his trustees, namely the Duke of Richmond and the Rt. Hon. John Earl of Wilts, in reversion expectant on decease of Mary Mackenzie. Mary Mackenzie, of Twickenham, was the widow of Peter Mackenzie (and grandmother of George Stevens Byng).


Owned by the family of Archibald Grant of Monymusk, Aberdeen, 1696-1778.

The Monymusk Estate in Jamaica came into the Grant family with Elizabeth Clark's daughter, Mary Calender. Elizabeth was the widow of a doctor in Jamaica who married the first Sir Archibald as his 3rd wife. Her daughter Mary married Sir Archibald's son (3rd Bt.) by his 2nd wife in 1755.

GRANT, Archibald (1696-1778), of Monymusk, Aberdeen.
b. 25 Sept. 1696, 1st s. of Sir Francis Grant, 1st Bt., of Cullen of Buchan, Banff, Lord Cullen, S.C.J., by his 1st w. Jean, da. of Rev. William Meldrum of Meldrum, Aberdeen
bro. of William Grant. educ. adv. 1714 L. Inn 1725.
m. (1) 17 Apr. 1717, Anne, da. of James Hamilton of Pencaitland, E. Lothian 2da.
(2) c.1731, Anne (d. bef. 1744), da. of Charles Potts of Castleton, Derbys., 1s.
(3) 18 Aug. 1751, Elizabeth Clark (d. 30 Apr. 1759), wid. of Dr. James Callander of Jamaica, s.p.
(4) 24 May 1770, Jane, wid. of Andrew Millar of Pall Mall, publisher and bookseller, s.p. suc. fa. as 2nd Bt. Mar. 1726.

Salt Savanna Estate

N17°47’09” W77°14’51.4”

From a survey for the Assembly, sold btw 1772-1775[10], probably to the Maxwells as in George’s will, and James Wildman in 1792

Salt Savanna Crop Accounts have been noted 1770-1782. Later ones are listed in the index, but not copied to 1807.

1811: Wildman, James, Salt Savanna 275/ 44
1812: Wildman, James, Salt Savanna 255/ 38
1816: Wildman, James, Salt-Savanna 262/ 122
1817: Wildman, James, Salt Savanna, 264/1TT
1818: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna, 265/120
1820: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna 265/ 31
1821: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna 258/ 36
1838: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna 205
1839: Wildman, J. B., 1148 acres
1844: Wildman, JB Salt Savanna, 1780 acres

Jamaica Vere 38 (Salt Savanna)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
19th Jun 1837 | 272 Enslaved | £5286 19S 5D
Parliamentary Papers p. 291.
T71/858: claim from James Beckford Wildman, of Vere, as owner-in-fee. Counterclaim from John Edward Collett and his wife, as tenants in tail. Counterclaim also from George Booth Maxwell ('Claims as tenant for life of 1/2'), under the provisions of the will of George Booth, dated 29/08/1768. He also denies the validity of assignment of 25 May 1791 and has instituted a suit in chancery against the claimant which is now pending. Adjudged to J. B. Wildman on 19/06/1837. 01/07/1837: 'Letter of Pyne & Richards giving notice of appeal on behalf of GBMaxwell'. 01/02/1839: 'Order of Council granting petition to withdraw appeal'.

T71/1606: letter, dated 20/05/1836, from Capron & Co., Saville Place, states that, in 1791, George Booth Maxwell (the counterclaimant) sold and conveyed his life interest in a moiety of Salt Savannah to the late Mr Wildman, who then bought life interest in the other half from another person, and the reversion in fee simple. In 1808, George Booth Maxwell brought a Bill in Chancery to have the 1791 deal set aside no proceeding for 15 years in this suit: 'if the compensation Act had not been passed it is quite evident that no further proceedings would have been undertaken.' The Court of Chancery were asked to use discretion, and appear to have done so, and paid the award to the Accountant General but allowed James Beckford Wildman to make an application by counsel to them for further directions to make such award as to them shall seem fit. Letter, dated 08/06/1837, from George Booth Maxwell, George St., Hanover Sq., asking: at what time does the hearing take place? Memorial from James Beckford Wildman, dated 12/03/1836, as replication was late by 'an accidental and involuntary omission on our part.' The Memorial includes a description of John Edward Collett and Rachael Theresa (his wife) as 'of Enfield Wash, Co of Middx'. Their claim rested on overturning the 1791 sale. Parliamentary Committee decision, dated 13/02/1839: the withdrawal reveals G.B. Maxwell to have been in prison for debt at the time.

John Holmes
Profile & Legacies Summary 1763 – 1836

John Holmes first comes to light in the 1796 Jamaica Almanac where he is listed as an Ensign in the Vere regiment of the militia. His career in the militia and in public service can be traced through the Almanacs: Lieutenant (1802), Lieutenant Colonel (1808), Colonel (from 1817), Assistant Judge or Magistrate (1824), Church Warden (1824), Treasurer of Vere Free School (1824). From 1820 he was a Member of Assembly for Vere.

From at least 1809 he was owner of a property with between 18 and 24 enslaved people, referred to in the birth record of his son in 1813 as Twickenham, in the 1832 Jamaica Almanac as Kimble and in the slave compensation records and his will as Twickenham estate. Given the gradual fluctuations in the number of enslaved people and stock he registered in the givings-in from 1809 to 1832, this is assumed to be the same property.

John Holmes worked as an attorney on several large estates as well as taking responsibility for properties as an executor of the previous owner. In the 1817 Slave Registers he registered 264 enslaved people on Salt Savanna estate in Vere with Thomas Addison as attorney to the absentee James Beckford Wildman. In the 1820 Slave Registers he registered 266 enslaved people on Salt Savanna, again with Thomas Addison as attorney for James Beckford Wildman. In 1820 he also registered 132 enslaved people on Springfield estate in Vere as attorney to Robert Murchison and registered 88 enslaved people in 3 different registrations as attorney to the heirs of Robert White and Robert Glasgow. The Jamaica Almanacs of 1826 and 1827 list him as in lawful possession of enslaved people and stock on Grimatt estate in Vere as an executor (with William Smith) of Thomas Samson. The 1828 Almanac lists him as proprietor of Grimatt but by 1831 this had been sold to Alexander Murchison. The 1828 Almanac also lists him with the heirs of John Pusey Edwardes against Pusey Hall estate with 272 enslaved people and 100 stock. In the 1831 Almanac is is listed against Smithfield estate (presumably also as attorney). In the 1832 Slave Registers he registered enslaved people on Dry River estate as attorney to the absentee John Rodon. In 1834 he claimed compensation for enslaved people on Stretton Hall estate with Henry Lord Garrigues as executors of Edward White.

John Holmes had at least 7 children, all born and baptised in Jamaica. Elizabeth, 'A Quadroon' was born 05/01/1800 and died at Salt Savanna and was buried the following day in the churchyard she was named as the daughter of John Holmes in her burial record. Thomas Holmes, 'A mustee' was baptised 07/09/1806. John Holmes, 'A Quadroon infant', was buried at Salt Savanna 02/12/1807. George Wood Holmes, 'a mustee infant son of John Holmes' at Salt Savanna estate was privately baptised 12/08/1810. Samuel Benjamin Holmes, 'mustee infant son of John Holmes' was born 15/03/1813 and baptised at his Cottage called Twickenham 09/07/1813. Francis Edward Holmes, 'Mustee son of John Holmes' was baptised 23/11/1817 and is assumed to have predeceased his father as he is not mentioned in this father's will. Susan Frances Holmes, 'a free Mustee 6 months old, daughter of John Holmes Esq.' was baptised 31/12/1820.

In his will John Holmes left £100 sterling each to his sons Thomas Addison Holmes, George Wood Holmes and Samuel Benjamin Holmes and left his personal effects and Twickenham estate to his reputed daughter Susan Frances Holmes.

John Holmes, Gentleman of Twickenham, age 73 years, was buried 10/04/1836.

His three surviving sons emigrated to London where they can be found in the census and death records. Thomas Addison was living in Sydney Place, Bethnal Green, in 1841, age 36, Clerk, with his wife Eliza and seven children (all born in London). By 1861 he was at 21 Cambridge Road, Bethnal Green and by 1871 at 32 Groombridge Road, Hackney, where he died 28/02/1874 leaving personalty under £300. Samuel Benjamin Holmes married Maria Eagle 12/08/1832 in Shoreditch and can be found age 57 in the census of 1861, a tailor, in Portsea, Hampshire and in 1881 at 3 Sardinia Street, St Clements Danes, London. His death was registered Q1, 1890 in Strand, London. George Wood Holmes married Ann Abbs at St Dunstan's, Stepney, 26/08/1834 he appears age 41, an undertaker, living at 2 Great James Street, Marylebone with his wife and son Henry George in the census of 1851. George Wood Holmes died at 2 Great James Street, 02/02/1855.

The Abolition of Slavery, 1837 (Google books)
Enclosure 2, in No. 41.

EXTRACT of a LETTER from Matthew Farquharson, Esg. dated Spring Mount, 14 April 1835.
I AM happy in adding that the estates under my charge are all doing well, seldom having occasion for the interference of the special magistrate. At Salt Savanna estate, Vere, we have averaged 10 hogsheads sugar weekly for six weeks, with a 10-horse power engine, one set of coppers, five in number at Low Ground, Clarendon, nine hogsheads sugar weekly for three weeks, water-mill and five coppers, commencing early in the morning and stopping the mill before eight at night: both these estates belong to Mr. Wildman. We are in fact doing much better under the present than the old system, upon Mr. W.'s properties.


R. v. Aberdeen, Adam and Preston [1814]

Slave Court

6 December 1814

Source: The Ipswich Journal (Ipswich, England), 11 February 1815, issue 4066, from the British Library's 19th Century Newspapers site. See also Trewman's Exeter Flying Post or Plymouth and Cornish Advertiser (Exeter, England), 16 February 1815, issue 2580

A special Slave Court was held at the Alley, in Vere, (Jamaica) on the 6th of Dec. for the trial of the following slaves, viz. - Aberdeen, Adam, and Preston, belonging to Salt Savannah estate, charged with the murder of another slave, named Thomas, the property of John Holmes, Esq. by burying him alive. It appeared from the evidence, that the parties were all Congoes, and had made a play according to the custom of their country, when Thomas dug a grave in which he laid himself down, desiring his companions to cover him up for the space of one hour but that if he did not rise again in another place in that time, they were to open the grave. Aberdeen and Preston were appointed to close up the grave, and Adam to play on the gombah (African music), all of which was punctually performed. Some other negroes belonging to the estate appeared, however, before the ceremony was completely finished, and had sense enough to open the grave but it was too late, the unfortunate victim of his own credubility [sic] being dead. His Honour the Custos charged the Jury on the crime, when they found them guilty of Manslaughter and the following sentence was passed, viz. each to receive 30 lashes on the spot where the catastrophe took place, in the presence of all the estate's negroes, then to be severally burn in the hand, and to suffer one month's solitary confinement in the country gaol.

James Wildman

James Wildman also had Papine Estate. Thomas Wildman (1740-95) was a lawyer and a trustee for the William Beckford when he inherited at the age of 9. Thomas’s brother, James (1747-1816) was overseer for Beckford estates in Jamaica. By 1802 relations between Beckford and the Wildman brothers were severed, they having presented him with a bill for £86,000 for their services and taking his Esher plantation in Jamaica in lieu of payment. Wildman made no attempt to return to Parliament. He died 23 Mar. 1816.

James Beckford Wildman (1788 - 24th May 1867) M.P. eldest son of James Wildman of Chilham and Joanna, daughter of J. Harper of Jamaica. Godchild of Alderman William Beckford. Born Jamaica, educated Winchester 1800-6 and Christ Church, Oxford 1808; Lincolns Inn 1811. Married 9 Oct. 1820, Mary Anne, daughter of Stephen Rumbold Lushington. The couple had 2 sons and 5 daughters. He succeeded his father to Chilham Castle and Esher estate Jamaica in 1816. Served as MP for Colchester 1818-26.

Surinam Quarters & James Bannister

Major General James Bannister:
Calender of State Papers 1670:
April 6.    169. Warrant to the Duke of York. Whereas Major James Bannister, late Governor of Surinam, having bought a vessel of 80 tons for the removal of his family and estate thence, in attending his Majesty's pleasure has kept the vessel six months at his great charge, it is his Majesty's pleasure that his Royal Highness deliver to said Major Bannister provisions for 15 men for six months, with ropes and a mainsail, to encourage him towards the voyage. 1 p. [Dom. Entry Bk., Chas. II., Vol. 25, p. 154 đ.]
April 6.    170. Warrant to the Commissioners of Ordnance. To deliver to Major James Bannister, late Governor of Surinam, six small guns, each weighing about 7 cwt., with their furniture, six barrels of powder, and a proportionable quantity of shot. 1/2 p. [Dom. Entry Bk., Chas. II., Vol. 25, p. 155.]
Nov. 6.     316. Commission appointing Major James Bannister Major-General of all the forces in the island of Jamaica, under the orders of the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor. Also note of the provisions necessary for victualling his ship. Endorsed, Mr. Ranger's note for provisions and other necessaries for Major Bannister's vessel, and with notes by Williamson. 50l. or 60l.. given to Major Bannister for providing himself with these things. Two papers. 3 1/2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., Nos. 84, 85.]
Nov. ?      317. Draft in Williamson's hand, with corrections, of the above commission to Major James Bannister. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 86.]
Nov. ?      318. Copy of commission to Maj. Bannister, not so full, but to the same effect as the above. [Col. Entry Bk., No. 27, p. 84.]
Nov. 6.     319. Names of the persons agreed unto to be inserted in the commission and instructions for fetching off the English from Surinam, viz., Major James Bannister, Capt. Francis Yates, Thomas Stanter, Lieut. Henry Masey, Capt. James Maxwell, Lieut. Tobias Bateman, Capt. Christopher Reader, Henry Ayler, Master of the America, Richard Colvile, Master of the Dutch Flyboat, and John Ranger, Master of Major Bannister's Flyboat; any three to be a quorum, of whom Bannister, Yates, or Ayler to be one; to whom only the additional instructions (after shipping the English from Surinam) are to be directed, impowering Bannister (and in case of death or absence, Yates and then Ayler) to give orders to the masters of the two merchant ships. Lord Arlington promised to speak to the Duke of York about the instructions to the masters of the hired merchant ships. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 90*.]
Nov. ?      320. Draft commission to Major James Bannister and others [names not given in this copy, see preceding] for removing the English and settling all disputes at Surinam. Refers to the Articles of Surrender of Surinam between Col. Wm. Byam and Admiral Abraham Crynsens, which were confirmed by the Treaty of Breda, and afterwards ratified by said Crynsens and others on 20/30 April 1668; also the orders of the States General of the 4th and 21st August past, to Commander Lichtenberge, Governor of Surinam [see ante, No. 219]. For the better execution whereof, and that all disputes may be fairly settled, his Majesty has appointed the aforesaid Commissioners to demand and treat with Commander Lichtenberge concerning the execution of all that has been agreed upon or granted to his Majesty's subjects in that Colony, particularly as to their liberty of departing thence with their slaves and goods. Draft, with corrections in the handwriting of Williamson, who has endorsed it, Minute, 1670. 4 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV ., No. 87.]
Nov. 6.
Whitehall.  324. Instructions to Major James Bannister, Capt. Francis Yates, Thomas Santer, Lieut. Henry Masey, Capt. James Maxwell, Lieut. Tobias Bateman, Capt. Christopher Reader, Henry Ayler, Richard Colvill, and John Ranger, the King's Commissioners for bringing off from Surinam his Majesty's subjects, their families, and estates. Calendared ante, No. 304. 3 pp. [Col. Entry Bks., No. 77, pp, 29–31, No. 78, pp. 80–84, and No. 93, pp. 11–12.]
Nov. 6.
Whitehall.  325. Additional instructions to Major Jas. Bannister, Capt. Fras. Yates, and Henry Ayler. As soon as they are freed from Surinam to sail for Barbadoes, St. Kitts, or any of the Leeward Isles or Jamaica, and suffer such people as desire it to settle there. To send home an account of their proceedings, and whether the Articles for the first surrender of Surinam made by Col. Byam have been observed. 1 p. [Col. Entry Bks., No. 77, p. 32, No. 78, pp. 85–86, and No. 93, p. 13.]
Nov. 6.
Queen Street.     326. H. Slingesby, Secretary to the Council of Trade, to Joseph Williamson, Secretary to Lord Arlington, at his lodgings in Scotland Yard. Having notice that Sir Philip Frowde's son, one of his clerks, whom he ordered to call upon Williamson for copy of the Articles of Surinam had misbehaved himself, and left a note about said Articles in a slighting way, begs to have a copy of said paper, with an account of his clerk's carriage in the business. Yesterday, upon Major Bannister's motion for leaving out of his commission and instructions some of the English planters at Surinam, who might be unwilling to leave the place, it was ordered by the Council that Thomas Stanter and Lieut. Tobias Bateman be left out, and one Gerrard Marshall, Master Mate of the America, put in; which Williamson will be pleased to have done. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 90.]


Parish Records:

St Elizabeth lists few Base born children before about 1750, the use of the phrase “reputed” (child) of the father did not appear until the later half of the 18thC.

Burials in St Elizabeth only recorded the whites.
Clarendon only has burials from 1805.

Kingston records only from 1722 “since the dreadful storm which happened on the 28th August 1722”.

Vere records missing from 1720-1730.



Clarendon Capital & Parish Church

The Gleaner, 9 January 2012:

With respect to a story in The Gleaner of Saturday, January 7, titled 'How Clarendon's first capital got its name', your writer, Christopher Serju, referring to Chapelton, begins his story with the statement: "Its claim to being the first capital of Clarendon is undisputed." Chapelton is, in fact, the second capital of Clarendon, and May Pen is the third.

The parish of Clarendon was created in 1664 and named after Sir Edward Hyde (1609-1674), Lord High Chancellor of England (1657-1667), who was made the first Earl of Clarendon in 1661. His family motto was 'The Cross, the Test of Faith', and so the capital of the new parish was named 'The Cross', and its position in the southern part of the parish is noted on old maps of Jamaica on the main road from Old Harbour travelling west, after passing through Colbeck and Rosewell.

The first parish church of Clarendon (The Church of the White Cross) was the third Anglican church built in Jamaica (after Spanish Town and Port Royal). Elections for the first Jamaica House of Assembly were held there in 1664. The church was built of brick in the shape of a cross the Rectors lived there with their slaves who worked the glebe. Its ruins may be seen in the bushes at The Cross (not to be confused with Palmer's Cross, which is nearby) and I recommend that it receive some protection as a heritage site.

In 1774, Edward Long wrote: "The hamlet, or village of the Cross, is situated about six miles from Old Harbour Bay, on the great roads leading, one to leeward, the other to Old Woman's Savannah. It consists of about 10 houses, near the parish church, which is a handsome brick building, of four ailes. Hard-by, likewise, stands the skeleton of the parsonage house, which at present is converted into a cooper's shop a metamorphosis that is not at all wonderful for the inhabitants of this hamlet, being mostly Jews and Mulattoes, afford no very agreeable neighbourhood to a Protestant divine."

Cross church set precedent

Beyond the Cross Church, the main road forked, one branch going towards the north coast (through the Pedro Valley) and the other going along the south coast (around Round Hill).

As cultivation in Clarendon shifted further inland, a chapel of ease (St Paul's) was built by the military barracks in the northern part of the parish at first the settlement around it was called 'Chapel', then 'Chapel Town', and now 'Chapelton'. Later, Chapelton became the parish capital, but 'The Cross Church' remained the parish church, until it was finally destroyed in 1815, whereupon St Paul's became the parish church for Clarendon.

May Pen was a small hamlet until the coming of the railway in 1885, which spurred its development. It became the third capital of Clarendon in 1938, but it is the only parish capital without a cenotaph, as the one for Clarendon was built when Chapelton was the capital.

CORNWALL - General Information

1784 Almanac:
The County of Cornwall contains 1,522,149 acres, has 5 Parishes, and 10 Towns or Villages.

General state of the County of Cornwall:
388 sugar plantations
561 other settlements
above 93,000 slaves
and the produce in sugar about 67,000 hogsheads,
and about 69,500 cattle

Negroes 255,700
Sugar estates 1061
Produce 105,400 hogsheads of sugar
Other settlements 2018
Cattle 224,500
20 Parishes, in which are 36 Towns and Villages, 18 Churches and Chapels, and about 23,000 white inhabitants.


Extracts 1784 Almanac:             ST. ELIZABETH
   The town of Lacovia does not contain more than 20 houses: here the  Quarter Sessions and Petty Courts for the parish are held. Black River  has about 50 houses, and a fine Bay for shipping. This parish has 39  sugar-works, 190 other settlements, and 16,000 slaves.
   Lacovia, in St Elizabeth, is said to have been the La Caoban of the Spaniards, in the early days referred to by the inhabitants as "Coby". Lacovia was the first capital of St Elizabeth.          DPNJ.
    Middle Quarters is in St Elizabeth. The reason for the name is uncertain. It is claimed in the old days the Quarter Session of the court was held here and that might have something to do with the name. Middle Quarters in now the location of a large-scale shrimp trade conducted by the villagers.
   Miss Parchments shown between Jack's Holt & White Horse of South coast.

PRO Jamaica "Blue Book" of Government Statistics, 1823.
Rector of St Elizabeth Rev Williams, appointed 21/5/1821.
Pay: £270 stlg, 378, Currency + fees 326-10-2.5d = £C704-10-2.5d.
1823 population: 697 whites, 1918 free, 18802 slaves.

Downloaded from internet 13/5/2003
Parish Information 
Population  148,900 (1999) 
Literacy Rate  67.5% (1994) 
Educational Institutions 1999/2000 (M.O.E.C) 
Public  Independent 
Tertiary  1 
Tertiary  -  Vocational/Agricultural  1  Vocational/Agricultural  1 
-  -  Business Education  - 
Technical High  1  -  - 
Comprehensive High  5  -  - 
Secondary High  4  Secondary High  1 
-  -  Secondary High
(with preparatory department)  1 
Special  -  Special  - 
Junior High  -  -  - 
Primary and Junior High  5  -  - 
All Age  35  -  - 
Primary  35  -  - 
Infant  -  Kindergarten/Preparatory  5
Other Agencies providing education and training are Basic Schools and H.E.A.R.T NTA.



St Elizabeth is in the south-western section of the island. It has an area of 1212.4 square kilometres (468.1 square miles). There are three mountain ranges - the Nassau Mountains to the north-east, the Santa Cruz Mountains which, running south, divide the wide plain to end in a precipitous drop of 1600 feet at Lovers' Leap, and the Lacovia Mountains to the west of the Nassau Mountains.
The Black River is the main river supported by many tributaries including Y.S., Broad, Grass and Horse Savannah. It is the longest river in Jamaica {53.4 kilometres (33 0 miles)} and it is navigable for about 40 kilometres (25 miles). It has its source in the mountains of Manchester near Coleyville where it rises and flows west as the boundary between Manchester and Trelawny then goes underground near Troy. It reappears briefly near Oxford and goes underground again for several miles to reemerge near Balaclava and tumbles down gorges to the plain known as the Savannah, through the Great Morass and to the sea at Black River, the capital of the parish.
Because of the limestone formation there are 44 caves in the parish. They include Mexico, the longest in the island. Yardley Chase Caves near the foot of Lovers' Leap, Wallingford Caves near Balaclava, famous for the fossil remains of large extinct rodents and Peru Cave near Goshen which has impressive stalactites and stalagmites. Preservation areas and wetland sites include:
National Park:                                Cockpit Country
Lower Black River Morass Wetland Sanctuary:   Luana Point Swamp
Lower Black River Morass Wildlife Sanctuary:  Luana Font Hill
Scientific/Nature Reserves:                   Holland Swamp Forest.
Much of the land in the parish is dry grassland called savannahs, marsh and swamp, forests and scrub woodlands. The land is used mainly for agriculture and the farmers here who produce a variety of crops are noted for their skilful farm practices. Earlier the land was used to grow sugar cane and for pasture. It still has one sugar factory on Appleton Estate which is noted for its fine blends of rum. To the north of Appleton lies the Cockpit Country which crosses into Trelawny.
Mineral deposits include bauxite, antimony, white limestone, clay, peat and silica sand which is used to manufacture glass.


It is believed the parish was named after the wife of Sir Thomas Modyford, the first English Governor of Jamaica. It originally included most of the south-west part of the island but in 1703 Westmoreland was taken from it and in 1814 a part of Manchester.
The Tainos/Arawaks also lived in this part of the island. There is evidence of their occupation in the cave at Pedro Bluff. When the Spaniards came they established ranches on the savannahs. The walls and wells they left are reminders of their presence.
When the English settled on the island after its capture from the Spanish in 1655, they concentrated on planting sugar cane but the ranches had been so well developed that the tradition continued. In some places buildings with 'Spanish wall' (masonry of limestone sand and stone between wooden frames) can still be seen. St Elizabeth became a prosperous parish and Black River an important seaport. In addition to shipping sugar and molasses Black River became the centre of the logging trade. Large quantities of logwood were exported to Europe to make a Prussian-blue dye which was very popular in the 18th and 19th centuries. Synthetic dyes have now replaced natural dyes so although there are still large quantities of logwood growing wild in some areas there is no longer any demand for it. Today, however, it still supports the honey industry as honey made from logwood blossoms is very popular.
Because of its prosperity electric power was first introduced in Jamaica in a house called Waterloo in Black River in 1893. In 1903 the first motor car to come to Jamaica was imported by the owner of Waterloo. In those days the town had a horse-racing track, a gambling house and a mineral spa for the well-to-do at the west end of the town.
St Elizabeth probably has the greatest racial mixture in Jamaica. When the Miskito Indians came from Central America to help track the Maroons in the 18th century they were given land grants in this parish. In the 18th century too, Loyalists from the Carolinas settled in the Great Morass and attempted to grow rice. In the 19th century Scots and Germans migrated to the parish and this accounts for pockets of distinct racial mixtures in the parish. However, in the 20th century there was steady emigration from St Elizabeth and other parts of Jamaica to Panama, Costa Rica, Guatemala and Cuba to work on railway construction and banana plantations.
With the closure of the port in Black River in 1968 the parish could have become a backwater had bauxite not been discovered. More recently efforts are being made to develop a different kind of tourism in which the community is more involved and which can show off the many ecological features of the parish. The parish lends itself to this kind of development and the annual St Bess Homecoming is enticing its sons and daughters to invest there. In addition to a strong farming base, craft is also being revived and the future looks promising.
Munro College for boys and Hampton School for girls were established by the Munro and Dickenson Trust in1856 and 1858 respectively. Several secondary schools have been built in the last 50 years.

POPULATION: 148,900 (1999)

CAPITAL: Black River
MAJOR TOWNS: Santa Cruz, Malvern, Junction, Balaclava


Sugar: This is one of the oldest industries in the parish. The one remaining factory is the Appleton Estate which has given its name to the fine blends of rum it produces.

Bauxite: When bauxite deposits were discovered in the parish, Kaiser Bauxite company began mining in the early 1950s. Alpart started mining and alumina manufacturing at Nain. This was closed in 1975 but the mining of ore continues.

Fishing: River fishing is unequalled in Jamaica and sea fishing is also very good. Middle Quarters is known as the Shrimp Capital of Jamaica. Vendors sell pickled crayfish to passing motorists and the industry is said to earn $ a year.

Crafts: St Elizabeth is noted for its straw work - hats, bags, baskets, mats, etc. Sisal and thatch are grown locally to support this.

Agriculture: This is the mainstay of the parish noted for its watermelons, seasoning, tomatoes, onions, cassava, pineapples etc. It is one of Jamaica's 'bread baskets'. Its farmers constantly work against drought conditions in some places.

Food Processing: There is a food processing plant at Bull Savannah for tomatoes, carrots and pineapples which are distributed under the brand name Village Pride. There are pimento leaf oil factories at Giddy Hall. Bogue and Braes River.

Tourism: St Elizabeth has significantly increased its room capacity for tourists and is strongly pushing a tourism package with a difference - community tourism which would include eco-tourism. There are indications that over a half of the estimated 1,000,000 tourists who visit the island each year over a half are interested in what the south coast has to offer.

Other industries: Glass, abrasives, Hodges Ceramic Supplies Ltd and Silica mines.


The Great Morass: This is the island's largest wetland which has an area of 125 square miles. The lower morass extends from the Black River to Lacovia and the upper morass is above Lacovia. It is a complex eco-system and a preserve for more than 100 bird species. It is a refuge for about 300 crocodiles. Fed by the Black River the morass has plenty of crayfish and fish including the God-a-me that can live out of water in mud and moist leaf litter. Sometimes a manatee can be seen near the river estuary. The morass provides a livelihood for the 'shrimp' sellers at Middle Quarters. There is now evidence of pollution and the Black River and Great Morass Environmental Defence Fund is attempting to have the area declared a national park.

YS Falls: These falls are considered by many to be Jamaica's most spectacular waterfalls. Eight cascades separated by pools ideal for swimming fall for120 feet. Limestone cliffs and towering lush vegetation enhance the scene. It is on private property but is open to the public for a fee. There is a picnic ground and transportation to the falls. The estate raises racehorses and Jamaica Red cattle

Bamboo Avenue: This two and a half mile 'avenue' of bamboos on the main road between Lacovia and Middle Quarters was planted by the owners of Holland Estate in the 17th century to provide shade in the heat of the savannah. A former owner was John Gladstone, father of the famous British prime minister. It was a sugar estate and the factory has only recently been closed. Although battered by hurricanes and the occasional fires it is still attractive. It is maintained by the staff of the Hope Botanical Gardens in Kingston.

Font Hill Wildlife Sanctuary: The Petroleum Corporation of Jamaica owns this 3150 acre wildlife reserve. It has two miles of coastline. Scrubby acacia and logwood thickets cover much of the area. Near to the coastline are interconnected lagoons and swamps. It is a haven for birds. Eight endemic species can be seen there including the pea dove, the white-bellied dove and the ground dove, the smallest dove in the world. It used to be a cattle ranch earlier.

St John's Parish Church: Although a tablet on the tower notes the laying of a foundation stone in 1837 it is believed that this yellow brick church is much older. The church has a pair of monuments erected in 1828 to the memory of Robert Hugh Munro and his nephew Caleb Dickenson. Munro bequeathed his estate in trust to his nephew and the church wardens and their successors to form a free school for the poor children of the parish. This bequest formed the Munro and Dickenson Trust which opened the Munro and Dickenson Free School in Black River in 1856, fifty-nine years after Munro's death and eventually Munro School for boys and Hampton School for girls, the oldest public educational institutions in the parish. The tombstones outside the west entrance are for Duncan Hook (1741 -1779) and his four children by a 'free mulatto' who lies beside him. He had to have a special act of Assembly passed to give his mistress and their children the same legal status as white people. Without it they could not have been buried in the churchyard.

Lacovia Tombstones: At the junction of the Lacovia main road and one of the roads to Maggoty lies two tombstones. On one is a large marble slab with the inscription "To Thomas Jordan Spencer". The other is unmarked. The story goes that a duel at a nearby tavern resulted in the death of both men. The engraved coat of arms has been traced to Spencer of Anthrop, an ancestor of the late Sir Winston Spencer Churchill of World War 2 fame.

Appleton Estate: Tucked in the Siloah Valley between the Nassau Mountains and the Cockpit Country lies Jamaica's oldest rum distillery on the Appleton Estate. The rums bear the estate's name and have been produced there since 1749. The estate is now owned by J.Wray & Nephew, Jamaica's largest producers of rum.

Pondside Lake: This is the largest fresh water lake in the island situated about six miles from Black River on the road to Mountainside. It is officially known as the Wally Eash Pond. According to legend this pond was once a district which, like the Yallahs Ponds in St Thomas, mysteriously disappeared leaving a pond in its place. A man and his dog left the district at night and as he was returning to the spot where the house should be he stepped into water. The district had sunken while he was away and he was the only one saved.

Accompong: Situated on the south side of the Cockpit Country, Accompong is the only remaining village in western Jamaica inhabited by the descendants of the Maroons. It was reputedly named after the brother of the great Maroon leader Cudjoe, and it was a common name among the Akan speaking tribes of West Africa. The settlement was formed after the treaty between the Maroons and the English in 1739. When the second war with the English broke out in 1795, the Accompong Maroons remained neutral and were left untroubled at the end of the war when all the other Maroon settlements were destroyed. On the 6thof January each year a traditional ceremony is held to commemorate the signing of the treaty with the English in 1739 which gave them their freedom. Their head of government is the Colonel who is elected by secret ballot every five years. He is assisted by a council which he appoints. Most of the Maroons have gone to other parts of Jamaica to live but they are still proud of their African heritage.


Extracts 1784 Almanac:     WESTMORELAND

….is the county town, where the Assize courts are held for the county of Cornwall, the last Tuesday in March, June, September, and December: it has lately been ornamented by an elegant court-house, and contains about 100 other houses. In the parish are 89 sugar estates, 106 other settlements, and 18000 slaves

St Thomas in the Vale


 Times Past and Times Present.

Published: January 27, 1860

KINGSTON, Jamaica, December, 1859


As briefly as possible--for the theme is threadbare--I must endeavor to give your readers an approximate idea of the decline of Jamaica, ere I attempt to explain the causes of that decline or point out the political and social abuses and anomalies for whicih, it seems to me, a remedy must be found before the island can be restored to its ancient prosperity. I do not think it can be disputed -- if history and statistics are to be believed -- that, since the abolition of the Slave-trade fifty-two years ago, Jamaica has never for a moment paused in her downward career. I do not think it can be disputed -- if actual observation is to be relied upon -- that she has not, even yet, reached the lowest point of possible depression. Lower still she can sink -- lower still she must sink, if her people are not imbued with a more pregnant patriotism -- if the governing classes are not stimulated to more energetic action, and are not guided, by more unselfish counsels.


I know of no country in the world where prosperity, wealth, and a commanding position have been so strangely subverted and destroyed, as they have been in Jamaica, within the brief space of sixty years. I know of no country in the world where so little trouble has been taken to investigate the causes of this decline, or to remedy the evils that have depressed the colony. The partisans of Slavery, it is true -- the sufferers, who have commanded the ear of the world and have enlisted its sympathies in their behalf -- have represented, and with a large coloring of reason, that all this widespread ruin is to be attributed to Emancipation only. But thinking and intelligent men are no longer convinced by these state complaints. They cannot now be brought to believe that the liberation of 350,000 slaves, whatever may have been its first effect, is the origin, and only origin, of the poverty and distress that prevail in the island at the present day. British Emancipation may have been unwise regarded as a great social revolution, the manner in which the scheme was executed must be utterly condemned private rights were violated, and their sacredness was eclipsed by the splendor of an act which gave freedom to a people who never knew what freedom was -- but the ruin attributed to it is, in Jamaica, too broad and too deep to be set down any longer as the effect of that one solitary cause. No other English island has the natural advantages that Jamaica possesses no other English island exhibits the same, or anything like the same, destitution yet all have passed through the same experience -- all have undergone the same trial.


Tempora mutantur should be the Jamaican motto. Tempora mutantur with a vengeance! Only sixty years ago, and the dream of Emancipation had not been dreamt even by a Wilberforce, and the then greatest slave-trading country in the world was but opening its national eyes to the iniquity of the accursed traffic. How vehemently the planters stood up for their right (who dare dispute it?) to steal Mandingoes and Eboes from the African coast! How forcibly, in those days, did they represent the unfriendliness of Slavery to population, and groan over an annual diminution of slave property which only the African trade could keep up to the scanty figure of a bare sufficiency! Their representations had, at least, the merit of being true for though 600,000 slaves, at the lowest estimate, were brought to Jamaica during the Eighteenth Century, it is well known that, at the end of that period, the slave population of the whole Island was not much more than one half of that amount. It was computed by the political economists of the day that Jamaica required an annual supply of 10,000 slaves to provide against the wear and tear of life and the statement will appear by no means incredible to those who have examined the statistics of Cuban Slavery at the present time. In spite of this immense traffic, ruthlessly and recklessly carried on, Jamaica was never adequately supplied with labour. The slaves were overworked to satify their masters' lust for gain, and to this the great mortality has been mainly attributed. That great mortality ceased with the extinction of the Slave-trade, for the planters found it incumbent upon them to take more care of their property nevertheless, in spite of all their precautions, the decrease of slaves each year by death, without reference to the decrease by manumission, was considerably larger than the increase by birth and the deficit, now, could not be supplied.


There are many who believe that great crimes against society, in nations as in individuals, are followed by certain punishment and, to such, the impoverished condition of the Jamaica planters of the present day will seem but a natural consequence of a long reign of avarice and cruelty, of extravagance and oppression. I do not seek to take up this parable against them. But, it is not to be denied, that they are the chief if not the only sufferers. The large landed proprietors and merchant potentates of the island -- these are the men who have fallen from their high estate. The slaves of other days, the poor, the peasantry -- these are the men who have progressed, if not in morality, at least in material prosperity, as in subsequent letters I shall have ample opportunity to show. If the change could be traced solely to emancipation, I should be loth to justify emancipation, believing as I do that it would be wholly inconsistent with morality or the dictates of a sound policy, to degrade that portion of the population which controlled the elements of civilization, in order to enrich an ignorant and undisciplined people. But the decline of Jamaica has been so stupendous as of itself to create a doubt whether it can be laid, in whole or even in part, to the emancipation of the slaves. A witness can prove too much and the advocates for a slave system for Jamaica have appealed to a testimony which places their case in this very category.
It will be found upon examination that the most prosperous epoch of Jamaican commerce was that embraced in the seven years immediately preceding the abolition of the Slave-trade. Yet even then it is a notorious fact, to be proved by Parliamentary Blue Books, that over 150 estates on the Island had been abandoned for debt. During the seven years indicated -- that is from 1801 to 1807 -- the sugar exports of Jamaica amounted annually to an average of 133,000 hhds. During the seven years succeeding the year in which the Slave-trade was abolished -- from 1807 to 1814 -- the annual exports fell off to an average of 118,000 hhds. During the next seven years -- from 1814 to 1821 -- the annual average was about 110,000 hhds. from 1821 to 1828, it was 96,000 hhds., and from 1828 to 1835 it was 90,000 hhds. -- thus showing a steady decline, not so alarming, it is true, as the decline of subsequent years (for the whole sugar exportation of Jamaica is now only 30,000 hhds.) but sufficiently serious to demonstrate that Jamaica had reached its maximum prosperity under Slavery, and had commenced to deteriorate nearly thirty years before the Emancipation act was passed, and many years before the design of such a measure was conceived, or Mr. CANNING's note of warning was sounded in West Indian ears. A comparison of Jamaican exports in 1805, her year of greatest prosperity, with her exports in 1859, must appear odious to her inhabitants. In the former year the Island exported over 150,000 hhds. of sugar, and in the latter year she exported 28,000 hhds. The exports of rum and coffee exhibit the same proportionate decrease. The exportation of pimento only has increased -- to be explained by the fact that a large number of small settlers cultivate this article for sale.


If the City of Kingston be taken as an illustration of the prosperity of Jamaica, the visitor will arrive at more deplorable conclusions than those pointed out by commercial statistics. It seems like a romance to read to-day, in the capital of Jamaica, the account of that capital's former splendour. Its "magnificent churches" -- now time worn and decayed -- are scarcely superior to the stables of some Fifth-avenue magnate. There is not a house in the city in decent repair not one that looks as though it could withstand a respectable breeze not a wharf in good order not a street that can exhibit a square yard of pavement no sidewalks no drainage scanty water no light. The same picture of neglect and apathy greets one everywhere. In the business part of the town you are oppressed with its inactivity. Clerks yawn over the, counters, or hail with greedy looks the solitary stranger who comes in to purchase. If a non-resident, he is made to pay for the dullness of the market, and leaves a hotel, a store or a livery-stable, tolerably well fleeced-Prices that in New-York would be deemed exorbitant, must be paid by strangers for the common necessities of life. The Kingstonians remind me much of the Bahama wreckers. Having little or nothing themselves, they look upon a steamer-load of California passengers, cast away in their harbor for a night or a day, as very Egyptians, whom it is not only their privilege but their duty to despoil.


There is nothing like work done in Kingston, except perhaps in the establishments of a few European or American merchants, or on the piers, now and then, at the loading or unloading of vessels. The city was originally well laid out, but it is not ornamented with a single tree, and the square, in a central location, is a barren desert of sand, white-hot with exposure to the blazing sun. The streets are filthy, the beach lots more so, and the commonest laws of health are totally disregarded wreck and ruin, destitution and neglect. There is nothing new in Kingston. The people, like their horses, their houses, and all that belongs to them, look old and worn. There are no improvements to be noted, not a device, ornament, or conceit of any kind to indicate the presence of taste or refinement. The inhabitants, taken en masse, are steeped to the eyelids in immorality promiscuous intercourse of the sexes is the rule the population shows an unnatural decrease illegitimacy exceeds legitimacy abortion and infanticide are not unknown. Kingston looks what it is, a place where money has been made, but can be made no more. It is used up and cast aside as useless. Nothing is replaced that time destroys. If a brick tumbles from a house to the street, it remains there if a spout is loosened by the wind, it hangs by a thread till it falls if furniture is accidentally broken, the idea of having it mended is not entertained. The marks of a listless, helpless poverty are upon the faces of the people whom you meet, in their dress, in their very gait.


Have I described a God-forsaken place, in which no one seems to take an interest, without life and without energy, old and dilapidated, sickly and filthy, cast away from the anchorage of sound morality, of reason, or of common sense? Then, verily, have I described Kingston in 1859. Yet this wretched hulk is the capital of an island the most fertile in the world it is blessed with a climate most glorious it lies rotting in the shadow of mountains that can be cultivated from summit to base, with every product of temperate and tropical regions it is mistress of a harbor where a thousand line-of-battle ships can safely ride at anchor.

The once brimming cup of Kingston's prosperity has been indeed emptied to the dregs. It offers no encouragement that this splendid island inheritance, wasted through riotous living in times past, will ever be redeemed. You must look beyond Kingston for the grounds of such a hope. You must escape from its sickly atmosphere and the listless indifference of its people. You must learn, as you can learn from the most casual observation, that the Island, unlike others that can be mentioned, is in no exhausted condition but is fresh and fair, and abundantly fertile as ever, with every variety of climate, and capable of yielding every variety of product. Up in these tremendous hills you may enjoy the luxury of a frosty night down upon the plains you may bask in the warmth of a fiery sun. There you can raise potatoes, here you can raise sugar cane. There you will find interminable forests of wild pimento, here interminable acres of abandoned properties -- a mass of jungle and luxuriant vegetation choking up the deserted mansions of Jamaica's ancient aristocracy. Scenes most wonderfully fair, moat picturesque, but most melancholy to look upon scenes that a limner might love to paint, but from which an American planter would turn in disgust and contempt.


This magnificent country -- wanting nothing but capital and labour for its complete restoration to a prosperity far greater than it ever yet attained -- is now sparsely settled by small negro cultivators, who have been able to purchase their plots of land for £2 and £3 an acre. With a month's work on their own properties, they can earn as much as a year's labour on a sugar estate, would yield them. They are superior, pecuniarily speaking, to servitude and by a law of nature, that cannot be gainsaid, they prefer independence to labor for hire. Why should they be blamed? But the fact remains that the island is nearly destitute of labor that through want of labor it has been reduced and by an adequate supply of labor can it only be restored. Covering an area of four millions of acres, Jamaica has a population of 378,000, white, black and mulatto. This makes about eleven acres to each person. In the flourishing island of Barbados the proportion is nearly one and a half persons to each acre. If Jamaica were as thickly populated as Barbados, it would contain over five millions of souls, and would export a million hogs, heads. Till its present population has been doubled and trebled, no material improvement can be looked for. But where is the money -- where are the vigor and the energy necessary to obtain this population? Whose fault is it that these are wanting, and that Jamaica, with far greater advantages than Trinidad or Guiana, has failed to follow the footsteps of their success? Is this also the result of emancipation?


I propose to visit the interior of this Island, and to describe in subsequent letters, and within such compass as your space will permit, the civil and social condition of the people, who are generally supposed, by their indolence and improvidence, to have plunged themselves and their island into hopeless ruin. And while I do not expect to find that freedom has produced that millenium, even for the negro, that Abolitionists pretend -- while I know that I shall find a people falling far short, very far short, of the European or American standard of morality, or education, yet I think I shall prove that other evils besides their emancipation have contributed to the decline of the Island that other wrongs besides emancipation must be righted before a change for the better can take place and that a restoration of Slavery, were that within the bounds of possibility, would not only fail to restore Jamaica's prosperity, but would sink her in deeper destruction. W.G.S.

EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA.--II. A Tour of Observation--Spanish Town--St. Thomas-in-the-Vale--Mount Diabolo--The Moneague.

From Our Own Correspondent.

New York Times: Published: February 3, 1860

KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1860.


I don't think I can do better, in the discussion of this West India Labor question, than describe, as concisely as possible, a somewhat extended tour that I hare recently made through the interior of Jamaica. The impressions formed by this trip are certainly not unfavorable to an ultimate revival of the Island's prosperity nor to the industry and capacity of its peasantry, when properly trained and directed. In spite of the desolation that has overtaken the Colony, I sincerely think that, consistently with truth, the prospects of the Island under free labor can be spoken of much more hopefully than native and foreign depreciators love to represent. Now, I am not seeking a controversy. I simply express an opinion, (which I believe to be an unbiased opinion.) after having given all the attention in my power to the subject. That opinion, right or wrong, can only for taken for what it is worth. Furthermore, I do not for a moment pretend that Jamaica is free from idleness and vice. I do not for a moment pretend that her peasantry are as laborious as you will find men in New-York, New-England or an Old England agricultural district. It is not natural that they should be so. But as far as my experience goes -- and this is all I wish to assert -- industry among the free population of Jamaica is the rule and not the exception and if idleness be an exception broader than we could wish -- larger than any North American county presents -- we must look for the cause, not to the intractable disposition of the negro, but to faults of discipline or absence of education for which the governing classes are responsible and, in no small degree, to to the overwhelming temptations that a West Indian climate offers to all, white and black, to enjoy their otium cum aut sine dignitate.


There is a railway between Kingston and Spanish Town, the principal sea-port town and the seat of the Jamaican Government. The distance -- about, twelve miles -- is performed in three-quarters of an hour. There are first, second and third classes. The prices are reasonable, being two shillings, one shilling, and sixpence sterling respectively. The cars are comfortable and the road is good. It is indeed a blessing -- this little line of railway -- by means of which you can be hurried in a brief space of time from the stupor of Kingston. As soon as I heard the familiar whistle and felt the air rushing by me, I began to breathe again. This minute effort of enterprise is, nevertheless, a perpetual reminder to Jamaicans of the depreciated credit of their Island, and of the low estimate at which its most solemn engagements are rated in the Mother Land. Last year a bill passed the Legislature for the extension of the railroad from Spanish Town to the sea-port of Old Harbor, a distance of some ten miles. The Colonial Government guaranteed an interest of six per cent. on the money to be expended in the work yet neither in the Island nor yet in England would capitalists advance money, and up to the present time not a single dollar has been raised to further so important an undertaking.


The country between Kingston and Spanish Town is low, marshy, and covered with forest and underwood. If it were not for the difference in foliage you might fancy yourself, on some ferocious Summer's day, passing through the New-York Wilderness. You get a glimpse here and there of a rough settlement, or an acre or so of poor pasturage, deeply shaded, but there are few attempts at higher cultivation. I saw upon the route three plots of guinea corn in a tolerably flourishing condition.


I need not make a long pause to describe Spanish Town, or St. Jago de la Vega as it was formerly called. Yonkers is a metropolis to it. A coup d'oeil, if such could be obtained, would present a collection of antique relics, a Caribbean excavation of grotesque architecture, half hidden among plantains and cocoanut trees. I don't know exactly where the historian of fifty years ago stood when he looked upon St. Jago de la Vega, and described it as "a city of imposing appearance, built in the magnificent style of Spanish architecture." Inspected in detail, Spanish Town will be found to possess two big buildings, facing each other in the central square of the "city" one the residence of the Governor, called the King's House, and the other the House of Assembly and Public Offices. Both are creditable buildings. Upon further scrutiny some neat, quiet little private residences may be found, and one inn, such as the adventurous traveler might expect to meet with on the outskirts of John Brown's Tract. The floor of that inn is highly polished, everything is neat and clean, and the table is furnished for the benefit of guests with several volumes printed in the last century. The population of Spanish Town is about 5,000, nine-tenths of whom, I presume, gain their living by supplying the wants and necessities of Government hangers-on, who constitute the other tenth. It is not, on the whole, an uninteresting place. The atmosphere is cooler than it is on the Southern coast, and the streets, though very narrow, are cleaner and far better regulated than the streets of Kingston. Both Houses were in session when I passed through Spanish Town but as I shall hereafter have occasion to explain the franchise and the effect of recent legislation in the island, I lay up the subject for further experience. Nor will I do unto others as I was done by, and victimize the reader with the debates of the Jamaica Assembly. The ability of members, with one or two exceptions, did not seem to me to reach even a provincial standard of mediocrity, and the subjects discussed were, of course, most uninteresting to a stranger. I pass from this topic the more readily, as I think it unfair to criticize with severity the representatives of an impoverished and isolated colony like Jamaica, and especially as these representatives are on the eve of abandoning their seats under a new Election law. With education in its infancy over the whole island -- in some districts almost struggling for existence -- the people are largely represented. I think a majority of them are intelligent enough to exercise the right of voting to their own advantage and to the advantage of this great Dependency of the British Crown, but it is an experiment not yet fully and fairly tried. It is an experiment which will entirely remove the government of the island from the control of the planters -- a control which for some time they have seemed utterly indifferent about possessing. The Plantocracy of Jamaica is a thing of the past, and in its stead Democracy is lifting up its head. I am not so enthusiastic a Democrat as to believe that the principals of our political faith will flourish in any soil or in any climate. The untutored negro, of all people in the world, is most easily influenced by a bribe, and demagogues and office-hunters are plentiful in Jamaica.. If the experiment of popular representation, under certain doubtful restrictions imposed by the new Constitution of Jamaica, should prove a failure, there will he no recourse left but to establish here such a Government as exists in the Crown Colonies of Trinidad and British Guiana. The one is ruled by a Council, the other by a Court of Policy -- synonymous terms for a go-ahead despotism, which Canada or Australia would not tolerate for an instant, but which appears to answer very well for an embryo civilization and a mixed population.


These are reflections that belong to the air of Spanish Town. Having emerged from that quaint collection of ancient domiciles as the rising sun is tinting the hill-tops, on a first rate road, in a comfortable buggy, and behind a pair of excellent travelers, politics grow dim, and one begins to feel that exhiliaration of spirits which the atmosphere of Jamaica is truly said to produce. The road lies through a wooded and rather swampy district and if it be a Saturday morning, the traveler will encounter, for several miles, a continuous stream of sturdy, good looking wenches, carrying on their heads to the Spanish Town market most marvelous loads of fruit and vegetables. A few of them more fortunate than their fellows, have donkeys with well-filled panniers, but they do not, on this account, neglect the inevitable head-load. Considering the distance they come, the heat of the weather, the size of their burdens, add the paltry remuneration they get at market, the performance is highly creditable -- to the enterprise, energy, and activity of Jamaica negro women. I doubt whether our laboring men could execute the same task they certainly would not undertake it for the same consideration. I stopped and asked some of these women where their husbands and brothers were. They seemed surprised at the question, and grinned broadly. "Were they at home?" No. "Were they at work?" Yes.


The descent from St. Catherine's Parish, to which Spanish Town belongs, into the Parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale -- through, the "Bog Walk" so called, -- is picturesque and grand. The road winds along a stream, from whose banks the hills rise precipitously and form a narrow gorge. Every furlong furnishes some new variety to the scenery. You look back and trace a silvery thread of water through the graceful plumage of a bamboo cluster -- now it is a grove of plantains, or some huge gaunt cotton tree, rising above its compeers, and stretching its arms from hill to hill, that forms the foreground of the picture. Mountains on every side and the passages among them are at times so narrow and the precipices so steep, that the traveler involuntarily hurries on, fearful lest some sudden catastrophe in this land of untoward convulsions should bring the hills together and fill up the chasm forever.


The valley soon widens. Linstead, the principal village in St.Thomas-in-the-Vale, lies in the centre of an almost circular hollow, shut in by mountains. The road-side is studded with the cottages of small settlers. I entered one or two of the most ragged and dilapidated, and they were invariably clean. Some were a mere frame-work of bamboo, with a thatched roof of cocoa-nut leaves. Still they looked comfortable. They kept out the rain and let in the breeze, and this is all that is needed in a West India climate. They were more tasteful and far cleaner than the dwellings of North American Indians. Supposing the advantages of education equal, I should not hesitate to declare in favor of the superior intelligence, honesty, industry and sobriety of the West India negro, when compared with any specimen of the American Indian that could be produced, though it has been the fashion to regard the latter as belonging to the superior race.


I did not reach Linstead, of course, without passing abandoned sugar properties. I don't think that five miles can be traveled, on any road in Jamaica, without seeing one deserted estate at the very least. They are anywhere and everywhere a melancholy sight to look upon, and need no particular description to be readily identified. Some two, four, or eight hundred acres, as the case may be, of splendidly fertile land overgrown with brushwood and rank weeds: the plantation house looking like one of the ruins in the Swiss Valley of the Rhine patches of corn and vegetables, or a group of plantains, dotting the space once filled by an uncheckered field of sugar cane. Negro settlers are always to be found clinging round these deserted plantations. They were probably born on them and are loth to leave. They buy or hire their little plots of ground from the owners of the estate or their agents. I have conversed with many of these people, and I have been amused at their utter ignorance of the fact that the world at large holds them responsible for the ruin of Jamaica. While proprietors say that the negroes are too independent to work the negroes say that proprietors are too poor to pay, or that they won't pay regularly, which is a great grievance to a people that live from hand to mouth. There is, doubtless, truth in both assertions. But when I see an abandoned estate still surrounded by industrious settlers and laborers, I think it something like prima facie evidence that the proprietor in England has abandoned them -- not they the proprietor.


Linstead is a pleasant little village -- lively enough on Saturday mornings, when its only street which is also its only market-place, is thronged with peasants who have come in to buy or to sell Commend me to a West Indian market as a fit illustration of Babel, after the confusion of tongues. These people are quite as anxious to sell as the progeny of Noe were to build. The sum of their ambition is to get rid of the little lot of yams and oranges that they have brought many a weary mile. They get a shilling or two for their produce, and return as happy as though they were millionaires. I never lived among a more cheerful or a more civil people. Each man, woman or child that you meet along the road -- I speak exclusively o the peasantry -- gives a hearty "Good mornin'' massa," and a respectful salutation. Their spirits are buoyant, and they are ever ready for a joke or a laugh, if you are disposed to bandy words with them. The crowd collected in the Linstead market-place may be heard a mile off but there is no quarreling of any kind. It is their fashion to make a noise and talk incessantly -- as why should they not? Their exuberance of spirit needs an outlet, and their only amusements are to laugh and gossip. There is a police force stationed in every village of the Island, and the white uniform and black visage of an officer can be distinguished here and there among the Linstead crowd. They fraternize with the people, but, more ornamental than useful, their official services are seldom required.


Leaving Linstead, we travel through the parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale, in a northerly direction. We pass the huts of many more settlers, several abandoned properties, and one or two estates still in sugar-cane, but cultivated negligently. It seemed to me, without any finish, as though Poverty was cramping the proprietors, and preventing them from making the barest outlay necessary for moderate returns. One estate, lying at the base of Mount Diabolo, had been abandoned, I was informed, because the owner, who lived in England could not afford to pay for labor. I am not able to say, of my own knowledge, whether labor could be procured in the neighbourhood, but my informant said it could. There was, at least, an abundance of settlers.


At this point the ascent of Mount Diabolo is commenced. The hill is well named. You enter now a region of primeval forest, and, for four miles, the journey is extremely toilsome. The huts of settlers are thick as heretofore, and are buried in the trees -- often not to be distinguished at all, except by the peculiar foliage of the plantain and the cocoa-nut trees which invariably surround them. These mountain settlers also grow pimento, coffee, and corn. Most of them have their horses, and are really as independent and well off as one would wish to see any people in the world. Half way up Mount Diabolo a splendid view can be obtained of nearly the whole Parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale. It gives a stranger some insight of the true state of Jamaica cultivation. This parish -- with the exception of three the most densely peopled in the Island -- presents, when seen from an elevation, merely a wild woodland, interspersed here and there with small specks of cultivation. Its general character is that of unredeemed forest yet its fertility is so great that it is fully capable of sustaining 200,000, instead of the 16,000 people who now inhabit it. St. Thomas-in-the-Vale has, as I have stated, more people to the square mile than any other parish in the Island, except Kingston, Port Royal and St. Andrew -- in which, be it remembered, large towns are located. It is a fact, therefore, worthy of notice, that in this comparatively populous district there are far fewer sugar estates in present cultivation than in parishes less favorably situated with regard to labor. St. Thomas-in-the-Vale has a population of 125 to the square mile, against a population of 79 to the square mile in Westmoreland, one of the principal sugar exporting parishes in the Island, of 102 in Trelawny, the largest sugar-growing parish, and one that includes the populous town of Falmouth, and of 28 in Vere, another flourishing sugar district. These are facts which seem to require an explanation from those who insist that want of labor is the sole cause of the abandonment of sugar cultivation in Jamaica. I admit, and shall prove, that want of labor has been one cause of the Island's depreciation, but if it were the sole cause, or even the preponderating cause, it would be only reasonable to expect that those parishes most sparsely populated would be the first to abandon the cultivation of the cane. The reverse, however, happens to be the case.


A projecting cliff shuts out the parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale from our view as we continue to ascend the steep sides of Mount Diabolo. The clouds now rest on the summits of mountains at our feet the wind that rushes to meet us feels cold and bleak: we have entered a region of eternal mist and rain. The transformation to this atmosphere from the hot valley below is too sudden to be comfortable. I was, therefore, glad to find myself descending the opposite side of the mountain -- once more in the sunshine, and at a sufficient elevation to make the air deliciously cool. The scene, too, has changed. The forest has disappeared, and coffee and pimento plantations have taken its place the houses of proprietors look no longer dilapidated the pens and pasturage lands might be mistaken for New-York farms. At the Moneague, a village lying on the northern slope of the mountains just crossed, the traveler will pause to sleep, if it be late, but to feed under any circumstances, for the hotel, built only ten years ago, (wonderful fact for Jamaica!) is the best in the island.


The Moneague is in St. Anne's -- a very charming parish, that grows very little sugar. I protest against the West Indian valuation of a place by the quantity of sugar that it actually produces. There is not a sugar estate near the Moneague, but settlers, of whom there are many, have to pay $6 to $10 an acre a year for land -- a sum that would purchase land out and out in other districts quite as fertile as this. But the climate here is healthy the grass can almost be seen growing the horses are strong and the oxen fat vegetables are plentiful fruit is luxuriant and everything seems to thrive. I don't wonder, when the inhabitants of Moneague declare that no money would induce them to live anywhere else.


I passed a Sunday in the Moneague, and it was a model of quiet and respectability. The churches were filled with well-dressed and attentive congregations. There was no drunkenness or debauchery, or assemblage of idlers in the village during the entire day. But church attendance and Sabbath observance are no proofs, among a negro population at least, of moral rectitude. It is upon other grounds than these that I have combated the ridiculous assertion that these people are either physically or morally incapable of being brought up to the level of the Caucasian race. I deny altogether the statement that they will not work for hire, or that they will not work as well as any people in the world, under a proper training and a wholesome stimulus. They are perfect paragons in their outward observance of the Sabbath. They sing psalms they quote Scripture and listen, without a yawn, to sermons that would hurry sages to the land of Nod. But emancipation has not done everything. It has not cured the negro of a certain partiality for his neighbor's wife it has given to the wife, as a general rule, no sense of shame to see her six children the offspring of half a dozen different fathers it has not impregnated the laboring classes with any more reverence than they had in times past for the law of Meum and Tuum. "The lingering curse of Slavery," says Rev. Mr. Piouseyes. No, Sir Philanthropist! I cannot go in bodily for your pet theories. I am not Sambo's champion, right or wrong. I record what I find peculiar in his character, and let others draw their own conclusions.



EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA.--III. A Tour in the Interior Continued--Laborers on the Roads--St. Anne's--Dry Harbor-- Rio Bueno--Trelawny.

From Our Own Correspondent.

Published: February 8, 1860









KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1860.


I resume the description of my tour through the interior of Jamaica, at the point abandoned in my last letter.


From the Moneague village to a place called "The Finger Post," on the route to the north side of the Island, the road winds, for several miles, round the summits of hills -- now up, now down -- bad enough in this dry season, but axle-deep during rainy weather, in a red, slimy mud. The Macadamizers are at work here. Within the memory of living man -- and men among these mountains live a century -- it was never essayed to repair the road until now. But two or three years ago and the same remark might be made of all the roads[???] Jamaica -- showing very conclusively that the Plantocracy of other days were not too deeply interested in the permanent prosperity of the Island, or too willing to expend a portion of their revenues in an investment that promised no immediate return. It was a grave error, as any sound political economist of ancient or modern times would have told them as they themselves now admit when they find themselves compelled to abandon the cultivation of sugar, or carry it on at an extravagant cost and loss of stock, in consequence of bad roads. A simple evil, it may be said, and requiring a simple remedy nevertheless the fact is not without significance, that the first attempt to make decent roads is under a Democratic regime.


I had a good opportunity to see the laborers of both sexes on these and other roads in different parts of the country. Most of the male labourers were strapping young fellows of twenty, or thereabouts, who seemed to do good service -- who must have done good service, to judge by the amount of work performed. They belong to the new race of freemen born -- how superior to the old race, born in slavery, and fast dying out, I need not say. The overseers on these roads make no complaints against the men under their charge, that they are idle and unwilling to work and, what is of more importance, they make no complaint of an insufficiency of hands. They have succeeded in getting a larger supply of labor than most people deemed possible, and their success has excited some surprise in districts where the planters have long and bitterly complained that they could get no labor at all.


"Expound to me the riddle," I say to the planter.


"Oh," he answers, "the people are too independent -- too well off, here -- too fickle, arbitrary, and uncertain as to when they will work and when they won't work. They just do as they please. They work on the roads for a month, and then give it up. Then they take to something else and give that up. This is the way they have treated us. They ride upon our backs, Sir. They work for us only four days in the week, and hang about their own properties, or go to market, on the other two. We cannot improve our estates without a full week's labor. Our properties deteriorate every year for want of contract or continued labor. Now, to illustrate the character of the negro, I should like to show you in what style a body of of men would clear fifty acres. They would work as well and as cleverly as American backwoodsmen. 'These men lazy?' you would say. 'Pshaw! They are heroes. Vive chamero[???]zow!' But if I wanted their services for six months I could not get them they would insist on going back to peddle on their own properties I would be unable, for want of labor, to plant the land I had cleared the capital I had expended would be wasted, and my plans utterly frustrated." Sic loquitur.


There is a great deal of truth in all this.


"Expound to me the riddle," I say to the overseer on the road, to the merchant, the small proprietor, or to any one whom I suppose to be partial to the negro in the controversy between the labouring and the proprietary interests. "Surely it is a work less severe to hoe in a cane field than to hammer stones on the road-side?"


"Well, you see as how the laborers on the road are paid regularly once a week, while laborers on the estates often have to go two and three months without their wages and the men don't like that. Sometimes, too, they lose their pay altogether."


Here was something to think about and I did think about it -- making a note thereof, and many notes thereafter, to the same effect. I found that there was much truth in what I was told -- that many proprietors of sugar estates are really unable to pay for labor that, although want of labor -- that is, want of such a competition as would prevent labor being tyrannical -- is one cause of the Island's scanty cultivation, yet another and more serious cause is want of capital. Money is the one essential thing needed by the Jamaica proprietary. They have no money they have no credit. The post obits, drawn in the days of a flourishing Plantocracy, have been long since due, and they exceed in amount, by a thousand per cent., the actual value of the property pawned. Money cannot be raised in Jamaica, and without money, or its equivalent, a country in these days is without labor, life, learning, religion. Everything must be paid for. Potatoes and principles have their market value. When the millennium comes we may hope to get things for love.

The path that I laid down for myself in this letter was one of description, and I have wandered somewhat. I return to the "Finger Post" in the parish of St. Anne. The district through which I have been traveling is composed entirely of pasture land. All the settlers own a horse and stock of some kind. Their cottages are very neat and tidy, and are shrouded with cocoas and plantains. Most of the interior ones have but a single room. The pitch-pine floor is carefully polished a bed stands in one corner, or it may be that the inhabitants make up their couches at night on the floor a table, bearing all the crockery of the establishment, occupies another corner -- for the mysteries of a closet are unknown there are no glass windows, but blinds, placed cunningly for purposes of ventilation there may be, perhaps, a chair and another table in the apartment, and the table, in the better class of huts, is sometimes a piece of fine old mahogany. The negroes seldom enter their huts except when they retire for the night. They congregate at evening outside the door, and do all their cooking in the open air. Their habits of life are singular and very irregular. They eat when they are hungry, and seldom sit down to a family meal. Hence the frightful mortality among them during cholera visitations. In the better class of cottages, I have invariably found books -- a [???]ways the Bible, and not unfrequently the ponderous works of one WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, the West Indian's demi-god.


Within an hour's drive from the "Finger Post," the northern limit of the St. Anne plateau is reached. A large weather-worn cotton-tree, seen from afar, is the spot whence the first glimpse of the ocean can be caught. It is a wonderful picture. The road can be traced winding cautiously round the hill-sides, and descending in slow graduations till it is lost among the specks of houses on the beach. But the precipice upon which we stand, and along whose very brink the road runs, breaks away with appalling abruptness, and exposes to view a valley swept out, between a fork of mountains, to the sea. The valley is an uncheckered woodland, except where lingering traces of former cultivation can be detected, and where splendid cane-fields cluster round the distant seaport of St. Anne's. The road descends through forests of pimento, through groves of plantains or of cocoas, or under archways of gigantic bamboo, and while, on the right, we get occasional views of the valley I have described, on the left the hills grow steep and steeper, and the trees upon their [???]ides, entangled and knitted together by wild vegetation, draperied with vi[???]s, and ornaments with the most splendid parasites, look like a to[???] foliage rushing down from the mountain-top. [???] cottages seen on this long descent are supe[???] those on the southern slope of the hills. They seem to improve with the commencement of the [???]ich pasture-land at the Moneague, and St. Anne's Bay, on the north coast, has every appearance of being a flourishing village. Flourishing, that is, for Jamaica. I cannot compare it with any village of equal size in the United States, and call St. Anne's flourishing. Perhaps I ought not to call it flourishing at all, in sight of dismantled wharves and other indications of a large trade in days gone by -- contrasted now by the presence of two solitary schooners, from whose peaks the American ensign droops in the utter stillness of everything around. I can say, however, with perfect truth, that in the immediate vicinity of St. Anne's Bay there are cane lands in high cultivation that the houses in the village are neat and well-built that the road, or street, as it should be called, is in proper repair that shops are plentiful, and buying and selling going on at a fair rate for a village of a thousand inhabitants. Under any circumstances St. Anne's is a proper halting-place for a tourist. It has a couple of inns, and the sugar estates in the neighborhood are at least worth visiting.


We have now reached the north side of Jamaica, and purpose travelling west as far as we can. From St. Anne's Bay to Dry Harbor -- a distance of seventeen miles -- the hills trend along the coast, leaving between them and the beach a spacious and well-cultivated slope. For seven miles west of St. Anne's Bay, a continued succession of luxuriant cane pieces will be passed. They are on both sides of the road, and have every appearance of being highly cultivated. The fences are of stone or logwood, and are well kept up. The hills which, for the most part, are covered with their native forest, are here and there marked with pasture, and with the peculiar foliage of the plantain and the cocoanut tree -- a certain sign, even where a hut is invisible, of the presence of settlers. Passing the sugar estates, we come to more pens and pasturage then to woodland and to denser settlements. The cottages are rudely built, but clean. I entered possibly a dozen that were grouped together. They were in charge of one old woman. The girls and boys were away at work -- some in the cane fields, some on the roads, and some on their own emplacements. Quite close to this group of cottages stood a neat little Baptist Chapel, built by the laborers at their own expense. A large majority of the Jamaica Creoles dissent from the Church of England, which is the established church in the West India colonies, and the dissenters, even in sparsely settled districts, are not slow to erect their own places of worship. These people, who live comfortably and independently, own houses and stock, pay taxes and poll votes, and pay their money to build churches, are the same people whom we have heard represented as idle, worthless fellows, obstinately opposed to work, and ready to live on an orange or banana rather than earn their daily bread. This may have been the case with those originally set free, before they comprehended their responsibilities as freemen, and before their extravagant ideas of liberty had been moderated by a necessary experience. But now that intelligence and experience have come to them, the West Indian negroes cannot be indiscriminately thrown aside as a people who won't work. Since emancipation, they have passed in a body to a higher civil and social status and the majority of them are too much their masters ever to submit again to the mastership of others. They cannot be blamed for this and any unprejudiced resident of Jamaica will indorse the statement here made, that the peasantry are as peaceable and industrious a people as may be found in the same latitude throughout the world. The present generation of Jamaican creoles are no more to be compared to their slave ancestors than the intelligent English laborer of the nineteenth century can be compared to the serfs of Athelstane or Atheling.
The village of Dry Harbor, seventeen miles from St. Anne's Bay, is chiefly inhabited by fishermen and small proprietors. The road thence, continuing west, lies over a mountain densely covered with orange and pimento trees. As we are leaving St. Anne's Parish, I may as well say here that Pimento is its great staple. Jamaica possibly supplies two-thirds of the pimento used in the world and St. Anne's supplies two-thirds of the Jamaica pimento. It is easily cultivated, and is said to be best sown by birds. It is, however, a precarious crop. In 1858 the Island produced nine and a-half millions of pounds, and in 1859 it only produced four and a-half millions. The decline was owing to no lack of industry or enterprise, but simply to the fact that the season was a bad one. It is perhaps worthy of remark that the pimento crop of 1858 was the largest ever reaped in the Island.


St. Anne's is considerably the largest parish in Jamaica. It occupies a superficial area of 433 square miles. The population, which is 25,823, gives only 59.63 persons to the square mile. They are almost exclusively pen proprietors and small settlers. I was charmed with every part of the parish that I visited -- with its fresh look, fertile soil, and happy, contented, and independent inhabitants and I certainly thought that if all Jamaica was like St. Anne's there would be no ground for the commisseration that her condition has excited in Europe and America.


The Pimento mountain, of which I have spoken, separates Dry Harbor from Rio Bueno. On descending the western slope, the stream from which the latter village takes its name (and which is the boundary between the parishes of St. Anne and Trelawny) can be seen winding through the valley below. It rises from a spring in the mountain side, falls in cascade, and empties itself into the ocean, as a Jamaican river of considerable size, a few miles away. The village itself, like most villages in the island, is situated in a snug little bay. A vacant hotel, large enough to accommodate fifty guests, well built stone piers, and dilapidated, tenantless stores, tell the old story of past prosperity and present decay. The harbor, in which a dozen ships once rode at anchor, is now without a solitary sail, and but two or three inferior vessels come drifting in during a whole year's space. There are the remains here of an old fort -- in a position to sweep a fleet from the bay. It requires some ingenuity to discover the spot, for rank vegetation entirely conceals it. The ruin possesses some historical interest, for its walls were built to protect the golden flag, and the cannon that stretch their rusty throats through the crumbling embrasures were planted there many years before the United States were a nation born. Hence the Spanish name, yet retained, of Rio Bueno. I like the village -- a quaint, quiet spot, with the sea breeze blowing freshly in. Many fishermen live here, but they find, I fancy, a bad mart even for the best of mullets and snappers. A fish of 10 Ibs. weight must be sold to ten different persons, for there is no one, except perhaps the doctor or the parson, rich enough to buy such a monster entire. In the hotel where I lodged the landlord migrated in search of a candle to light up, for once probably in six months, his huge reception room, which still looked quite grand with its polished floor and pieces of old mahogany that would throw a furniture fancier into ecstacies. Up in the crazy room where I slept, I lay upon an antique bed in the company of lizards, old and young, and gazed through holes in the roof upon the twinkling stars. Providentially it didn't rain.


Between Rio Bueno and the village of Duncan I passed through a magnificent sugar estate, with its buildings, steam mill, and private wharf in good repair -- altogether as fine a property as ever I saw in the favored Island of Barbados. The cane-fields extended over hill and valley, and were carefully cultivated and finished in all their appurtenances. There is another fine estate between Duncan and the town of Falmouth, and many pasture lands, large and small. I continued to find the settlers, without exception, at their work. I met them in troops at early morning travelling along the read -- every man and woman ready with their polite greetings. I never met a peasantry more civil or more ready to oblige. Among these small settlers there are few heads of families who are not qualified voters, paying either ton [???]ga a year taxes, or owning land worth [???] a year. Nine out of ten of the settlers -- I [???]ak generally of the peasantry throughout the whole island -- rely principally upon their own properties for the support of themselves an their families, but are willing, nevertheless, to work for the estates or on the roads when it does not interfere with necessary labor on their own lands. When the choice lies between the roads and the estates, it is not surprising that they should select the employer that pays best and most regularly. I do not mean to say for a moment that the estates have anything like a sufficiency of labor they are entirely without that continuous labor required, not merely for bare cultivation, but for extension and improvement. In the remarks I have here made, I merely wish to give point-blank denial to a very general impression prevailing abroad that the Jamaica negro won't work at all. I wish to show that he gives as much labor, even to the sugar estate, as he consistently can, and that it is no fault of his if he cannot give enough. I wish to exhibit the people of Jamaica as a peaceable, law-abiding peasantry, with whom the remembrance of past wrongs has had so little weight that, from the day of emancipation until now, they have never dreamt of a hostile combination either against their old masters or the Government under which they live, though insurrections in the time of Slavery were numerous and terrible, and were only suppressed after much bloodshed and lavish expenditure. I wish to bear witness to their courtesy. When I had occasion to ask for cocoa nuts, or oranges, on the way side, the settler generally refused payment for the fruit, and if he finally took the money pressed upon him, it was with the understanding, distinctly expressed, that he wanted no payment for rendering so simple a service. I speak exclusively of the peasantry, not of the dissolute idlers, loafers and vagabonds that congregate in Kingston and other towns. They are as different from their country brethren as the New-York rowdy is different from the honest farmer in his home in Niagara or St. Lawrence. That the Jamaica peasantry have grave faults of character and grave defects, which it will take long years of training to remove, I do not doubt. It will be a part of my task to expose their vices but this is no reason why they should be denied, the possession of any virtues. W.G.S.
EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA--IV. A Tour Continued--Falmouth--Prison Discipline--Town Labor--Bad Roads and to What They Lead--Montego Bay--Lucca--Sugar Cultivation in St. James and Hanover.

From Our Own Correspondent. W. G. S.

Published: February 22, 1860









KINGSTON, January, 1860.


Having entered the parish of Trelawny, it is proper that I should take the reader to Falmouth, its chief town, which contains a population of seven or eight thousand. The town looks more modern than Kingston the houses are well built, and, being the principal seaport of the largest sugar parish in the island, the harbor, during crop season, is sometimes thronged with vessels. Falmouth is surrounded by a morass, and would undoubtedly be a most unhealthy spot if it were not favored by unremitting sea breezes that bear away the malaria. I have been told that during the terrible visitation of cholera -- from which and small-pox combined thirty thousand persons are supposed to have died -- Falmouth suffered less than any town of its size on the Island. It is on the faith of this, I suppose, that the authorities neglect the most ordinary rules of health, give the people bad water to drink, and allow the drainage to stagnate in the streets -- sufficient to breed a pestilence in a much more favored locality. Next to Kingston, which carries off the palm, Falmouth is the filthiest town in Jamaica. Report says that when the Penitentiary convicts worked on the streets they were kept in much better order, but now that the labor must be paid for, it is neglected. Want of money is certainly epidemic in Jamaica. No creole seems to possess the commodity, and strangers who are believed to possess it are made to pay for the general deficiency. If a traveler appears in the streets of Falmouth, an innkeeper will run after him, bag him, and make the most of him, for such game only appears once in a season.


Besides want of money in Jamaica, there is a deplorable want of economy and want of ingenuity to turn things to the best account. Prison discipline here is a farce and a sentence to hard labor perfect moonshine. I have seen these "hard labor convicts" moving along the roads in gangs, at a funeral pace, and looking for all the world as though they were hunting for cockroaches. They are allowed to stop and talk to girls, and amuse themselves in any manner they like. There is no fear of their escaping. Many of the dissipated scamps about town actually steal in order to get into the penetentiary, they are so well treated there. They have good food, their bath, and easy exercise every day. No disgrace is attached to a residence in the Penitentiary. The convict, when released, laughs over his imprisonment and boasts of his good fare. He does not consider that imprisonment a bar to future employment, or any reason why he should not be trusted again. I can say, from my own personal knowledge, that a man who had served his time in the penitentiary attempted to breakfast at the public table of a hotel in which I lodged. Luckily there was a Judge present who knew the fellow, and the guests were spared the risk of having their pockets picked and the landlady the certainty of having her spoons abstracted. That I may not be thought exaggerating, I can refer to an article in the Colonial Standard, of the 13th December, where the writer calls the Island Penetentiary a "house of sumptuous living, amusement, and sport." "No bread, no beef," say the convicts, "are equal to that which may be had there." A man, after twelve months' residence in the penitentiary, grows fat and sleek, and often expresses regret when his term of imprisonment expires. The writer, to whom I have referred, instances the "hard labor" of two prisoners under sentence for felony one had to knead bread and the other polish the keeper's boots! This is penal labor in Jamaica. The wretched management here displayed does not need pointing out. The people are taxed, for repairing the roads, some six hundred dollars a mile -- a sum that might be altogether saved by making the convicts do the work. They are also taxed a hundred thousand dollars a year to support convicts who do little or nothing for their own maintenance Here is "payment at both ends" with a vengeance. And worse than that, a premium of good lodgings and an easy life is offered to the idle and dissolute to commit crime. The evil effect of such a system upon the community is incalculable. Public morality as well as the public purse inevitably suffers.


I dislike excessively the seaport towns of Jamaica, and can make no exception in favor Falmouth. All the worst fellows in the Island collect in them, and give to foreigners a most mistaken idea of the country people. Those who are not bad soon become so by the force of an example which English and American sailors in port are not slow to set. Though I think that, morally considered, the negroes who congregate about the wharves are the very worst class to be encountered yet I have seen them in Kingston, Falmouth and other parts, work like very horses in the loading and unloading of vessels. They are usually paid by the job. A ship's cook will employ a hand as his substitute, while in port, for two shillings a week and this, while the estates pretend they are willing to pay one and sixpence and two shillings a day. I don't doubt that many proprietors really suffer from the partiality of young men to towns but at the same time, I don't doubt that many of these young men prefer, and very naturally prefer, the greater certainty of regular payment that town business offers. I know of waiters in hotels who get only a dollar a week and have to find themselves and it is not rational to suppose that they would flock to Kingston if they had to work there at a pecuniary disadvantage. The average price of field labor in Jamaica is about one shilling sterling a day, or rather a task of six or seven hours' work and having investigated the subject very thoroughly, I am compelled to say that, as a rule, the laborers are not paid regularly. The rule has many exceptions, doubtless I know of exceptions myself but it will be found that those estates which form the exceptions are in no danger of going out of cultivation.
While on the subject of town labor, I have something to say about the conduct of American ship Captains who trade at West Indian ports and what I have to say is not much to their credit. The same accusation may possibly be brought against Captains of other nations, British included but with these I have nothing at present to do' The American Captain seems to think it his special privilege to treat the Jamaica negroes in his employ far worse than he dare treat slaves in Southern ports of his own country. It is too common to hear one of these bullies accost a man with, "You d -- d nigger, if I had you in New-Orleans I'd sell you" -- and so forth. The negro, who is exceedingly sensitive about his freedom, passes off the remark very often as a joke, for he is at work on the vessel and does not like to lose his job, But the feeling here, and in all the British West Indies, against America and the Americans, owing to just such bad taste and brutality, is bitter in the extreme. I have met here intelligent mulattoes -- men well educated, too -- who have expressed a wish to go to New-York, and have given utterance to genuine fears that if they did so they might be sold into slavery. If one of the town loafers has a dispute with his neighbor, his bitterest abuse is to tell him what his market value would be in Charleston, New-Orleans or Jacksonville -- with which last town they seem wonderfully familiar. It is probably a very indifferent matter whether we are liked or hated by the people of Jamaica but it is not an indifferent matter to have one's country and the principles it professes to uphold degraded, as far as they can be degraded, by the Captains of the American vessels which frequent these ports.


Falmouth, from which respectable town I have somewhat digressed, is, as I have said, the capital of the largest sugar-exporting parish in the Island. I have seen many of the estates, and should judge them all to be in a condition of paying cultivation. They extend for fifteen or sixteen miles round the town. Some properties, formerly cultivated in sugar, but now converted into breeding-pens and pasturage grounds, lie further back. I know of no estates in the parish that have been wholly abandoned, though there may be a very few. Trelawny offers some curious facts in connection with the growth of sugar. The land here is notoriously poorer for growing provisions than it is in districts where the cultivation of the cane has been altogether abandoned. The parishes of St. Mary, Met calf, and St. George, round Annotto Bay, on the north coast, are examples of splendid soil, formerly cultivated in sugar, but now almost wholly abandoned, or yielded to small settlers. Trelawny, on the contrary, continues to export largely.


The success of Trelawny may be partly owing to the fact that the negroes cannot grow provisions to advantage. But this is not a complete explanation of its success. It certainly cannot be explained by population statistics, for the agricultural force of Trelawny is considerably weaker than that of two of the other parishes named. Leaving out the town of Falmouth, it will be found that the population in the country districts is only 75 persons to the square mile, while some parishes, in which sugar cultivation has been given up, have 80, 90, 100, and even 120 persons to the square mile. If, then, Trelawny, with a comparatively poor soil and a population of 75 to the square mile, retains the cultivation of the cane, why has not Metcalfe done the same, (I take the parish at random,) with its rich soil and population of 110 to the square mile. It cannot be said that the planters of Trelawny had more capital, were more prudent, or were better managers than others but it can be said that the roads have been kept in much better condition than those of St. Mary, Metcalfe and St. George. Bad roads, in some places impassable roads, have helped not a little to diminish cane cultivation. The conveyance to port of hogsheads, weighing 18 and 20 cwt., has always been one of the planter's most serious items of expenditure and he has not now the means necessary to supply the constant drain upon his stock caused by bad roads, nor the capital or the credit to build trainways that would pay their own expenses in twenty years' time. The estates around Falmouth have a comparatively easy access to the port of embarkation but on distant estates, where access is both difficult and expensive, the cultivation of the cane has been generally abandoned, and this is the case over the whole Island. Moreover, where the land is rich, the negro is always more independent and more ready and eager to buy than where it is poor. Thus, again, we have another cause besides the bare want of labor for the depression of Jamaican commerce in consequence of the abandonment of sugar cultivation.


It is a long drive from Falmouth to Montego Bay, the principal town in the adjoining Parish of St. James. The road lies over a sandy beach and is exposed to the burning heat of the sun. Comparatively few settlers are to be met with. We passed large quantities of the cochineal plant: the introduction of the insect would, I doubt not, prove as profitable a speculation here as it has proved elsewhere.
At "Little River," half way between Falmouth and Montego Bay, there is a roadside inn. I thanked the gods for the same, and for the opportunity of escaping for an hour the blazing mid-day sun. The breeze here came up freshly from the sea. After leaving this halting-place, we passed through some splendid specimens of Trelawny sugar cultivation, but the estates end with the boundary line of the Parish. Woodland then after which, having veered round the butt of a hill, we obtain a full view of Montego Bay and its shipping -- to wit, three vessels. We enter the town between a race course on one hand and a burial-ground on the other -- both overgrown with weeds we pass in the shadow of a crumbling fort and along a crooked street, ornamented with perfect models of West India houses in the last stage of dilapidation. Leaning like so many Pisa towers, they, nevertheless, do not fall, and we reach the square and the lodging-house in safety.


They had a wonderful eye, these old Spaniards, for a good site, as all the towns they ever planted, both in the Indies and on the Main, fully testify. The town of Montego Bay, in point of population and size the second in Jamaica, is no exception to the rule. It sleeps at the extremity of an elliptical bay, sheltered from storms by an amphitheatre of mountains, and waiting apparently for the last trump to awaken it. The dreaminess of the place is contagious. You cannot look upon its quaint old houses, or upon its people moving at a snail's pace, and feel anything approaching to activity. A sight of the blue waters of the bay, rippled by the gentlest of breezes, or of a panorama of mountains on the left, that stretch away to the misty point upon which the town of Lucca stands, aggravates indolence and converts it into an uncompromising laziness. The town has still a Spanish look about it, in spite of the lapse of two centuries since Spaniards were its masters. It wears a smile of contempt for the frowns of fortune and the cessation of a once flourishing commerce. It is the chosen retreat of a remnant of the old Plantocracy, and their residences, if antique, are always picturesque and somewhat symbolic of Jamaica's actual condition. Lo! an ancient tenement half buried in luxuriant shrub: -- Decay, which is of man, and the most vigorous kind of life, which is not of man, progressing side by side. I admit that Montego Bay quite charmed me, with its clean streets, neat little patches of garden and utter quietude, with its air of byegone respectability, and the utter complacency of its people, who did not know or care how they lived from day to day. "Well, massa, we do de best we can in dese times," was all the answer I got to repeated inquiries for a solution of the mystery of life in Montego Bay. I have not yet discovered how 10,000 people manage to exist on the trade of the five or six vessels which annually enter the bay from European or American ports. They certainly make little out of travelers, for a stranger in Montego Bay is so rare a sight that he will create as violent an agitation among its inhabitants as a wild elephant, careering among omnibuses, might be expected to excite in the midst of Broadway pedestrians. The people here -- that is, those of the laboring class with whom I conversed -- say that the planters of the parish won't pay or can't pay for labor. They complain that a great many of the old estates have been sold to Jews, who are too close to do justice to their workmen. I don't give this as a fact within my own knowledge, but simply as a report current and credited by the laboring people of the Parish of St. James. Many people in the town complain of not being able to get work. St. James has not half the number of sugar properties in cultivation that Trelawny has, and possessing a large population to the square mile, it ought not to be worse off for labor than a neighboring parish.


The road from Montego Bay to Lucea, in Hanover parish, follows the line of beach, and is winding, hilly and irregular. There is little to see but forest, and some few sugar estates. I speak of the northern slope of the hills, which trend along the coast. On their southern side -- a district which I did not penetrate -- I was told that sugar cultivation was rare, but that small settlements and provision grounds were plentiful. The pleasantest mode of traveling from Montego Bay to Lucea is by water. I left with a steersman and two oars, and we accomplished the distance (about 20 miles) in less than four hours. When it is remembered that this labor was performed at high noon, that the men engaged in it never flagged for an instant, and that it was no extraordinary job for which they had been offered an extraordinary inducement, but a part of their ordinary every-day work, I deem it no light testimony in favor of the negro's power to work, and will to work, when he is properly paid. These men who row their boat to Lucea and back to Montego Bay within the twenty-four hours -- an effort that white men could not undertake in such a climate -- receive about a dollar each for the trip but they do not get passengers every day. They are generally professional pilots, but their receipts from the six or eight vessels that enter port during the year must be very small.
Lucea is an unclean, ragged-looking village, without two houses conjoined, and without one house in decent repair. Its population must be about 1,500 or 2,000. The road thence to Green Island, and round the western extremity of the island as far as Savannah-la-Mar, on the south side, is execrable, and passes through the wildest country that I saw in Jamaica. It took me twelve hours to accomplish fifty miles. I seldom got the horses out of a walk. Sometimes wading in mud -- sometimes steering among huge rocks -- sometimes swimming over rivers. If it is thus in the Dry Season, what must it be in the Wet? The people on the route look as wild as the aspect of their country. They run away from a stranger, or glare at him, half in terror, half in curiosity, from behind a bush.


Immediately after leaving Lucea some fine sugar estates are passed, but they soon give way to dense woods, and low, swampy lands, where few settlers, even, have cast their lot. The country breaks into cultivation round the village of Green Island -- the western ultima thule of Jamaica -- where there are a few sugar properties. I was told here that the estates still being worked in the Parish of Hanover were doing well, and that those abandoned had been given up for want of means to carry them on. An intelligent resident of Green Island, himself a proprietor, informed me that he knew of no estate in Hanover whose owner -- possessed of capital, or even out of debt -- had been compelled from mere want of labor to abandon sugar cultivation. When I have put the same question to any respectable landholder, in any part of the island, I have, in nine cases out often, received the same answer. The want of continued or contract labor is generally deplored as a great evil but it is wrong to suppose that that want alone has ever compelled resident proprietors to abandon their estates to ruin. I have no doubt that there are districts where the price of labor is too high to make sugar cultivation as profitable as the cultivation of other produce -- where the negroes, in fact, are too well off and too independent to work for the wages they are compelled to take in Barbados but this is no justification for the assertion, so widely made and so generally believed, that they will not work at all. From all that I learnt in the Parish of Hanover, I came to the conclusion that the settlers would work very readily if work was proffered them at a fair remuneration.


We have now traveled as far west as it is possible to travel on the north side of Jamaica. I propose to bring the reader back to Kingston, in my next letter, by the south side. W.G.S.
EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA.--V. A Tour Continued--The South Side--Savannah la-Mar--Christmas Festivities--Black River--Coffee Cultivation--Manchester--Vere--Back to Spanish-Town--The East End.

From Our Own Correspondent.

Published: February 25, 1860









KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1860.


I have taken the reader down the north side of Jamaica, and it is proper I should now say something of the south side -- the side that more strictly answers to the original name of the island, Caymaca, or the land of wood and water. For while, on the north side, wood is plentiful enough, the south side, equally luxuriant in forest, is watered by a hundred streams.


Westmoreland is the most southwesterly, as Hanover is the most northwesterly parish in the Island. In the former, sugar is largely cultivated, and from its chief town, Savannah-la-Mar, the export of the great staple is still very considerable. On the route from Green Island I passed some very fine sugar estates, and not a few properties of small settlers cultivated in cane. But the weeds are abominable, and the expense of transporting heavy hogsheads from this district to the place of export, must swallow up a large portion of the planter's revenue. Still, Westmoreland keeps up its reputation as a leading sugar parish in spite of a scanty population, that numbers only seventy-nine persons to the square mile. The soil is excellent for the growth of the cane and some of the largest and most successful planters, since Emancipation, have their estates in the vicinity of Savannah-la-Mar.


The town of Savannah-la-Mar, as its name indicates, is built on a large morass that stretches seaward. The creoles call it a healthy place, and P don't know that it is otherwise but it ought to be unhealthy. A breeze is ever blowing from the shore, and this perhaps keeps the savannah free from fevers. I liked the look of the town, with its broad central street, and piers kept tolerably clean, and houses peeping from among forests of cocoanut trees. Crop-time was at hand, and a couple of vessels in the bay, forerunners of the fleet that annually visit Savannah-la-Mar, were waiting for their cargoes of sugar.


It was Christmas eve -- a season at which the West Indian creole goes wild with excitement. Old drums, trumpets, kettles, bells, and anything that can make a noise, are brought out dancers dance violently, and fiddlers fiddle violently, without any regard to time or tune and masquerading and psalm-singing are alternately kept up until New Year's day is fairly past. No negro will work for love or money during this carnival time. He is literally demented, and can hardly give a sane answer to the most ordinary question. All night long, and for eight successive nights, an infernal din -- a concert of cracked drums, shrill voices, and fire-crackers -- is maintained. Those, poor devils who cannot enjoy this species of amusement suffer the most exquisite torture. I passed the whole season in the country, and saw exhibitions of excitement that made me think the actors fit subjects for a lunatic asylum but, though I mixed freely among the people, I was always most civilly treated, and never on any of these occasions did I see a negro in a state of intoxication. I do not remember having ever seen a West Indian negro drunk and the temperate habits of the Jamaica creoles are the more remarkable, as the spirit manufactured in the island can be obtained for a very trifling cost.


I allude to these Christmas festivities because they afforded me an opportunity to sec the people in their holiday time, when, if ever, they would be disposed to be as saucy and insolent as I have heard them characterized. I found them nothing of the kind. The accusation may be true as far as regards Kingston loafers, who hang about the wharves for chance jobs, and follow strangers with annoying persistency but it is not true when applied to the peasantry. The people are no longer servile, though they retain, from habit, the servile epithet of "Massa," when addressing the whites but I have ever seen them most respectful to their superiors and most anxious to oblige. Individual testimony on this point might be discredited or deemed insufficient, but there is no discrediting the fact that, since their freedom, no people in the world have been more peaceful than the creoles of Jamaica. With their freedom they seem to have forgotten all ancient grievances, and never to have entertained a thought of retribution. The contrast in this respect between the reign of Freedom and the reign of Slavery carries its own lesson and its own warning. Twenty-five years of freedom and not a murmur of popular discontent! Twenty-five years of Slavery -- I take any period -- and what fears and anxieties and actual outbreaks! It cost the Government $800,000 to suppress the single insurrection of 1832, during which six million of dollars worth of private property were destroyed. But the outbreak from which the planters then suffered would have been light compared to the one that was ready to burst over the island when Liberty appeared in the gap and proved its salvation.


I have also heard the Jamaica people denounced for making Christmas their great gala season of festivity, instead of the anniversary of their emancipation. It is argued that they can care little for the boon of freedom if they do not keep it in remembrance, or regard it as a fit opportunity for national rejoicings. But I do not think that the absence of any general enthusiasm in the West India Islands on the 1st of August demonstrates at all that the people fail to appreciate the blessings of freedom. Any one acquainted with these colonies knows that the reverse is the case. Negroes, very like other people, are creatures of habit, and in their Christmas festivities they keep up the customs that they were taught to observe. They have a week's holiday, and they make the most of it, according to their noisy fashion. Probably they don't reflect on the great event that the season is designed to commemorate, any more than civilized people do who drink champagne and eat roast turkeys.
It is a hot drive, along a beach road, from Savannah-la-Mar to Black River. The country is partly wooded and partly pasture land, with plenty of pimento and orange trees. American schooners very often come to the bays along this coast, and load with oranges and other fruit. I did not notice a single sugar estate on the way. The houses of small settlers were also, comparatively speaking, scarce, until a more open country in the adjoining parish of St. Elizabeth, if reached. The hills in the distance are covered with dense forest, but are, nevertheless inhabited by small proprietors, who grow their own coffee and pimento for the Black River market.


The town of Black River is situated in a deep bay, looking out upon the setting sun, and back upon lofty ranges of hills. For a place that cannot number more than 2,000 inhabitants, it is doing a thriving business, though the parish, of which it is the only outlet, is by no means a first-class sugar-growing district. There are few estates in St. Elizabeth, and, I think, only two that send their sugar over the roads. The remainder send their produce down the river, which, at a little expense, might be made navigable for boats for a distance of forty miles. The stream is noted for alligators, which emerge at night from the mangroves, where they lie sheltered during the day, and come up the beach quite close to the town. A more fertile district, or more splendid soil for the cultivation of every article of tropical growth, can scarcely be imagined than this portion of the Parish of St. Elizabeth, and a conveyance by water is not the least of its many advantages for the cultivation of the cane. It has been aptly called the Demerara of Jamaica, and vegetation here is indeed quite as luxuriant as it is in that wonderful colony. But Jamaica's curse -- want of capital -- is upon the rich alluvial soil and easy communication of the Black River country. The forests remain uncleared, and sand and mud are allowed to choke up the river channel. Yet, in spite of great natural advantages neglected and thrown away, the richness of this district is not altogether hidden from view, nor are its resources entirely wasted. The trade of Black River is principally in coffee, pimento, and different kinds of wood. Some forty or fifty vessels arrive in port during the year, and many American schooners come here for return cargoes. I was told that about 200 tons of logwood, fustic and ebony were daily moved in the Black River market -- including, that is to say, the wood brought down the river and the wood shipped for foreign and island ports. The coffee is excellent, and is raised, without an exception, by small proprietors. It is a fact of some significance that this town and its trade have grown up since emancipation.


The decline in the exportation of coffee is a great argument in the mouths of those who urge the necessity of large accessions to the laboring population of the Island. But I cannot see the force of the argument, for the cultivation of coffee does not demand anything like the labor required in the cultivation of the cane. It is an undoubted fact, that the exportation of coffee in Jamaica has declined from twenty-five and thirty million of pounds to five and six million but it is also an undoubted fact that where one pound was used in the island prior to emancipation, ten pounds are used now. What master would ever have dreamed of giving coffee to his slaves? What settler now-a-days would dream of depriving himself of his tasse de consolation? I never yet passed a settler's emplacement, in the mountainous districts of Jamaica, that I did not see coffee in cultivation and it is my firm conviction that there is no such great discrepancy between the amount grown now and that grown at the time of emancipation, especially when the extend of exhausted coffee land is taken into account. The same statement will apply with much greater force to provisions of every description. It is undoubtedly true that most of the large coffee properties, in cultivation prior to emancipation, have been abandoned, or turned to other uses. But want of capital prevails quite as much among coffee-planters as among sugar-planters. Coffee, too, like cacao, requires new land, and the clearance of fifty acres of wood is a sort of Herculean enterprise that, in these days, a Jamaica planter would not willingly face. But, whatever large coffee planters may say about their profits and losses, it is a notorious fact that thousands and thousands of settlers grow the delicious berry to advantage, as any merchant engaged in the trade will be able to testify. They come to the towns and villages with one, two, six, or a dozen bags, and in this way many a cargo is made up for foreign ports. The population of St. Elizabeth Parish numbers 119 persons to the square mile, considerably larger, it will be seen, than most of the sugar-growing parishes. But I know of no locality in Jamaica where labor for sugar cultivation is more needed than here. The settlers have their own properties to look alter, and it would be surprising indeed if they neglected them to hire themselves out as field laborers at a shilling a day.
We leave Black River village and St. Elizabeth Parish, and soon after begin to ascend the Manchester mountains. Fresh horses are advisable, for the long miles of this day's traveling would make twenty Sabbath days' journeys. Possibly we reach the summit of the May-Day Mountains about sunset, and then one of the finest spectacles in all Jamaica can be witnessed. That last hill over a mile above the level of the sea, was killing work, and so steep that no animals but stout Jamaica ponies, accustomed to such travel, could ever have dragged us up. We pause for breath, and can look back at the country through which we have lately passed. We are upon a ridge of hills running north and south a parallel ridge rises up in the distance, standing out black against the sun now slowly setting beyond it. The valley below, full twenty miles broad, resembles, from this height, a vast plain but, having so lately traversed it, we know it is no plain, but an uneven country, covered with formidable hills, that have shrunk away to seemingly a level surface. The vast meadow lands that we crossed, and which were filled with stock, have dwindled down to specks of light -- cases of cultivation in a wilderness of wood -- and the huge cotton trees that flung their shelter over a hundred oxen, can scarcely be distinguished even at our feet. Hills piled on hills, and thunderclouds upon hills, are massed together on the right. On the left, over a mountain-top, there lies a line of sea in which the sun is preparing to make a golden set. The valley now is dark, its light has gone out, but the crests of the hills are all ablaze. Night comes on apace, and there are yet ten miles of bad road to travel before a village can be reached, The air, at this height, feels bleak after sunset, and a cloak is not to be despised.


The sun never rose upon a more picturesque village than that of Mandeville, the capital of the Parish of Manchester. It reminded me a little of a newly located town in an American Territory, for the houses did not look very old, nor were the streets out of repair -- two exceptions to very general rules in Jamaica. Though a mile above the level of the sea, Mandeville lies in a hollow, surrounded by hills. The air is fresh and the climate wholesome. This parish is the only one that entirely escaped the cholera.


There is no sugar cultivation in Manchester. Coffee, pimento and provisions are raised in great abundanue by the settlers but pens and pasture lands form the principal feature of cultivation. Immense herds of cattle may be seen grazing together, but the business is not as profitable as "a stranger might be led to suppose. Like most other pursuits in Jamaica, that of stock raising depends very much on the sugar crop. If sugar planting is abandoned, or if the planters are in reduced circumstances, there is a diminished demand for stock, and the breeders suffer in proportion. The fact is thus: though it is singularly illustrative of prevailing apathy that, possessed of a soil that cannot be outrivaled for richness, and of a climate that favors the growth of temperate as well as tropical products, the Jamaica proprietary should submit to destitution because they have not the money, or the means, or the protection, or the labor, or whatever else it may be that is wanted to cultivate the cane. I have no patience to listen to their complaints, when I look at the unbounded wealth and wonderful resources of the country. They cry out at the high price of labor, and pretend they cannot grow corn, when corn is grown at five times the cost in the United States and expected to Jamaica at a handsome profit. They import beef, and tongues and butter, though this very parish of Manchester offers advantages for raising stock that no portion of America possesses. They import mackerel and salmon, and herrings and codfish, though Jamaica waters abound it, the most splendid kind of fish. They import woods, though Jamaica forests are unrivaled for the variety and beauty and usefulness of their timber. They import tobacco, though their soil in many districts is most excellent for its growth. The negroes, who have never been taught these things, are learning them slowly by experience, and a gradual decline in certain articles of import demonstrates that they now raise on their own properties a very large proportion of their own provisions.


In a parish like Manchester, where there are no estates, the settlers grow provisions not merely for themselves, but for the supply of neighboring sugar parishes, where the inhabitants are principally engaged in field labor. Thus Portland supplies St. Thomas-in-the-East St. Anne supplies Trelawny, and Manchester supplies Clarendon and Vere. In Manchester, at the time I write, so far from there being any want of labor, there are a number of people in quest of labor and cannot get it. This is, doubtless, to be accounted for by the fact that there are no sugar estates in the parish for it is the cultivation of the cane alone that demands that extraordinary force which the planters say they are unable to obtain. A Clarendon planter recently offered employment to five hundred Manchester negroes if they would change their residence with what result I have not ascertained, but I have no doubt that the offer will be refused. The negro has an invincible dislike to move his household gods. It seems an unaccountable prejudice but, throughout the whole island, the people may be found clinging to the plots of ground upon which they were born and their fathers before them.
The road from Mandeville, in Manchester, descends into the parish of Clarendon. Neither this parish, nor the one contiguous to it, St. Dorothy, need any special notice. Sugar cultivation in both is small, for the soil is not very favorable for the growth of the cane. The sugar lands in the former parish lie to the north of the Mocho Mountains. In the latter, the smallest parish after Kingston and Port Royal, there are only one or two estates in cultivation. The population of Clarendon is 54, and of St. Dorothy 91 persons to the square mile, and the settlers grow provisions and minor articles for export. At the small village of Lime, Savannah, some distance from the sugar properties of Clarendon, the people are about building an Independent church.


The Parish of Vere, forming the most southern promontory of Jamaica, when seen from the hills of Clarendon, which it adjoins, presents a rich alluvial country something like Barbados, which it nearly equals in size, but without the garden-like appearance of that exquisite island. Some of the best estates in Jamaica are situated here and they occasionally suffer from severe drouth. If money, enterprise and labor were forthcoming, it would not be an impossible, nor yet a very expensive undertaking, to turn some of the mountain streams into the parish, and save the vast sums that planters not infrequently lose from dry weather. But there must be a great change in Jamaica before money, enterprise and labor are readily found there. It is worthy of remark, as proved by this and other parishes, that only first-class estates, or in other words, estates that have had means at command, are now in cultivation. Here, again, we have, as an explanation of the prevalent ruin, want of capital, for if it were solely want of labor, the large estates that required most labor would be the first to suffer. In a precarious business like sugar cultivation, where the loss of an entire crop must now and then be expected, the Jamaica planter who could command neither capital nor credit had no resource but bankruptcy when an unfavorable season overtook him. He was accustomed in times past, as some are accustomed even to-day, to hope against hope, that a sudden rise in sugar, or some other lucky stroke of fortune, would free him from trouble and his estate from an in-cumbrance ten times its actual value. One in a hundred, perhaps, realized his dreams, and, warned by experience, either prudently withdrew, or curtailed his extravagance and altered his plans so as to meet the new order of things introduced with emancipation. The other ninety-nine met the fate that must inevitably overtake the desperate gambler, who, with a few shillings in his pocket, plays against the certain chances of a bank.


This want of capital -- wholly irrespective of a want of labor, which I admit to exist -- has been a most fruitful cause of the abandonment of sugar cultivation. The most hasty tour through the island will convince any one that contract or permanent labor -- wholly independent of the valuable but transient work of the negroes, who have their own properties to look after -- is absolutely needed before the cultivation of the cane in Jamaica can be largely extended or real estate command its actual and positive value. I do not believe that the absence of this contract labor explains the present great depression of Jamaican industry. My belief is, that the contract or permanent labor of coolies is needed, as a supplementary labor to that of the creole, alike on the richest and the poorest estates. There is sufficient labor in Jamaica now for the bare wants of its actual cultivation, if the planters had means enough to pay his laborers, fairly and punctually, the wages they have earned. Those wages are not too high, for they are not one-fourth of what a day-laborer can command in America. This I state unhesitatingly. But, at the same time, I state, with equal confidence, that, in Jamaica, permanent labor, that is, daily labor throughout the year -- that land of labor which will enable the planter to improve his property or even prevent it from deteriorating -- is wholly wanting, and it seems to me that, without it, neither capital nor confidence will ever fully return to the island. The point I make is this: Jamaica wants labor but that want, is not the preponderating cause of her decline. In this parish of Vere, large estates are now in flourishing cultivation yet its entire population is only twenty-eight to the square mile, considerably less than that of any other parish in the island.


Returning from Vere, the road joins a turnpike highway near the village of Old Harbor, in the Parish of St. Dorothy. From thence to Spanish-Town, through St. Catharines, it is luxurious traveling, after recent experience of Jamaica roads. A few sugar estates are passed, but the main features of the cultivation are pasture and provision grounds.


My account of a tour through the interior of Jamaica is already sufficiently long, without, adding a detailed description of the Eastern parishes that I visited. W.G.S.

From Our Own Correspondent.

Published: March 13, 1860









KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1800.


The Planters of Jamaica constitute no longer the over-ruling oligarchy, or "Plantocracy," that they once actually were, and are still somewhat insolently designated in the bitterness of party spirit Poverty may not have humbled their pride or changed their belief in their own homes and on their own estates, and in public whenever an opportunity offers, they wage, under different guises the old war against free labor. But as a political body, with power to sway the destinies of the island, they no longer live. One after another the relics of the system of coercion to which they clung have been swept away. Their complaints have been disregarded -- their petitions have been ungranted -- until, in despair or disgust, they have almost altogether retired from the contest, and left the field open to their undisguised and uncompromising opponents.


The Planters of Jamaica, it may be thought, have not had a full measure of justice meted out to them. They, especially, and far beyond all other West India planters, have had to bear the brunt of the Anti-Slavery attack. But this is not a little owing to the persistency of their own hostile attitude, to their misrepresentations, to the selfishness of their aims, and to the mistakes of their policy.


It is a curious and instructive study to track the decline of the old West Indian plantocracy and though I have attempted such an invidious task in a former letter from Barbados, I must, to make myself understood, attempt it again with special regard to the Jamaica proprietary. Throughout many changes, social and political, the same selfishness will be found at the root of all their schemes the same disregard of truth in their statements the same opposition to popular freedom, progress and enlightenment in their acts. It was on the grounds of humanity that, in the commencement of the present century, they opposed the abolition of the Slave-trade. They urged that there was an annual decrease of two and a half per cent, among the negroes, and that if the same quantity of labor should continue to be exacted as the number of slaves diminished, the loss would be greater every year, and would augment with accelerated rapidity. The unfriendliness of Slavery to population was a strong argument in the mouths of slave traders. If the Slave-trade was abolished the sugar estates of Jamaica, it was prophesied, would be dismantled within thirty years, and the 130,000 negroes, then engaged in the culture of the cane, would be utterly extinct! The planters of the day, when they petitioned Parliament, based their grounds for r[???]dress on the expense of the Slave system which prevented them from competing, without a constant supply of fresh labor, with those colonies and countries in which the African Slave-trade had not been abolished.


Twenty-five years later -- when Parliament, in obedience to the tremendous pressure of public opinion at home, formally declared its determination to abolish Slavery in the West Indies -- the planters essayed to demonstrate the cheapness of slave labor as compared with the free labor about about to be introduced. Emancipation, they said, would ruin them, and preclude any competition with countries where Slavery continued to exist It is not to be wondered at that the planter thus argued. He was the owner of the slaves who cultivated his property. It was a matter of doubt whether he would be compensated for them at all in the event of abolition. Under the old regime be was not compelled to make the weekly disbursements that the new order of things would demand and he could still go on hoping that a rise in sugar would furnish him with means to liquidate his most pressing debts. He dreaded a change that would certainly expose his bankruptcy.


During all this time the prosperity of Jamaica was on the decline. The exportation of sugar had gradually decreased from 150,000 hhds., in 1805, to 86,000 hhds. in 1833. It was not emancipation or the thought of emancipation that dragged down the island so suddenly from the pinnacle of its prosperity. The deterioration progressed slowly. Between the years 1814 and 1832 the coffee crop was also reduced one-half and during the fifty years that preceded emancipation it is estimated that 200 sugar estates were abandoned. The planters say that the fear of impending abolition induced them to withdraw capital from their estates. But abolition was not dreamt of when the decline of Jamaica set in. While the Slave-trade was yet in operation over 100 properties had been deserted -- deserted, too, for the same cause that compelled their desertion in later years -- debt and want of capital.


Sugar cultivation, it is hardly necessary to say, to be carried on with profit to the proprietor, and ordinary chances of ultimate success, requires an enormous capital -- not only at the outset, but to provide against the losses that unfavorable seasons very frequently entail. I cannot do better than transfer here, from Mr. EDWARDS' History of the West Indies, a picture of Jamaica sugar cultivation sixty years ago. Himself a planter, a slaveholder, and opposed to the abolition of the Slave-trade, the author represents that the estates at that time were very much understocked with slaves, and speaks of a West-India property "as a species of lottery," giving birth to a spirit of adventure, and awakening extravagant hopes, too frequently terminating in perplexity and disappointment. Mr. EDWARDS proceeds to say:

"The total amount of the annual contingent charges of all kinds (on an estate yielding 200 bids, of sugar) is $#1632,150, which is precisely one-half the gross returns, leaving the other moiety, or $#1632,150, and no more, clear profit to the planter, being seven per cent. on his capital, without 5 charging, however, a shilling for making good the decrease of the negroes, or for the wear and tear of the buildings, or making any allowance for dead capital, and supposing, too, that the proprietor resides on the spot for, if he is absent", he is subject in Jamaica to an annual tax of £6 per cent. on the gross value of his sugar and rum for legal commissions to his agent. With these and other drawbacks, to say nothing of the devastations which are sometimes occasioned by fires and hurricanes, destroying in a few hours the labor of years, it is not wonderful that the profits should frequently dwindle to nothing or, rather, that a sugar estate, with all its boasted advantages, should sometimes , prove a mill-stone about the neck of its unfortunate proprietor, which is dragging him to destruction. * * * It were to be wished that people would inquire how many unhappy persons have been totally and irretrievably ruined by adventuring in the cultivation of these islands without posscssing any adequate means to support them in such great undertakings. On the failure of some of these unfortunate men, vast estates had money at command men there are who reflecting on the advantages to be derived from this circumstance, behold a sugar-planter struggling in distress with the same emotions as are felt by the Cornish peasants" in contemplating a shipwreck on the coast and hasten with equal rapaciousness to participate in I tie spoil. Like them, too, they sometimes hold out false lights to lead the unwary adventurer to destruction, more especially if he has anything considerable of his own to set out with. Money is ad[???]eed and encouragement given to a certain point, but a skillful practitioner knows where to stop he is aware that very large sums must be expended in the purchase of the freehold, and in the first operations of clearing and planting the lands and erecting the buildings, before any return can be made. One-third of the money thus expended he has, perhaps, furnished but the time soon arrives when a further advance is requisite to give life and activity to the system by the addition of the negroes and the stock. Now then is the moment for oppression, aided by the letter of the law, to reap a golden harvest. It the property answers expectation and the land promise great returns, the sagacious creditor, instead of giving further aid, or leaving his too confident debtor to make the best of his way by his own exertions, pleads a sudden and unexpected emergency, and insists on the immediate repayment of the sum already lent. The law on this occasion is far from being chargeable with delay -- and avarice is inexorable. A sale is hurried on and no bidders appear but the creditor himself. Ready money is required in payment, and every one sees that a further sum will be wanting to make the estate productive. Few therefore have the means, who have even the wish, efficaciously to assist the devoted victim. Thus the creditor gets the estate at his own price, commonly for his first advance, while the miserable debtor has reason to to thank his stars if, consoling himself with only the loss of his own original capital and his labor for a series of years, he escapes a prison for life.... At the same time it cannot be denied that there are creditors, especially among the British merchants, of a different character from these that have been described, who, having advanced their money to resident planters, on the fair ground of reciprocal benefit, have been compelled, much against their inclination, to become planters themselves being obliged to receive unprofitable West India estates in payment, or lose their money altogether. I have known plantations transferred in this manner which arc a burthen instead of a benefit to the holder and are kept up solely in the hope that favorable crops, and an advance in the prices of West Indian produce, may some time or other invite purchasers. Thus oppression in one class of creditors, and gross injustice towards another, contribute equally to keep up cultivation in a country where, if the risks and losses are great, the gains are commensurate.... In this, as in all other enterprises where success depends in any degree on human sagacity and prudence,though perhaps not more than one man in fifty comes away fortunate,every sanguine adventurer takes for granted that he shall be that one. Thus his system of life becomes a course of experiments and if ruin should be the consequence of his rashness, he imputes his misfortune to any cause, rather than to his own want of capacity or foresight."


This is a picture of Jamaica cultivation sixty years ago, when sugar was sold for treble the price that it will now command. Nor is it so unlike the cultivation of the present day that it cannot be recognized, for half a century has brought to the Jamaica planter but little knowledge of the labor-saving arts. The evils, however, which were then only taking root, have since overshadowed the Island. Hypothecation, rendered necessary by the expenses of the Slave system, and the extravagance of the planters, increased so fast that nine out of ten estates, at the time of Emancipation, were mortgaged far beyond their value. The creditors were English merchants who vainly tried to keep up the cultivation of the property that reverted to them. How could they do so? Estates that yielded an average annual income of seven per cent., with the proprietor resident, could not, with the proprietor absent, pay attorneys and overseer, and still be worked at a profit. Many proprietors tried the impossible experiment and failed, while their agents and overseers made money, or ultimately bought in the estate at a nominal cost. Many proprietors have since tried the experiment, and have failed, and will continue to fail as long as they neglect the common teachings of experience. They will attribute their failure to any but the right cause. They shut their eyes to the fact that, in times past and in times present, the successful estates in Jamaica have always had, and have still, resident proprietors. Absenteeism, it is true, is lees prevalent now than it was about the period of Emancipation. A resident proprietor may be found to-day for every non-resident But the seeds of the evil were sown years and years ago, and the fruit must be reaped. No country, since the world was made, were its resources tenfold greater than those of Jamaica, could continue to prosper with the large body of its landed proprietary permanent absentees. And even those who were nominally residents usually passed half the year in Europe, and spent their money there. England was always their home, and Jamaica merely a place out of which the most was to be made. I feel it almost a p[???]agiarism to enumerate these causes of the decline of Jamaica, they have been so often[???] spoken of by other writers -- they are so perfectly obvious to any unprejudiced inquirer after truth, They were evils sufficiently serious to ruin the Island had Emancipation never taken place. They exhausted capital and destroyed credit, and without these it would be impossible for any country to flourish. Since Emancipation, this want of capital has been the chief cause of an unceasing depression. The sum received by the planter for his slaves was insufficient to pay off his mortgages he had no money to improve his estate or keep it up in bare cultivation he had no money to keep roads in repair or build tramways he had no money to pay for labor he had no money to meet misfortune. What was the inevitable consequence? His mortgages were foreclosed he reduced his cultivation he sold small lots to settlers to meet pressing wants the roads were so bad that the transportation of sugar to the shipping port became one of his heaviest items of expenditure the laborers whom he neglected to pay went elsewhere the day of misfortune came and overwhelmed him with ruin. He was bankrupt before Emancipation but it was Emancipation hat [???]ore down the veil which concealed his wretched poverty. I speak generally, for I do not doubt that there were many exceptional cases. Many of the three hundred estates in cultivation at the present day are exceptions. There were planters who continued to cultivate sugar after Emancipation -- who were successful then and are successful still -- and since 1853, when the general abandonment of estates may be said to have ceased in Jamaica, the number of these successful planters has considerably increased. I need not pause to explain that they were all man of capital, and that their properties were economically managed, for both assertions are proved to demonstration by the fact that only first-class estates arc in cultivation to-day.
But the old Plantocracy steadily and fatally ignored, in early as in later times, the real causes of the island's decline. They shrunk from the idea of putting their own shoulders to the wheel. In the days of their prosperity they never faced labor in the days of their adversity they did not face misfortune.


If they thought freedom the worst system of labor in the world, their manhood should have taught them to make the most of what was done and could never again be undone. They would not give it a fair trial, but preferred to gee their heritage pass away without a living struggle to redeem it. They have complained loudly enough, and have waited in the modest expectation that the Government of England would wrong the people of England to relieve them. They expected a restoration of protective duties on sugar, and the imposition of a heavy tax on the British nation, in order that they, who gave nothing in return, might live in sumptuous and easy luxury. They have iterated and reiterated the false accusation that the negro won't work, in order to raise up a seeming justification for themselves, and they have done all they could to bring him again under a yoke of coercion. By these means they succeeded in keeping morbidly alive the Anti-Slavery spirit of the British people, and of fanning into flame a philanthropic zeal that, I do not hesitate to say, has proved injurious to the best interests of Jamaica. If, instead of toying to create sympathy for their class by the false assertion that the negro would neither work for love or money, they had simply urged a want of labor, there cannot be a doubt that, like the Mauritius, Guiana, or Trinidad, Jamaica at this day would have an ample population.


I don't deny that the planters of Jamaica have had misfortunes to contend with. It was their misfortune that they inherited a system of labor that demanded extravagant expenditure. It was their misfortune that Slavery so deeply degraded labor, that, even under Freedom, the effect of such a curse could not speedily be removed. It was their misfortune that, within the century prior to Emancipation, there were over thirty servile insurrections in the Island, each one of which entailed a heavy expense upon the proprietary, and, in some cases, brought them to the verge of ruin. It was their misfortune that, with the rise and progress of the United States, Jamaica lost the prominent position the once occupied as a depot for the trade between Europe and the Spanish Main, and that a large amount of commercial capital was thus withdrawn from the Island. It was their misfortune that their expenses were aggravated by the mistaken policy of the Imperial Government, which placed restrictions and prohibitions on the Colonial trade with the American Republic. It was their misfortune that they were never adequately paid for their slave property. It was their misfortune that they found themselves compelled to mortgage their estates -- that their debts continued to increase -- and that when an unfavorable season overtook them they lifted up their eyes in hopeless bankruptcy. It was their misfortune that among the Island merchants they found too many like those whom, sixty years ago BRYAN EDWARDS likened to Cornish wreckers. It was their misfortune that, between 1815 and 1825, the price of their great staple fell twenty-five per cent. -- that between 1825 and 1835 it fell another twenty-live per cent. -- and that between 1835 and 1850 it fell twenty-live per cent. yet again. It was their misfortune that the British nation would no longer consent to be taxed to support them, and that the protective tariff upon West India sugars should have been abolished by the law of 1846. It was their misfortune to have been distrusted at home and abroad, and to have been the victims of a jealousy that refused for years to Jamaica, alone of all the British West Indies, the privileges and the advantages of a wholesome immigration.


But it was their fault that, under the most expensive system of labor known, they were ever reckless and improvident. It was their fault that they prosecuted a precarious business in the spirit of reckless gamblers. It was their fault that they wasted this substance in riotous living. It was their fault that they obeyed not. the commonest rules of political economy -- that they saved no labor and spared no land. It was their fault that they faced not labor themselves, but were absentees from their estates, and followed a road that could lead to no possible end but ruin. It was their fault that they listened to no warning -- that they heeded not the signs of the times -- that they refused all schemes for gradual emancipation, and even for ameliorating the condition of the slaves, until the crushing weight of public opinion broke the chain of Slavery asunder, and threw suddenly upon their own resources an ignorant and undisplined people. It was their faults of policy and government that drove the Creoles from plantations, that left the population in ignorance, that discouraged education, and kept morality at the lowest ebb. It is their fault that, under a system of freedom from which there is no relapse, they have made no brave attempt to redeem past errors and retrieve past misfortunes, but have been content to bemoan their fate in passive complaint, and to saddle the negro with a ruin for which they themselves are only responsible.


This was the old Plantocracy -- the generous, hospitable, improvident, domineering Plantocracy of Jamaica. Their power no longer predominates. They command no credit and no respect, and they obtain but little sympathy in their misfortune. Even from domestic legislation they have sullenly retired, and their places are being fast filled by the people whom they have so long and so vainly tried to keep down. I am not going to rush into extravagant admiration at the change, or at popular government as developed in Jamaica. The mass of the inhabitants are still too ignorant to exercise the franchise with discretion, and all are more or less imbued with the prejudices of caste. But imperfect and defective as it is, Representative Government in Jamaica is greatly preferable to the oligarchy of a Planter's reign. The interests, moral, political, and educational, of the people, are more cared for, and in their progress, much more than in the success of large plantations, the permanent prosperity of the Island most assuredly depends.


Nor are the new class of resident planters who have appeared in Jamaica within ten years past by any means to be passed over in silence. They work their estates with prudence and economy, though they lack the advantages that latter-day science has given to American and Cuban proprietors. Capital and labor are both needed, but the art of economizing labor is needed still more. A Louisiana planter makes twice the quantity of sugar from an acre of land that a Jamaica planter does. Nevertheless, it is a fact, of which I have had ample proof in all carta of the Island, that many Jamaica planters who look after their own business have relieved their estates from incumbrance, and are, even now, malting handsome fortues. Since 1858 as many properties have been resuscitated as abandoned and I regard it as one of the most favorable signs of improvement that the work of regeneration, however small its commencement, has been at least inaugurated by NEW MEN.




4 volumes (1824, 1826, 1840 & 1845) were examined in the Royal Commonwealth Library collection now in the University Library, Cambridge (7/2000). The remainder of the extracts were from a website on Jamaica Genealogy (jamaicanfamilysearch.com)
The local Government in those days, was called the “Justices and Vestry.” It comprised the Custos Rotulorum (Chairman), four senior Magistrates, the Rector of the Anglican Church and the two Church Wardens with ten Freeholders who were to be elected annually as Vestrymen.


1751 Civil List: no sig
1776 Civil List: John Wedderburn, Magistrate, Westmoreland
John de la Roach, magistrate, St E
Dr William Wright, Surgeon General to Navy
Hanover: George Spence
St Elizabeth: John James Swaby

1779 Magistrates:
Hanover: George Spence
Westmoreland: John Wedderburn
St Elizabeth: John James Swaby

1784 Magistrate
Hanover: Custos Hon George Spence
Westmoreland: John Wedderburn, Thomas Thistlewood
St Elizabeth: John James Swaby

St Elizabeth:
William B Wright, Major Charles Wright, Lt Robert Wright, Lt
John & William Tomlinson, Ensigns
Henry Scrymgeour, Lt

1790 Magistrates:
Westmoreland: John Wedderburn, James Robert Tomlinson

St Elizabeth:
William B Wright, Major Robert B. Wright, Lt
William Tomlinson, Lt.
Henry Scrymgeour, Lt

1793: (Royal Gazette)
Andrew Wright Vestreyman, St Elizabeth
CAVEATS entered in the Office

Jan 31 Wright, Alexander by William Hislop

1794, July, died:
In this town, Mr. Charles Wright, lately of Europe

Also of the Quorum
James Robert Tomlinson
James Wedderburn
Commissioner of Workhouse: James Wedderburn.

St Elizabeth
Coroner: JB Wright
Horse Militia
Hanover Windward: William Sinclair, Lt.
St Elizabeth:
Robert B. William & Andrew Wright, Capt
JC Wright, Ensign Robert Wright, Lt

1802 Westmoreland:
Also of the Quorum
James Robert Tomlinson
James Wedderburn
Commissioner of Workhouse: James Wedderburn.

St Elizabeth
Coroner: JB Wright
Horse Militia
Hanover Windward: William Sinclair, Lt.
St Elizabeth:
Robert B. William & Andrew Wright, Capt
JC Wright, Ensign Robert Wright, Lt

1808 Civil list
               Richard Pusey, attorney at law
               Alexander Rose, JP, St Elizabeth

1811                         (Property/slaves/stock)
St Elizabeth   Brooks, George  -Burnt Ground, 40/10
               Barnes, Jonathan, decd - Rosely Hill, 43/31.
               Cerf, Henry - Berlin & Potsdam, 50/176
               Campbell, Peter - Holland, 421/202
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 74/140
               Royal, Joseph - Lower Works 29/323
               Rose, Alexander - Mount Lebanon, 38/42
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 66/12    
               Sinclair, Alexander - Prospect, 85/-
               Wright, Andrew, decd - Mitcham, 116/174
               Wright, William B - Cornwall, 79/-
               Wright, John - Meribah, 79/134.
               Wright, Robert B - Southampton, 48/126.
               Williams, Thomas J. - Mount Olivet, 100/28.

Vere           Booth, JG - Farm, 62/13
               Booth, JG Decd - Mount Pleasant, 58/12
               Booth, Samuel - Asia, 41/19
               Edwards, J P, - Pusey Hall, 360/157
               Wint, John P - 50/-                   
               Wright, James, decd - Streten Hall, 82/56
Westmoreland   Watkins, Hannah - Logwood, 46/6
               Wedderburne John, Spring Garden etc, 1,524/ 1,877
               Wedderburn Sir David & Andrew,
                  Blue Castle and Blackheath 602/ 633
               Leslie Hon. William, Lindores 59/ 41 (cf Margaret 
Clarendon:        Wint, Thomas - Bellmont, 75/87

Westmoreland: Tomlinson W., deceased, Culloden 31/ 97
              Tomlinson, Thomas, Bluefields 116/123
              Wedderburn, John, Spring Garden etc. etc., 2322/1285
              Wedderburn, Sir D., Black Heath etc. 686/ 353
              Watkins, Hannah, Logwood penn 35/ 5

St Elizabeth: Angel, Sarah, Providence 43/ 11
              Angel, Thomas M., Lookout 33/ 50
              Brooks, George, Burnt Ground 37/ 36
              Brooks, Martha, Rocky Mount 25/ 3
              Cerf, Henry, Berlin etc., 602/ 214
              Campbell, Peter, Holland 409/ 30
              Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall 74/ 142
              Royal, Joseph, Lower Works 29/ 331
              Rose, Alexander, Mount Lebanon 57/ 89
              Sinclair, Alexander, Prospect 41/ 30
              Smith, John, Mount Charles 68/ 15
              Wright, Andrew, deceased, Mitcham 118/ 169
              Wright, John, Meribah 54/ 76
              Wright, Charles, ___ 30/ 30
St E.         Cerf, Henry - Potsdam, Berlin & Malvern Well, 643/-
              Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall & Mitcham, 197/456
              Smith, John - Mount Charles, 22/13
              Sinclair, Alexander - Prospect, 53/60
              Wint, Mary - Caen-Wood, 43/10
              Wright, John - Meribah, 56/42
Vere          Booth, John Gaul, heirs of - Mount Pleasant, 42/20
              Booth, Samuel, - Asia, 24
              Brooks, George - Blenheim
              Edwards, Hon John P, Pusey Hall - 303/232
              Wint, John Pusey, - Ryde, 131/15
              Wright & Glasgow, exec of, - Stratton Hall, 72/112
              Wright, Robert Benstead, - Kensworth, 45/12
              Wright, William Burt, - Enfield, 103/16
Westmoreland   Thompson, Mary - Truro 49 
               Wedderburn, John, Spring Garden 467/319 [?]
               .............Jerusalem 273/ 267 [last digit torn]
               ..................Mint 248/ 213
               .................Retreat 368/ 261
               .................Moreland 230/ 232
               .................Paradise 154/ 476
               .................Mount-Edgecumbe 260/ 246
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue-Castle 300/ 385

St Elizabeth:  Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall & Mitcham, 197/450
Delaroche, John, Carisbrook 150/ 250
Sinclair, Alexander, Prospect 53/ 60
Burton, Zechariah, Lucky-Valley 25/ 4
Burton, Elizabeth, Content 65

Vere: Wint, John Pusey, Ryde 131/15
Wright & Glasgow, executors of, Stratton-Hall 72/ 112
Wright, Robert Benstead, Kensworth 45/ 12
Wright, William Burt, Enfield 103/ 16

St Elizabeth:
Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall, T(orn) & Mitcham, T
Burton, Zachariah, Lucky Valley, 25/T
Burton, Elizabeth, Content, 70/T
Burton, Francis, 16/30

[Burton, Francis B.] Trahen, 12
[Rose, Alexander], Mount Lebanon, 54/85
Wint, Mary, Caen Wood, 44/10

Health Officer at Black River, Dr. Alexander Rose

St Elizabeth:  Maitland, Francis - Mitcham, 114/185
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 75/224
               Smith, John, Mount Charles, 29/14
Burton, Elizabeth, Content, 71
Burton, Francis, 16/30
Burton, Francis B. Trahen, 4/7
Burton, G. William, 8/49
Burton, Hannah, 8/10
Burton, John, junior, 4/1

               Booth, John Gall - Farm, 74/30.
               Booth, John Gall heirs of - Mount Pleasant, 35/4
               Maitland & Roberts - 80 (prob Silver Grove)
               Wint, John Pusey - Ryde, 115/12              
               Wint, Mary - Caenwood, 64/31
               Wright, William Burt, - Enfield, 137/17
               Wright, Robert Benstead, Kensworth - 61/8
               Sinclair, Alexander, Prospect 73/ 8
St Elizabeth:
               Cerf, Henry - Berlin, 409/13
                            Corby Castle, 96
                                  Nile, 40
                            Potsdam, 251/28    
               Cohen, Abraham S - 2/1
               Cohen, David - 6
               Maitland & Roberts - 42/179 (prob Mitcham)
               Maitland, Frances - Giddy Hall, 71/240
               Nembhard, Ballard B, decd Hounslow      85/440
               Sherman, Judith - 13/9
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 28/5
               Wright John - Meribah 79/4
               Wright, Nathaniel - 24/3
               Wright, Thomas - 2/2
Vere:             White & Levys - Stretton Hall, 81/22.
                  Brooks, George - Blenheim, 118/20
               Wedderburn, James, 8/ 1
               Wedderburn, John, Endeavour 15/ 4
               Wedderburn, John, Jerusalem 291/ 213
               ................, Mint 224/ 197
               ........., Moreland 216/ 210
               ........., Mount Edgcumbe 241/ 450
               ........., Paradise 140/ 183
               ........., Spring Garden 418/ 310
               ........., Retreat 354/ 250
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue Castle 263 330
               Wright, Catherine, 5
St Elizabeth:  Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham?,38/194
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 70/217
               Smith, John, Mount Charles 30/ 20
               Maitland & Roberts - Silver Grove, 80
               Wint, John Pusey - Ryde 112/11
               Wint, Mary - Caenwood, 71/2
               Wright, Robert B, estate of - Kensworth, 70/20
               Wright, William Burt estate of - Enfield, 174/27
St Elizabeth
               Cohens & Co. - Heathfield 96/4
               Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 41/219
               Maitland, Frances - Giddy Hall, 66/220
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 28/5
               Sherman, Judith - 12/4
               Wright, John - Meribah, 80/76
               Wright, Nathaniel - 12/3
               Wright, Catherine - 5.
Vere:          Brooks, George - Blenheim, 134/17

               Maitland & Roberts – Silver Grove, 79
               Wint, John Pusey – Ryde, 107/17.
               Wint, Mary – Caenwood, 70/26.
St Elizabeth:
               Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 41/266
               Maitland, Frances - Giddy Hall, 67/298
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 28/5
               Sherman, Judith – Twickenham, 12/4
               Wright, John - Meribah, 81/84
               Wright, Nathaniel - 12/3
               Wright, Rebecca, 5
               Wright, Robert, 10/ 4

               Wright, Robert B., 10/ 4

1824: (Hardcopy & web site)
                  Name                    Property          Slaves/Stock
St Elizabeth:  Maitland & Roberts:     Mitcham        43/224
               Maitland Frances        Giddy Hall     68/320
               Burlton James E.        Mount Charles  55/15
               Spence George           Bloomsbury     50/20
               Williams Thomas John    Mount Olivet   103/24
Manchester:    Maitland & Roberts:     Silver Grove   81/0
St Elizabeth:  Wright John             Meribah        100/100
               Wright Nathaniel        -----          12/2
               Wright Rebecca          -----          5/0
               Wright Robert           -----          7/0
               Wright Robert B         -----          10/4
Manchester     Brooks, George          Blenheim       33
               Wright Robert B, est of, Kenilworth    85/0
               Wright Wm Burt, est. of, Enfield       190/00

St Elizabeth   Burlton, James E - Mount Charles 55/15
               Cerf, Henry - Berlin, 457/14
                             Corby Castle, 107
                             Potsdam, 247/9
               Cohens & Co - Heathfield, 96/4
               Maitland & Roberts, - Mitcham, 43/234
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 68/320
               Sherman, Judith - Twickenham, 13/5
               Wright, John - Meribah, 100/100
               Wright, Nathaniel, 12/2
               Wright, Rebecca, 5
               Wright, Robert, 7
               Wright, Robert B, 10/4
Manchester     Maitland & Roberts, - Silver Grove, 81
               Wright, Robert B estate of - Kensworth 85
               Wright, William Burt, est of - Enfield 190
               Wint, John Pusey - Ryde 99
               Wint, Mary - Caenwood, 73/2
               Booth, John Gall - Farm, 115/23

Vere           Booth, Robert W - 3/19
               Booth, Samuel - Rest 25/4
Westmoreland   Wright, Catherine, 7

St Elizabeth:  Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 42/274
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 76/300

St Elizabeth:  Maitland & Roberts:      Mitcham        42/245
               Maitland Frances         Giddy Hall     72/231
               Burlton James E.         Mount Charles  48/32
               Sherman Judith           Twickenham     9/4
               Earl John                -----          3/0
               Nembhard, Ballard B, decd Hounslow      81/442
               Spence George            Bloomsbury     45/6
               Rose Alexander dcr          Mount Lebanon  48/26
Manchester: Maitland & Roberts:            Silver Grove       85/0
St Elizabeth:  Wright Ezekiel           -----        30/0
               Wright John              Meribah      70/23
               Wright Rebecca           -----        10/0
               Wright Robert            -----        11/0
               Wright Robert E          -----        20/10
Manchester     Wright Robert B, est of, Kenilworth   85/3
               Wright Wm Burt, est. of, Enfield      167/21

St Elizabeth:
Burlton, James E., Mount Charles, 50/50
Maitland, Frances, Giddy Hall, 74/228
Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 41/264

St Elizabeth:  Maitland, Ann, 72/226
               Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 40/241
               Burlton, James E., Mount Charles, 41/36
               Rose, Alexander, deceased, Mount Lebanon, 36/37
               Wright, Ezekiel, 2/1
               Wright, John, Meribah, 69/23
               Wright, Rebecca, Friendship, 5
               Wright, Robert B., 7/2
Manchester:    Roberts, George, Silver Grove, 86
Westmoreland:  Wedderburn, James, Mint, 335/37
               ..ditto, Moreland, 316/27
               ..ditto, Mount Edgecumbe, 251/380
               ..ditto, Paradise, 115/670
               ..ditto, Retreat, 326/38
               ..ditto, Spring Garden, 374/49
               Wedderburn, James, 10/5
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue Castle, 217/112

St Elizabeth:
            Burlton, James E., - Mount Charles, 77/55
              Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 37/244
              Maitland, Ann - Giddy Hall 78/197

St Elizabeth:
              Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 39/247
              Maitland, Ann - Giddy Hall 77/145

St Elizabeth:  Burlton, James Edward, Mount Charles, 79/118
               Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 39/247
               Maitland, Ann, Giddy Hall, 77/145
               Wright, Charles, 13
               Wright, John, deceased, Meribah, 67
               Wright, Nathaniel, 13/4
               Wright, Rebecca, Friendship, 5
               Wright, Robert B., Friendship, 7/2
Manchester:    Roberts, George, Silver Grove, 90
               Wint, Mary, Cowick Park, 82
               ..ditto, Look Out, 56/48
               Wright, Mrs., Kensworth, 86/4
Westmoreland:  Wedderburn, James, Mint, 323/42
               ..ditto, Moreland, 296/17
               ..ditto, Mount Edgecumbe, 258/358
               ..ditto, Paradise, 106/557
               ..ditto, Retreat, 327/47
               Wedderburn, James, 43/8
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue Castle, 221/114

St Elizabeth:
Burton, Bonilla, 4
Burton, Elizabeth, Content, 100
Burton, Frances, Spanish Quarters, 21
Burton, John,  Lorn Hill, 10/ 10
Facey, William, 7
Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 50/ 300
Maitland, Ann, Giddy Hall, 77/ 216
Rose, Alexander, deceased, Mount Lebanon, 72/ 70
Rose, Mary, 4/ 4
Rose, William A., Fort Rose, 20/ 20
Sherman, Judith, Twickenham, 8/ 5
Sinclair, Alexander, estate of, 100
Sinclair, James, Prospect, 14
Sinclair, Sarah, 16
Sinclair, Susanna, 18

St Elizabeth (slaves/stock)
Burlton, James Edward -       Mount Charles, 92/225
Campbell,               Holland, 322/200
Cohen, Judah -          Potsdam 317/40 - Corby Castle, 117
Cohen, Hyman -          Berlin 452/35 - Heathfield, 21
Earl, John -                  6
Maitland & Robert -     Mitcham, 60/350
Maitland, Ann -         Giddy Hall 100/300
Nembhard, William -     Kensington, 77
Rose, Alexander, decd, Mount Lebanon, 72/70
Sherman, Judith -             Twickenham 10/10
Wright, John decd -     Meribah 53
Wright, Rebecca -             Friendship 5
Wright, Robert B -            Friendship 7
Wright, Nathaniel -     12/5
Wright, Charles -             50.  

               Wright, Elizabeth, 4
               Wedderburn, James, Mint 332/ 53
               ...................Moreland 279/ 15
               ...................Mount Edgecombe 263/ 319
               ...................Retreat 311/ 37
               ...................Spring Garden 346/ 41
               Wedderburn, James, Paradise 99/ 558
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Bluecastle 222/ 121
Manchester     Roberts, George - Silver Grove 180
               Wint, Mary - Look-Out 55/61
               Wright, N - Kensworth 89/3

1838: (with numbers of "apprentices")
Manchester     Wint, Mary - Cow Park etc, 119
               Wright, N - Kinworth 91
               Wright, WB, decd - Enfield 154
               Cohen, Hyman - Apropos 39 - Albion 227
               Cohen, H&J - Isle 53
               Cohen, Judah - New Heathfield, 53
                            - Chatham & Bath, 79
                            - Berwick, 50
St Elizabeth  (apprentices)
               Maitland, Ann decd - Giddy Hall, 76
               Sherman, Samuel - Mitcham 44
               Burlton, James E - Mount Charles, 88
               Cohen, Judah - Potsdam 271 - Corby Castle - 101
               Cohen, Hyman - Berlin 332
               Gladstone, John, Holland, 250
               Nembhard, Eliza P - Kensington, 62

Civil Lists:
St Elizabeth Vestrymen: James E Burlton, James Mullings, Matthew
Farquharson, John Maitland, Theodore Stone, F Hendricks, Edward
F Coke, John Earl, Alexander Cowan, Michael Myers
Militia: St Elizabeth,
Quartermaster Samuel Sherman
Asst Surgeon AW Maitland           

St Elizabeth Vestreymen: John Maitland

1840: (hard copy & website)
St Elizabeth:  Maitland Andrew dcr        Giddy Hall   2000 acres
               Sherman Samuel             Mitcham      807 acres
               Burlton James E            Ashton & Mount 1002a
               Wright Nathaniel           South Valley 115 acres
               Spence Joan Lean           Bloomsbury   226
               Spence George B            Upland          82 acres
               Cohen, Judah               Potsdam, 1710a
               Cohen, Judah               Colby Castle, 328a
               Cohen, Hymen               Berlin, 1412a    
               Earl, John                 Chelsea, 180a
               Earl, John                 Mount Olivet, 502a
               Earl & Muirhead            Roseberry, 802a  
               Nembhard, Eliza P          Kensington, 202a
               Gladstone, John,           Lacovia estate 2212 &

Holland, 4548.

               Cooper, David,             Lyndesaye-Lodge, 118
               McClymont, John,           Unity, 1000
               Wallace, Jane,             Mount Unity, 188
               Solomons, Eve,             Mount Lebanon, 1500

Manchester -   Cohen, H & J - Isle, 397a
               Cohen, Judah - Heathfield, 348a
               Cohen, Hymen - Apropos, 60a
               Cohen, Judah - Maidstone, Bath & Chatham, 1058a
               Cohen, Hymen - Albion 1350a
               Cohen, Judah - Berwick, 700a
               Roberts, George - Silver Grove, 1200a 
               Sweetman - Pusey Hill 403a
               Wint, Mary - Lookout, Caen Wood & New Hall, 951a
                            Cowick Park, 400a
               Wint, Diana - Content, 10a
               Wint, James - Mahogany Grove, 1000a
               Wright, Nicola - Kensworth, 500a
               Wright, Robert J, - Halsham, 50a
Vere           Booth, R.W. Estate of, 300a
               Burrwell, Geo P, exor of Booth, 137a.

               Wedderburn, --, heirs of, 3453
               ---Same, 1800
               ---Same, 2767
               ---Same, 1825
               ---Same, 1742
               ---Same, 1841
               Wedderburn, Daniel, 2131
               Wedderburn, James, 340
               Wedderburn, Eliza, 36
               Wright, F, 16a
St Elizabeth Civil List:
       Vestreymen: John Earl, Jno Maitland, Frederick Hendricks
       Militia Assistant Surgeon: AW Maitland.       
Also in this volume was a description of a new electric rotating machine, demonstrated in New York in 1837.  

St Elizabeth:  Maitland J  Kensington          300 acres
                           Giddy Hall          1150 acres
                           Rosehill            130 acres
               Sherman S   Mitcham             843 acres
               Sherman J   Mahogany House      10 acres
               Burlton James E, est of, Ashton & M/C 1209 acres
                       Black River &c          250 acres
               Earl J heirs of Mount Olivet    497 acres   
                           Wiltshire           600 acres
               Cooper J.   Sportsman Hall      10 acres
               Cooper B & Co   Newport & Black River  13 acres
               Cooper F    Pleasant Hill       50 acres
               Spence Joan L    Bloomsbury     226 acres
               Swaby JJ    Montpellier         3000 acres
               Swaby Ann   Spice Grove         26 acres    
               Gladstone A, Holland, Maybole & Stonehenge, 5185.

Hewitt, W. K.                Fellowship, 700
Barnes, N. A.                Middlesex, 15
Bent, J.                     Middlesex, 117
Rickard, J.                  Watt’s Middlesex, 530
Salmon, J.                   Magotty and Middlesex, 1440
Solomon, Eve,                Mount Lebanon, 750
Finlay, W.                   Mount Unity and Good Intent, 38
Parchment, W.                Mount Unity, 41
Swaby, Ann,                  Brownshill, 100
_Same,                       Mount Unity, 25
Segre, J.              Mount Unity, 25
Wallace, Jane,         Mount Unity, 180

Manchester:   Roberts George heirs of Silver Grove 1400 acres
Westmoreland:  Maitland R. Carpenter Hall      11 acres
St Davids:     Maitland C  Claugh na Cate      10 acres
St Elizabeth Civil List:
Assistant Justices & Magistrates: John Maitland
Militia Quartern Samuel Sherman
Militia Assistant Surgeon: AW Maitland
District Prison (Black River) Surgeon: AW Maitland.

This issue did not contain any returns of properties.
College of Physicians and Surgeons, Qualified Practitioners,
being fellows, Manchester:
            Maitland, Andrew Wright, Lic Ap. Cy. London
Militia St Elizabeth Assistant Surgeon: AW Maitland.

Magistrate: St Elizabeth John Maitland
Surgeon: A Maitland also physician to the poor.

1860 Voters:
St Elizabeth, Cooper, John M.
Magistrates St E, John Myers Cooper, Black River

1878 Trade Directory.
St Elizabeth,
     Black River, Maitland AK, propr Mt Charles Pen.
              Wedderburn, AA Inspector of Constabulary.
     Goshen, Cooper Wright, postmaster and planter of Santa Cruz.
              Wright JC prop Friendship Pen.
     Lacovia, Tomlinson, WJ, propr Cornwall Pen.

1878 Directory of Properties:
Ashton, J. W. Earle proprietor, Black River
Mount Charles, A. K. Maitland proprietor, Black River
Farm, J. M. Cooper proprietor, Middle Quarters
Giddy Hall, J. M. Cooper proprietor, Middle Quarters
New Shaftson, A. N. Sinclair proprietor and manager, Bluefields

1891: St Elizabeth,

Middle Quarters, Cooper J & WS, Giddy Hall Pen
Balaclava: Sherman & Roberts, storekeepers

Handbook of Jamaica, 1881: (OP 38520.972.01)
This was checked , but contained nothing of detailed interest.

Search of Jamaica Site:
William Rhodes Petgrave Wright listed with descendants, b abt 1835
Wint, Mary met Mr John Webb, she b abt 1773
Militia 1808: Westmoreland Artillery Lt M Wright.
                St Elizabeth Regt Ensign C Wright.
Seaman deaths:
1775, John Maitland, St Elizabeth, master of the "Atlantic".

Royal Gazettes


St Elizabeth Vestreyman: Andrew Wright
Hanover vestreyman: William Sinclair.
On Tuesday the 22nd a subscription purse, for two years old, two mile heats, was run for over the Race course at Lacovia, by Mr. Andrew Wright’s Bay Colt, and Mr. Salmon’s Pepper Filly, Brunettes. The first heat was won by the Colt, but in the second he ran out of the course and was distanced
April 6, 1793
Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies
Mar 20 Joseph Cameron, Trelawny
“ Charles Murray, St. Thomas in the East
“ Archibald Sinclair, ditto
“ John Synes, St. Mary
Apr 3 Robert Boyd, Westmorland
Alexander Burton, Kingston
May 4, 1793
Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies
William Sinclair, Hanover
The following is a copy of an Address from the Grand Inquest of the county of Cornwall, at the Assize Court, held in and for the said county, on Tuesday the second day of April, 1793, before the Honourable George Murray, Esq., one of the Assistant Judges of the Supreme Court, and one of the Justices of the Cornwall Assize , and his Associates, then sitting in the said Court of Assize, presented by them to the Court, previous to their being discharged:
Jamaica - Westmoreland
WE, the Grand Jurors for the County of Cornwall, having had presented to us, by the Honourable the Custos, a letter from the Right Honourable Henry Dundas, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, announcing that war had been declared by the supreme authority of France against his Majesty's kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and its dependencies, beg leave to return our thanks for the communication, and to express our perfect attachment to our King and happy Constitution, and readiness to exert our utmost abilities in the defence of the same and that we will collectively, as well as individually, use every endeavour to detect and apprehend all suspicious and seditious incendiaries who may attempt to disturb the peace and unanimity of this island, or this county in particular. -
James Wedderburn, Foreman. J. Hering, Wm Brown, D. Connell, Hugh Fraser, Robt. Minto, John Simpson, Henry John Wisdom, Joseph Hardy, James Stewart, Robert Boswell, Thomas Minto, G.F. Clarke, Sam. Cuninghame, Matthew Henegan, David Innes, James Berry, F. R. Tomlinson, Archibald Duthie, Thomas Robertson, James Jack, John Graham, Andrew Black.
    At the same Court, Thomas Bullman was indicted for speaking seditious words against the King and Constitution, and, after a most impartial hearing, he was found guilty, and sentenced to lie three months in jail, and on the King's birthday, to stand one hour in the pillory.

June 29, 1793
Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies
On the Alexandre, Mr. D'Aguilar, Mr. Cuthbert, Mr. and Mrs. Brodie, Mr. Dasseray[?], Mr. Brown, Mr. Alves, Mr. McIntosh, and Master Ballin.
On the Jupiter, the Hon. Major Maitland of the 62nd regiment, Major McLachlan of the 10th regiment, Captain Ramsay of the Royal Artillery, Mr. James Maitland, Mr. Charles Fuhr, Mr. John Kelly, Mr. M. Geohagan, and Mr. Hugh O'Connor.

1794 Died
At Martha Brae, on the 18th last, Captain Benjamin Wright, of Rhode Island. He was for a number of years a reputable Merchant at Savanna la Mar
9/9/94 promotions:, Hon. Thomas Maitland, 62nd foot

Jamaica Royal Gazette Extracts:



Center for Research Libraries - Global Resources Network,
6050 S. Kenwood Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637-2804 USA
2/2014: downloaded most issues as PDF.

Extracts from Jamaica Family Search (1793).

Notices etc:

Notices were inserted for a number of weeks, so appear often.

Runaway slaves: 28/11/1781: Titus to Old Hope Estate, MW
13/3/1781: John Vassall dcd sells 840 acres near YS in St E.
8/6/1780: inter alia Burtons wanted slaves to rent, St TiV (V142-5, P24).

Votes of the House of Assembly

The sum of 100/. to the order of Thomas Anderson, John Pusey Edwardes, Robert Porter, Francis Badley, and Andrew Wright, or any three of them, towards repairing the road from the King's road, at Cocoa-Walk, to Calabash-Bay, in the district of Carpenter's Mountains, in the parish of Vere.
Cocoa Walk is about 8 miles East of Alligator Pond and the road is shown on Liddell 1888 map. It leads direct towards Andrew Wright’s Single Rock property on the old leeward road.

The sum of 250/. to the order of John Pusey Edwards, Alexander Schaw, Caffillis Schaw, Robert Porter, David Hutchinson, and John Pusey Wint, or any three of them, towards repairing the road from the King's road at Cocoa- Walk, to Calabash-Bay, in the district of Carpenter's Mountains, in the parish of Vere.

The sum of 150/. to the order of Alexander Schaw, John Pusey Edwardes, Robert Porter, John Pusey Wint, and Andrew Wright, or any three of them, towards repairing the road from Calabash-Bay to the interior of Carpenter's mountains.

6 March 1801:
The sum of £100 to the order of James Stewart, John Chamber, William

Kellit Hewitt, Robert Muschett, Andrew Wright, and Richard Boucher, or any

three of them, towards making a new road from Mitcham pasture in the parish of St. Elizabeth, through sundry new settlements, to Mr. Hewitt's Wilderness, in said pariah.

Wilderness is East of Silver Grove, Liddell shows a road up the side of the hill from Mitcham in the direction of Wilderness. It is shown on the modern maps as a dotted line.

The sum of £5. to the order of James Stewart, Matthew Smith, John Chambers William Kellit Hewitt, Robert Muschett, Andrew Wright, and Richard Boucher, or any three of them, towards carrying on the road from Mitcham pasture, in St Elizabeth, through sundry settlements to Mr Hewitt's Wilderness, in said parish.

A petition of sundry coffee-settlers in St. Elizabeth was presented to the house, and read, setting forth, "That the sum granted by the house last year, on the road from Mitcham pastures to the Wilderness, has been duly and economically worked out; but the same is insufficient for completing said road."

This looks as though it passes through Silver Grove to Mitcham, the remains of which are on the 1:50K 1950’s map as dotted.

The Columbian 1796/7

Columbian 1 Jan 1797:
Yesterday was killed by Mr Robert Benstead Wright, at his butchery near Goshen, a six year old Ox, of the Bakewell Breed, bred at Long Hill, and fattened on Goshen Pen, in St Elizabeth’s, the properties of Francis George Smyth esq, the four quarters weighed 1251 lbs. Goshen bounds northerly on Mitcham.

July 8 1826:

180R PUBLIC SALE, at Goshen Pen, St, Elizabeth’s, on Monday tbe 21 st day of August, if not previously sold, of which (in such case) timely Public Notice will be given, the whole of


consisting of Twenty-Five or Thirty Mares, of the best Strain of Blood, being descended from those well-known Horses Charlemont, Shovel, Drumater, the Knox Arabian, Omen, Hannibal, Barbarossa, and others, together with their Followers Of the present Year, got by Phantom and Hephaestion, to whom the Mares are again supposed to be stinted; also the two last - named Stallions; and Twenty to Twenty-Five Fillies, of the same Blood.

Terms of Sale—Cash, or approved Orders or Acceptances, previous to removal of the Stock, which is not to be delayed beyond four weeks, and a Deposit of Twenty per Cent. will be expected at the Sale.

To commence at the Hour of Ten in the fore-noon precisely. 




Albany , Charlottenburg and Masemure - Anthony Charley
Belleisle - Heirs of Wm. Vickers (S. H. Morris)
Blue Castle - Samuel H. Morris

9        MONEY


Handbook of World Exchange Rates, 1590-1914

By Markus A. Denzel
(Extracts from Google)

Currency: Similarly to the several British colonics on the North American continent (see pp. 399f.) the relation between the colonial currency - here the pound of 20 shillings at 12 pence Jamaica currency - and sterling resulted from the fact that the most important circulating coin, the so-called 'piece of eight’ (peso de ocho reales) or the Spanish dollar, was valued differently in the two currencies. In 1669 the Spanish dollar was still equally valued in Jamaica currency and in sterling (4 shillings 2 pence) - so 100 pounds Jamaica currency were equal to 100 pounds sterling - but in 1672 it had already a value of 5 shillings Jamaica currency (111.11 pounds Jamaica currency for 100 pounds sterling), keeping it legitimately until the end of the 18th century. Unauthorized acts in 1688 and in 1758 as well as mercantile customs raised the value of the Spanish dollar up to 6 2/3 shillings Jamaica currency, so that the par of exchange (by custom) was 133.33 pounds Jamaica currency to 100 pounds sterling from the mid-1680s, 138.89:100 (in practice: 140:100) from the early 1720s and 148.15:100 from 1758. But also after 1758 "bills of exchange negotiated on the island maintained the old level of exchange” (MCCUSKER  (1978], p. 247). i.e. 140 pounds Jamaica currency for 100 pounds sterling, based on the internal rate of 6 ¼ shillings per Spanish dollar. The exchange rate quotations available since 1822 as premium quotations on the relation of 140 pounds Jamaica currency for 100 pounds sterling are a late reference to this kind of reckoning. Bills of exchange of this period were payable in Mexican or Colombian doubloons, the following ratio being common practice in trade: 1 doubloon = 64 shillings sterling or 106.67 shillings Jamaica currency (as officially fixed in 1838). Therefore 166.67 pounds Jamaica currency corresponded to 100 pounds sterling. From December 31st 1840 sterling currency was in force on Jamaica as in the mother country that is the pound sterling of 20 shillings at 12 pence (see pp. 3-5). However, it still look some time until the coins introduced from the American mainland finally lost their function as legal tender and basic medium of circulation in 1876 and "the shilling (sterling] was finally established as the practical standard of value in Jamaica" (CHALMERS (I893). p. 113). The circulating notes - initially called "island cheques” - issued by the Colonial Bank and the Jamaica Bank from 1828. were exclusively reserved for the "commercial and well to do classes” at least until the turn of the century while the coloured population only was using coins.

......Jamaica, a British domain since 1655 and crown colony since 1866, was probably the most important possession of the British Empire in the Caribbean and, at the same time, the bullion centre of the British possessions in the New World until the outbreak of the Mexican Wars of Independence in the 1810s. Exchange transactions had already been important for Jamaica since the second half of the 17th century, but "we know little ... about the drawing of bills on Jamaica" (McCUSKER [1978], p. 249): "Jamaicans drew bills of exchange on credit balances in London at rates of exchange that remained incredibly stable over much of the century ... What did vary was the usance ... Jamaica regularly drew bills payable well beyond the usual thirty- to forty-day period. Fifty, sixty, ninety days, and even longer, was not unusual. And such bills sold at a disadvantage" (ibid., pp. 248s.). From the early 1720s to the end of the 1830s the customary par of exchange at Jamaica was in practice 140 pounds Jamaica currency to 100 pounds sterling (from 1672 to the mid-1680s: 111.11, from then to the early 1720s: 133.33) (cf. ibid., p. 247 CHALMERS [1893], p. 103 cf. KELLY [1835]. vol. I. p. 361). According to the data collected by McCuskcr (until 1775), Jamaica quoted London primarily on or with slight fluctuations around this 'par of exchange' from the mid-1730s. For the period from 1776 to 1821 no data have been available until now.
From 1822 rates for Treasury bills on London were listed in the Blue Books. These Treasury bills were payable in Mexican and Colombian doubloons. In 1823 quotations for bills, payable in dollars of the same provenance (nominally equal to 1/16 doubloon), were added, being understood as commercial bills of the merchants of Kingston, the biggest town and financial centre of the island (founded in 1692) (cf. Blue Book. Island of Jamaica. 1836). The additional remark "payable in ..." had become necessary, because the assembly of the island issued unsecured paper money (the so-called 'island cheques') on a large scale after 1822 in order to compensate for the ceasing inflow of precious metals (doubloons and dollars) since the outbreak of the Mexican War of Independence and to maintain internal payment transactions. The exchange rates were not meant for this paper money, largely useless in foreign trade, but precisely for the doubloons and dollars that were highly sought after because of their international acceptance, although they were no longer in circulation. For this reason a considerable variable premium expressed as a percentage was put on the ‘par of exchange’ of 140 pounds Jamaica currency = 100 pounds sterling from 1822. This appeared as the actual quotation in the Blue Books of these years: "Bills have been sometimes at a premium of 20 percent, above the legal exchange [i.e. the 'par of exchange*], and they are seldom under 10" (KELLY [1835], vol. I, p. 361). The quotations for these two sorts of bills ended in the 1840s.

In 1834, £100 stlg = £140 Jamaican, but:
• As regards Jamaica, this is the nominal par of exchange. In real transactions of buying or selling bills, the exchange is thus adjusted:— if bills bear a premium, say twenty per cent, then a bill for £100 sterling is said to be equal to J£120 sterling this latter sum, turned into Jamaica currency at 40 per cent. makes a bill for £ 100 sterling require about J£168 currency. The relative value of the currencies of the mother country and colony varies, of course, from this ratio, as bills may at the time bear a higher or lower premium. In Barbadoes or the other colonics the currency, as compared with sterling, varies according to the demand for bills. In Jamaica £100 sterling is altcvt/s equal to £140 currency.


Vol. 1-1V.


No. 36.


The Quarterly Review, No. 94, published on Saturday, contains an article written with con­siderable ability, and deserving particular 'attention, “Upon the Rights of Industry and the Banking System.” The subject which this ar­ticle elucidates, and the views which it develops, are of peculiar importance, as being applicable to circumstances of immediate and practical in­terest. The writer appears to be well acquaint­ed with the principles and the details of the currency question, and in the following passage he has well explained the character of that question, and its intimate connection with the welfare of the productive interests of the country.
“This subject is considered by many as intricate, difficult, and abstruse, and avoided by all those who dislike the trouble of thinking, with the same shyness which they would exhibit on being questioned as to the construction of the pons asinorum, or the mysteries of vulgar fractions. But this indolence and apathy must be shaken off if we are to be saved from the de­struction which is rapidly enveloping the most valuable interests of this community. Our coun­try gentlemen must learn to penetrate the arcana of the exchanges, and fathom the depths of the banking system, if they mean to preserve their broad acres from the grasp of the mortgagee, and their title-deeds and mansions from the blaze of revolutionary fires. Difficult and ab­struse, indeed! yes, the subject is difficult; just as difficult to the public comprehension as is a  juggler’s trick, by which, with a  “hey presto,”, he conjures the half-crown we thought we had safe in our pocket, into his own. How the money vanished it is not easy to say; but it is never­theless certain that we had it, and ought still to have it, while he has got it. So it was exactly with the currency juggle. Few of the sufferers can explain or understand how it happened, but the fact is very plain to them, that they have some how lost a great deal of money, and other persons have got hold of it. A little considera­tion, however, may, we think, render the nature of the trick intelligible to the simplest. It is very clear that those who are in business pay nearly the same sum in taxes at present, as when the goods they deal in sold for double their present prices; so that they really pay two cwt. of wool or of cheese or of sugar, or two pieces , of cloth, linen, or calico, or two tons of iron or hardware, to the tax-gatherer, for one that they formerly paid; and the taxes, reckoned in goods, which is the only sure way of knowing their cost to the producers of goods by whom they are paid, are  nearly twice as  high at the end of sixteen years of peace, as they were at the close of as long a war! Is it wonderful then that the productive classes are labouring under severe distress? That peace, which usually brings plenty, has thrown away her emblematic horn, and selected hunger for her motto?’ And can there he any doubt that the fall in prices which has wrought this fearful evil, is the necessary result, foretold by ourselves and many others at the time, of the legislation of 1819 and 1826, which by crippling the banking system of England, and attempting to substitute a currency of dear metal for one of cheap paper, has caused a continually Increasing scarcity of money and contraction of credit? Pleasant no doubt it has all been to the tax-receivers, to the mo­nied men and the placemen, to discover that, while their income remained nominally the same, they could purchase with it a much larger quan­tity of good things; and the very richest branches of the agricultural tree, the Devonshires, the Spencers, the Fitzwilliams, &c. may have dropt without missing, a large portion of an enormous superfluity. But sad and ruinous have been the same times to the great body of the tax-payers, the producers of those same, good things, to the country .gentlemen of not over-grown estate, to the farmer, the tradesman, the merchant, the manufacturer, and the labourer, who found that while they were obliged to pay the same nominal sum to the tax-gatherer, they were every year receiving less and less, for their goods, until at last scarcely any thing is left for themselves.
 He then proceeds to state the general causes which occasion, variations in the value of money, and, consequently, variations in prices. He shows the manner in which the constant increase of those metals employed as money, by the increasing productiveness of the mines, encouraged the industry and augmented the wealth of every civilized, country. The working of the mines of Spanish America was stopped in 1810, by the revolutionary, troubles. According to the calculation made by Mr. Jacob, and quoted by the Quarterly Review, the consumption of the pre­cious metals from 1810 to 1830, has exceeded the production, by 66,611,440L. This amount is estimated to form one-sixth part of the coin of Europe and America, and consequently the whole amount of the precious metals in exis­tence is less by that proportion than, it was in 1809. Upon, the currency, of this country alone the effect of this disproportion between the pro­duction and consumption of gold and silver has been, according to. Mr. Jacob’s calculation, to enhance the value of 13 per cent. This enhance­ment of 13 per cent is superadded, we must re­member, to the effect, of the operation, of similar character but greater extent, which was per­formed in this country by substituting a metallic circulation for a circulation of depreciated paper. The practical effect of these combined operations, enhancing the value of the currency above 50 per cent. is accurately described in the following passage:-

 “If we reflect on the enormous mass of out-standing pecuniary engagements at all times due from the classes engaged in production to those who are not directly, producers, consisting of obligations to the public creditor, to the Government for the annual national expenditure, private debts of every kind, annuities, mortgages, rates, salaries, &c. all of which have to be paid out of the sums annually realised by  sale of the produce of the nation’s industry, we shall form some faint and imperfect idea of the pressure thrown on the productive classes by any conti­nued rise in the value of money, and conse­quently, of all their money engagements. The entire revenue of the non-producing classes of those persons, that is, who are not directly con­cerned in production, but derive their incomes from mortgages, funded property, annuities, sa­laries, interest of borrowed money, &c, is pro­portionally advanced in value by every advance in the value of money; but the difference is taken entirely out of the profits and wages, one or both, of the class of producers! The fall in the prices of the commodities employers bring to market, is so much abstracted from the expected net returns of their industry and capital, and, if considerable, must be made good out of the ca­pital itself. In their next venture they are obliged to reduce their expenditure to meet the reduced prices; and since it is impossible for them, to diminish many of their fixed money obligations, such as taxes and rates, and difficult to reduce others, as interest on borrowed capi­tal, &c., their principal and almost only resource is, to lower the wages of their workmen, who thus, become, inevitably sharers in the loss.— Prices continuing to fall, the same operation is repeated; and thus both profits and wages be­come further and further reduced; the distress extends itself generally through all gradations of producers, masters as well as men, manufac­turers, agriculturists, wholesale and retail dealers, in the home or the foreign market—and progressively augments in the intensity so long as prices continue on the average to decline. If, making abstraction of all the other pecuniary engage­ments to which industry is ever liable, we fix our attention on the public taxes alone, we see at once that the fall of 50 per cent, in prices since the war has actually doubled the weight of the taxes by doubling their value in commo­dities.

“When, for example, sugar sold at 50s. the cwt. the duty of 27s. was little more than fifty per cent. Now that the hundred weight of sugar sells at 23s. the same duty is much above a hun­dred per cent. Fifty millions in the present day are, indeed, equivalent, in the sacrifice required from the productive class to pay them, to one hundred millions in 1818! Certainly the close of the war left us saddled with a heavy debt and expenditure, enough, it might have been thought, to cripple the resources of any nation, however wealthy and industrious, but if this was the effect of the levy of fifty millions, out of the prices of 1818, what must be the pressure of the same no­minal account of taxation taken out of the prices of 1832? What the necessary result of that pressure, but the losses and beggary we perceive around us, which threaten to annihilate the pro­ductive industry of the Empire, to drive its re­maining moveable capital abroad, and leave its labouring classes, starving in idleness at home, a load of misery upon the soil, which cannot by law, shake them off?”

This passage well portrays the immediate ac­tion of a rise in the value of money, and the con­sequent fall in prices, upon individual transac­tions, and the writer then proceeds, with equal accuracy, to explain, the effect produced upon the general state of the country.

“This constant and continued fall in prices, unprecedented in the history of nations, inexpli­cable on any ordinary principles of trade, and only to be accounted for by the rise in value of money, caused by the increasing scarcity of the precious metals—unperceptible because the use of these metals as a measure of the value of all other valuable things kept their value to all ap­pearance stationary (inasmuch as the law de­clares their value shall be invariable when fixed quantities of metal are assumed by it as the unit of value); this cruel and relentless fall of prices it is which, day by day, and year after year, has mulcted the industrious of the reward due to their toil, robbed the employer of his expected pro­fit, and driven him either to desert his farm, shut up his mills, renounce all the capita1 he has embarked in them, and discharge his workmen, or at the best, to struggle on at a loss, by exacting from his men yet harder labour for a still scanter remuneration. When, indeed, the master is pinched, it is impossible but that the labourer should suffer with him. What effects hare followed to the English peasant from the general decline in the fortunes of the ordinary country Gentleman and farmer during the last sixteen years? Diminished wages, coarser, scantier fare, gradually accumulated wretchedness! Have not the same results been experienced by our manufacturing operatives, owing to the reduced profits and great comparative distress of the capitalists who had hitherto employed them?

But this is not all; for, besides the actual evils endured, and the dangers incurred, a great and certain mass of future suffering is in course of preparation through the vast destruction of the national capital which the depreciation of produce is rapidly effecting. A large proportion of the loss sustained by the industrious classes is taken from productive and added unproductive consumption, and must, therefore, be a direct abstraction from the capital of the country. Any one acquainted with the manufacturing districts, and aware of the number of factories that remain unoccupied and fast going to decay, and the abundance of machinery unused and unsalable in the same state—those too who have witnessed the imperfect and slovenly cultivation and management of land, the neglect of drains, roads, buildings, and fences, which has prevailed among farmers of late years, through the want of money, as they themselves declare, will be able to form some judgment of the annihilation of capital which has been going on for a considerable period.”

The foregoing extracts will show that the author of this article is well informed upon the subject which he has undertaken to discuss. He has, indeed, accomplished the object which he proposed, and has succeeded in proving—

“ That the unjust restrictions kept up by the present laws on the circulating medium of exchange, have had the effect, within a few years past, of silently but forcibly transferring a vast amount of property from the possession of one class to that of another, who had no just right or title to it,—of covertly despoiling, in short, one portion of the community, namely, the persons engaged in industry, for the benefit of another portion, the owners of fixed money obligations payable out of the labour and capital of the former,—it will be acknowledged that, until the laws which have perpetrated and continue to sanction this wholesale swindling are repealed, there is no safety for property; nor can there be any reliance on the stability of those other institutions, of which a confidence in the security of property is the indispensable foundation.”

Well would it have been for those who swayed so long the destinies of the country, if they had given to this subject the consideration which it deserved.

The conclusion to which these statements naturally and irresistibly leads, is plain and undeniable—

“ The knowledge of the fact,’ says the Quarterly Review, " that the main cause of the general distress lies in the comparative scarcity and consequent rise in value in the circulating medium, points out the nature of the remedy width eau alone correct the mischief— the extension namely, of that medium.”

Money and exchange rates in 1632

By Francis Turner


"There are two fundamental causes of madness amongst students: sexual frustration and the study of coinage."

Professor Karl Helleiner, quoting what is purportedly an old Austrian proverb


In 1632 Europe was filled with coins of varying values, issued by governments of varying degrees of trustworthiness. To make it worse each system had different ratios of the numbers of coins of one denomination that made up the next. About the only sure thing was that no one used a decimal system. For a modern reader all this is compounded by the changes in the relative costs of different things. Together it means that it is very hard to work out how much Grantville things should be sold for downtime and how much uptimers should expect to pay for things made by downtimers. This article is an attempt to shine some light on the issue but I would be the first to admit it does little more than outline the problem.


National Currencies

Money in the 17th century was primarily based on silver coins with gold used for larger transactions and smaller coins minted from copper, brass or tin. One of the reasons why there was considerable inflation in the 16th century was the vast influx of gold and silver from the Spanish looting of the new world. To add to this the rough ratio of gold:silver by weight gradually changed. In the medieval period the ratio was approximately 12:1 (i.e one unit of gold was worth 12 units of silver) but thanks to the vast discoveries of Latin American silver this ratio increased so that by the time Sir Isaac Newton was in charge of the Royal Mint in 1717 it was over 15:1. Needless to say this caused significant dislocation as cunning traders were able to take advantage of the mismatch in pricing but fortunately for 17th century Europeans the majority of this dislocation had occurred during the previous century and the ratio of ~15:1 was more or less fixed. However the disruptions to trade of the 30 years war meant that in different places the relative abundance of gold and silver as well as copper and other metals often varied thus altering the price and in some cases the value of the coins used. There were times when older coins especially were melted down to retrieve their metal as the metal was more valuable than the face value of the coin.


To step back a bit: in medieval Europe the standard silver penny was defined as being 1/240th of a pound of silver (by weight) and the soldus/shilling/sou was the weight of 12 pennies. This ratio was first applied by Charlemagne and was common across much of early 2nd millennium Europe. In England the familiar 1:12:240 ratio was made official by Henry II in 1158 who also defined the weight and purity of the penny and it lasted until 1971. Initially most realms only minted pennies or very small multiples of a penny (such as the English groat worth 4 pennies) however due to inflation, debasement of the coinage and so on the pound weight, penny based currencies gradually added additional coins and in different realms their values changed even though the ratios usually remained constant. This meant that an Englishman used to Shillings and Pence (20 Shillings to a pound, 12 pence to a shilling) would find it easy when he traveled to other places with the same ratios such as France (20 sou to a livre, 12 denier to a sou) or Italy (1 Lire = 20 Soldi or 240 Denari) but not so easy elsewhere. Although the pound (livre, lire etc.) and shilling(soldus,sou) were defined and used as a unit of account, for a long while there were no shilling or pound coins. However this did not stop kings, princes and other rulers issuing coins with names like "crown" or "angel", which had a value of some number of pennies or shillings (or their equivalent) but generally a different number in different places. These coins added to the confusion since they would be referred to in casual usage ("I lost 3 crowns at cards last night"), but would not be used in bills or accounts which stuck with three columns: L (pounds/livre/lire), s(shillings,sous,soldi) and d(pence, denari). Another unit of account which, in medieval times, was rarely if ever a coin was the mark. Unfortunately despite the general agreement about the theoretical weight of the penny, the number pennies to a mark varied being 144 in some parts of Germany, 160 in Britain and either 192 or 384 in Scandinavia.


Money of Account

Because of the gradual debasement and change of the actual coins used for every day transactions accounting was frequently done using some nominal coin. These nominal coins typically had known properties (e.g. 240x1.555g of sterling silver (92.5% pure) or 3.55g of 24 carat gold). As and when a ruler kindly debased his coinage by 20% merchants simply ignored the change in their internal accounts and just required 20% more from those paying in the new coin (and to other merchants at least they would also pay out 20% more). Most money of account was based on a silver measure - in French influenced Europe typically the livre de gros tournois: 970.56 grams of pure silver or 1012.76g of 23/24 pure silver - though some used a gold measure such as the Venetian ducat or the 1337 French écu à la chaise. In some cases (e.g. the Venetian Ducat) the reference coin remained current as well, in other cases (such as the gros tournois) it didn't. Money of Account was most often used in places where currency was frequently debased and/or where it changed radically as one ruler conquered another, more stable countries such as England typically did not use it. England and English merchants generally used the accounting measure we use today based on the actual coin (pound, dollar, penny) although during the wars of the roses and the early Tudor period this was not the case. In much of Germany the unit of account was based on either the gold Rhenish florin or the silver Reichsthaler which was generally considered to be worth 1.5 Rhenish florins.


International Currencies

In addition to the mish mash of national currencies, there were two international currencies, a gold one and a silver one with a fairly well defined rate of exchange between them. These were struck to a generally consistent weight by numerous states and coins from different states were thus generally interchangeable. The gold coin was the Venetian ducat, introduced in 1284, contained just over 3.5 grams of gold and was the first international coin. It was so successful that it was minted under different names by many European nations. In northern Europe it was called the Guilder or Gulden and it had a variety of other names such as the Florentine or Rhenish Florin, the Forint (Hungary) or the Scudo (Milan). The silver one was the Thaler (tallero, dollar, daler etc.) which was (supposed to be) a fixed weight of silver and was the equivalent in value to two of the golden ducats. The name thaler (from thal, "valley") originally came from the coins minted from the silver from a rich mine at Joachimsthal (St. Joachim's Valley, Czech: Jáchymov) in Bohemia, then part of the Habsburg Empire. It was also the equivalent of the Spanish peso ("heavy"), also known as the piece of eight because it was worth 8 reales, which was a silver coin minted by Spain since 1497.


The 2 gulden to a thaler rule was usually correct but both the gulden and the thaler of the time suffered from clipping and debasement so actual physical coins had to be weighed and ones with an unusual design would need to be assayed to check for lack of debasement. The amount of pure silver in a thaler was approximately an ounce (28 grams) but varied between 25 and 30 grams. For example the Swedish Riksdaler was 25.5 grams, whereas pesos nominally contained 27 grams. If it were that simple we could relax, but to make things worse countries also introduced thaler-like coins (some of which were called an something thaler) of varying weights. For example the Dutch had various daalders including the Rijksdaalder (Rix dollar) and the Leeuwendaalder (Lion dollar). The Lion dollar had 27.7g of silver was the equivalent of 40 stuiver/2 guilders, whereas the Rix dollar was 25% bigger (50 stuiver or 2.5 guilders). However since the lion dollar was the equivalent of the peso etc etc it was thus was more popular than the rix dollar or the other ones.


A Country by Country Survey

One of the more complicated tasks is to convert from one currency to another. Apart from England and France most places preferred to work with the guilder/florin/ducat and the thaler/daalder/dollar and the aforementioned fixed ratio between the two. Thus anything quoted in reals, pesos, ducats, florins, guilders or thalers is going to be easy to convert. Unfortunately while the ducat/thaler rule was good for cross border trade most states also had an internal currency that they frequently debased against these international standards. For example although Venice was a model of fiscal probity, a number of other Italian states were not hence the difference in the value of the Lira as stated in terms of a Ducat. This survey starts with the simpler countries and then goes on to the nightmare ones. German coinage of the era is described by one source as a "bottomless pit", thus, despite Germany being of great interest to the 163x reader or writer, it has been left to the last.


England (also Ireland and Scotland)

Although England did not directly use either guilders or thalers England's shilling was stable in the 1630s since parliament refused King Charles' efforts to debase the currency. In 1630 the conversion rate between English Shillings and Dutch Guilders was 2:1 that is to say one guilder was 2 shillings and hence one lion dollar was 4 shillings and one rix dollar worth 5 shillings or a crown. This means that for larger sums an English pound is worth 5 thalers or 10 guilders which makes for easy conversion. Astoundingly this ratio remained pretty much constant from the last currency revision of 1601 until the wheels fell off the gold standard in the twentieth century despite the fact that the thaler (dollar) changed from being a European reference currency to the currency of the United States of America. Irish coins were worth about 75% of their English equivalent (i.e. 1 Irish shilling was worth an English 9d). Scotland, despite the modern reputation of its inhabitants as canny businesspeople, had a severely debased currency which got worse and worse over time. The first indigenous currency in Scotland was the silver penny, coined by David I. In theory each pound weight of silver yielded 240 pennies (that is, 1 pound equaled 20 shillings, and 1 shilling equaled 12 pennies). However, the crown coined 252 pennies to the pound to make a profit. From the fourteenth century until the end of the sixteenth century debasement of the coinage resulted in the further divergence of the Scottish and English currencies. In the reign of James III (1460-1488) the pound sterling was worth 4 pounds Scots. In 1560, 5 pounds Scots equaled 1 pound sterling. From the time James VI of Scotland assumed the English throne until 1707 the exchange rate between the Scottish and English pound was fixed at 12:1, that is to say £1(English)=£12(Scots) or 1 Scottish shilling was equal to one English penny.


The English used the term mark to refer to two thirds of a pound (i.e. 160d or 13s 4d). There was no mark coin but some things were priced in marks, just as today some things are still priced in guineas. Common coins were the angel (10s) the crown (5s) in gold; the half crown (2s 6d), the shilling, the groat (4d) and the penny in silver; and the copper farthing (1/4d). There was also the golden unite (20s) and the silver sixpence, threepence, the ha'penny and half-groat or tuppence.


The Low Countries

The low countries suffered from being effectively split between the Spanish controlled part and the independant part however both used the same currency elements and because both were important trading powers they did not usually debase their currency, although some Dutch provinces did produce some very odd low-weight daalders. The currency was based on the guilder (i.e. ducat) with 20 stuivers to a guilder and 16 pennings to a stuiver. As mentioned above there were two important daalders - the Rijksdaalder (Rix dollar) worth 50 stuiver or 2.5 guilders and the Leeuwendaalder (Lion dollar) worth 40 stuiver or 2 guilders. Other coins included the groot (1/2 stuiver) duit (1/8 stuiver), the dubbeltje (2 stuiver), the kwartje (5 stuivers) schelling (6 stuivers), the 3-guilder coin and the monster Gouden dukaat worth 15 guilders.



Spain had a completely different currency system; consisting of maravedis, reals and pesos. There were 34 maravedis to a real and 8 reals to a peso. Fortunately the peso was equivalent to the thaler and thus it was easy to convert other values. A real was worth 6 English pence or 5 Dutch stuivers. Spain had suffered sufficient inflation that previously valuable coins such as the maravedi or the blanca were now essentially worthless. The real was divided into quarters (a coin called a quartillo) and the smallest coin was 2 maravedi (a 17th of a real). Other coins included escudos (=2 peso) and dubloons(=16 peso).



The Italian states had the standard Ducat (Venice) or Florin (Florence) as well as a system similar to the English and French one of 1 Lire = 20 Soldi, 60 Quattrini or 240 Denari. The problem was relating the Lira to the Ducat as a Lira was frequently debased (and hence so were soldi and denari) and thus a rather indeterminate thing. Typically in the 1630s there were about 6-7 lire to a Ducat or Florin. In Venice there was a fixed exchange of 6L 4s to a ducat but this only applied to Venetian lire.



Sweden had the solid riksdaler as well as marks, öre, örtugar and penningar, with 1 mark = 8 öre = 24 örtugar = 192 penningar (usually). Although the Riksdaler remained constant (at 2 guilders or 1 peso) it was only used for external trade and the conversion between it and the more normal copper marks and öre used for internal trade varied after 1620. In 1604 a riksdaler was 4 marks (4 mark = 32 öre), but it steadily increased in value afer 1620. In 1632 I estimate that a riksdaler was worth about 2 copper dalar (i.e. 8 marks or 64 öre). To add to the confusion in the past in different parts of Sweden the ratio between marks and penningar varied: in Götaland a mark was worth 384 penningar, double the usual 192. This was supposed to be outdated but there is some evidence that the 384 ratio was still used by some people.



Polish controlled areas, that is to say Poland, Lithuania and parts of Prussia, used the zloty as follows: 1 zloty = 30 grosz = 90 Szelags = 540 Denars. Nominally the grosz was the same as the Bohemian groschen (24 to a thaler) and thus a Zloty should be the equivalent of the Dutch Rix Dollar. I do not believe it really was the same in the 1630s as Poland was as busy as its neighbours in debasing its currency, in fact there is evidence that there were 3 zloty to a thaler in the 1630s. It is unclear whether this thaler was the standard 2 guilder one, the 2½ guilder one or the german Reichstaler which was worth 1½ guilders.



The French currency was both impure being generally made of "billon", an alloy of copper and silver, and highly inflationary. France had Livres, Sous and (theoretically) Deniers although the smallest coin was the copper gros (4 denier) and also had the Ecu worth 3 livres. A French livre was worth approximately the same as a guilder in the early 1630s but the actual amount decreased steadily over time. English sources report that in 1625 a quarter écu (3/4 livre) was worth 1s 7½d implying that 1 livre was 2 Shillings and 2 Pence but in 1645 1 Livre bought just 1 Shilling and 6½ Pence and in 1653 1 Livre was equal to 1 Shilling and 3 Pence.



Traditionally Denmark had marks, skillings and penninge with 16 skillings to a mark and 12 penninge to a skilling. This made the mark the same as the Svealand swedish mark (192 penningar = 1 mark). Danish coins were notorious for their lack of silver, and steadily decreased in value compared to their German neighbours during the 16th century. Given that the German coins were also getting worse this was quite a feat. However a decree of May 4, 1625 brought to an end an unsettled period in Danish monetary history and fixed the ratio of the rigsdaler to the mark and skilling: 1 rigsdalar was to equal 6 marks or 96 skillings. A Rigsdaler was the same as a Dutch lion dollar, that is to say 2 guilders.


Danish coins included the Rigsdaler or 6 mark coin, the  crown (4 marks), the mark coin and coins for 1,2,4 and 8 skillings


The Ottoman Empire

The Ottoman empire also used the Ducat for trade as well as local coins called the Akche, the Para and the Kurush. One Kurush or Piastre was the equivalent of 40 Para or 120 Akche but as with many other currencies value of these to a fixed currency such as the Ducat varied. There ware 200 Akche to a Ducat in 1584 (a few years earlier there had been 60) and it is not clear whether this had changed by 1630.


Germany and Bohemia

As noted above, German currency has been described as a bottomless pit by one of my sources. In Germany and nearby countries there were multiple currencies such as 60 kreuzer to the Gulden, 4 denar(pfennig/penny) to a Kreuzer 12 to a Groschen and 16 to a Batzen or 1 Gulden = 4 Mark = 24 Albus = 48 Schilling = 288 Heller depending on where you were. Not only were there a large number of coins the reformation wars had encouraged every mint to debase its currency thus coins were of widely varying quality. Because there were so many currencies that there is no hope of giving a conversion to any native unit of currency (Albus, Batzen, Mark, Groschen...) in most cases. In Bohemia the Thaler was the equivalent of 24 groschen and each groschen was (theoretically) 12 pfennigs however the 30 years war severely impacted the relationships since some coins were copper and others silver and silver became rather scarce. The Bohemian (Prague) groschen however generally seem to have been reliable since the rulers of Bohemia had access to the Joachim valley and thus the same silver mine that gave its name to the thaler. From the 1620s Ferdinand II issued the ducat, thaler, half, quarter, groschen (3 kreuzer), kreuzer, half kreuzer, and quarter kreuzers. Much of Germany used the Reichsthaler as a nominal unit of account to deal with the variations in coinage. A German Reichsthaler was 1½ guilders or three-quarters of a peso. Many German mints also produced "Reichsthalers" but the thalers produced frequently varied in weight and hence value.


Summary table

Country     Currency                                        Value in Guilders

Holland     1 Guilder = 20 Stuiver = 320 Penning                  N/A

            1 Leeuwendaalder = 2 Guilder

            1 Rijksdaalder = 2.5 Guilder

Venice            1 Ducat = 6L4s                                  1 Ducat = 1 Guilder

            1 Lire = 20 Soldi, 60 Quattrini or 240 Denari

Italy       As with Venice but the Lire/Ducat rate varied         1 Ducat = 1 Guilder

Spain       34 Maravedi = 1 Real, 8 Real = 1 Peso                 1 Peso = 2 Guilders

France            1/3rd Ecu = 1 Livre = 20 sous = 240 Denier                  1 Livre ~= 1 Guilder

England     1 pound = 20 Shillings = 240 pence                    2 Shillings = 1 Guilder

Scotland    As England                                      24 Scots Shillings = 1 Guilder

Denmark     1 rigsdalar = 6 marks = 96 skillings                        1 Rigsdaler = 2 Guilders

Sweden      1 mark = 8 öre = 24 örtugar = 192 penningar           1 Riksdaler = 2 Guilders

            1 riksdaler =~8 marks (variable)

Poland      1 zloty = 30 grosz = 90 Szelags = 540 Denars          1 Zloty = 2/3 Guilder (?)

Turkey      One Kurush/Piastre = 40 Para = 120 Akche        200 Akche = 1 Guilder (in 1584)

Bohemia     1 thaler = 24 groschen = 72 kreuzer = 288 pfennig           1 Thaler = 2 Guilders

Germany     1 gulden = 4 mark = 24 albus = 48 schilling = 288 heller    1 Gulden = 1 Guilder

            Also 1 groschen = 3 kreuzer = 24 pfennig = 48 heller

            many other coins. Unit of account the Reichsthaler    1 Reichsthaler = 1½ Guilders


The cost of living

Now that we know what a thalar or a ducat is worth in terms of other currencies how much did people need to live on? And how does it compare to prices today? A general guide is that in the early 17th century 1 English pence was roughly the equivalent of one English pound 400 years later. This means that 1 guilder is worth about £24 or US$36. This is only approximate and it is important to note that in the 17th century manufactured goods were much more expensive in relative terms than they are today. Due to the lack of mechanization clothing was expensive because it was such a labour intensive task. On the other hand taxation was more on imports, exports and farm production (tithes) than on general income. A lot of people could escape taxation altogether which means that their wages go further than you might expect.


Given the complexity of German currencies I am unsure how to relate such wages as I have found but it seems unlikely that they would differ too much from the clearly documented English wages of the period. A good English daily wage was 1s/day, assuming 50 weeks at 6 days a week that works out at 300s or £15/year. An unskilled labourer could expect less (perhaps 8d/day) and of course a highly skilled craftsman could expect more. However it is also worth noting that many wages for craftsmen were actually based on production (i.e. piecework) so the more you produced the more you got. One other point to note is that in many cases labourers were paid in kind, agreements to provide 1 suit of clothes/year or to supply food and lodging were by no means uncommon. The important thing to remember is that very few people had significant disposable income. For non-farmers purchasing food (and fuel both to cook and to keep warm) could easily be 4d a day or sometimes more. If you compare this with the wage rate this means that a 17th century worker could spend between a quarter and half of his daily wage on food. Adding in requirements to buy clothing and to pay rent and the amount left over for discretionary spending be it a friendly drink at the inn, to gamble with or to save up to buy a book, was under 10% of his wage.


Trade and debts between neighbours were quite often settled by barter, this included rents which could be a proportion of the harvest crop. This was a holdover of the feudal tithing regime but it was used because, despite the influx of South American silver, coins were still comparatively rare. Agricultural rents, when they were paid in coin to an absentee landlord, were of the order of a guilder/acre/year, less for pasture and more for arable land and often much more for prime meadows or orchards.




Google was invaluable during the cration of this document. However I found a lot of mutually incompatible documents so google on its own will lead to problems. The following seem to be correct and were mined for most of the above:



http://www.portsdown.demon.co.uk/coin.htm and http://www.portsdown.demon.co.uk/mark.htm



http://www.anythinganywhere.com/info/a2z.htm and especially http://www.anythinganywhere.com/info/a2z/azgermany.htm




Jamaica Maps

Slaney 1678




JCB Map Collection


Accession Number:


File Name:


Call number:

Cabinet Blathwayt 34

Map title:

Tabula Iamaicae Insulae

Place of Publication:



Sold by Will: Berry at the Globe betwixt Chering Cross & White Hall

Publication date:


Map size height:

43.4 cm.

Map size width:

61 cm.

Item description:


Geographical description:

Map of Jamaica. Cartographic elements include locations of settlements, bays, and rivers, degrees of latitude and longitude, sea banks, some topographical details, compass rose, and a scale. Decorative cartouche with a dedication to James, duke of York, includes military matériel such as drums, cannons, flags, and the royal coat of arms of England; scale cartouche shows coat of arms and motto of Jamaica.

Cartobibliographic notes:

One of four maps of Jamaica in the Blathwayt Atlas. The map, last in chronological order of the maps, is believed to have been made using information from surveyors John Vassall and Mordecai Rogers and is a considerable advance over John Man's second map (8189-35). James Stuart, duke of York, was the second son of Charles I and succeeded to the crown in 1685 on the death of his brother who died without heirs.The Blathwayt Atlas is a collection of 48 maps assembled between 1680 and 1685 as a reference atlas for the Office of Trade and Plantations, compiled by William Blathwayt, Secretary to the Lords of Trade and Plantations.


Black, J.D., ed. Blathwayt Atlas, vol. II, p. 186-196

Geographic Area:


Normalized date:



Edward Slaney

Tabula Iamaicae Insulae



Active Media Group:

Active Media Group:

Barbados Map



JCB Map Collection


Accession Number:


File Name:


Call number:

Cabinet Blathwayt 32

Map title:

A New Map of the Island of Barbadoes wherein every Parish, Plantation, Watermill, Windmill & Cattlemill, is described ...

Place of Publication:



Sold by Mr. Overton at the White Horse without Newgate Mr. Morden at the Atlas in Cornhill Mr. Berry at the Globe at Charing Cross And Mr. Pask at ye Stationers Arms & Inkbottle on the North Side the Royal Exchange

Publication date:


Map size height:

47.9 cm.

Map size width:

56.2 cm.

Item description:


Geographical description:

Map of Barbados showing location of roads, individual farms, mills used for the grinding of sugar cane, and towns. Cartographic details include some topographical details, compass rose, and scale. Decorative elements include ships, fish, angels with navigational tools such as dividers. Decorative cartouche includes English royal coat of arms of Charles II, allegorical figures of a river goddess and god with oar and water vessel, a woman in armor [Britannia?], and a personification of plenty with cornucopia.

Cartobibliographic notes:

This is the first printed economic map of an English American colony and represents Barbardos at the height of its early sugar production.The map was drawn by Richard Ford, a Quaker, whose religious principles caused him to omit the names of many forts and to avoid the word, "church."The Blathwayt Atlas is a collection of 48 maps assembled between 1680 and 1685 as a reference atlas for the Office of Trade and Plantations, compiled by William Blathwayt, Secretary to the Lords of Trade and Plantations.


Black, J.D., ed. Blathwayt Atlas, vol. II, p. 180-185

Geographic Area:


Normalized date:




Richard Ford

10.1           Jamaica 1670 census


Census of Jamaica

Abstract of the Whole: 23 September 1670


Parishes                Acres Patented    Familes     Persons

St. Thomas' Parish      14,825½           59         590

St. David's Parish      11,946¾           80         960

St. Andrew's Parish     29,199¾           194     1,552

St. Katherine's Parish  68,590            158     2,370

St. John's Parish       25,197¾           83        996

Clarendon Parish        39,260¾           143     1,430

Note 1                                           2,500

Note 2                  20,000                   1,500

                        209,020½          717   11,898

More: We calculate of Persons in the Towns of Port Royal

and St. Jago to be no less than, men, women and children    3,300



Note 1: We likewise calculate the Privateers, Hunters, Sloop, and Boatmen which ply this Island, and are not reckoned in any of the above Parishes, to be at least 2,500 lusty able men.


Note 2: The four Parishes on the North Side, vizt., St. George's, St. Marie's, St. Anne's, and St. James, and the Leewardmost parish, St. Elizabeth, hath not been yet collected, as not worth it, by reason of its distance and new settlements, where we find about 20,000 acres patented, and calculate there cannot be less than 1,500 people


Sainsbury, W. Noel, ed., Calender of State Papers, Colonial Series (Volume 7), America and West Indies, 1669-1674, Preserved in Her Majesty's Public Record Office (Vaduz: Kraus Reprint Ltd., 1964) First Published London: HMSO, 1889. pp. 98-104.

Census of Jamaica
Clarendon Parish
Sainsbury, W. Noel, ed., Calender of State Papers, Colonial Series (Volume 7), America and West Indies, 1669-1674, Preserved in Her Majesty's Public Record Office (Vaduz: Kraus Reprint Ltd., 1964) First Published London: HMSO, 1889. pp. 98-104.













Thomas Amor -



Robt. Fargasson



Rice Prosser -




Southwell Atkins



James Gosling -



John Putnam -




Charles Barnett



Thomas Groves



Dearmon Regaine




John Bassett -



John Hooper -



More -




Thomas Booth -



John Hunt -



George Robbins




William Basnett



Thomas Hudson



Thomas Reese -




Capt. Thomas Browne



More -



Clement Richardson




Joseph Barger -



David Jones -



William Richardson




Francis Butterfield



Thomas Johnson



John Stokes -




Samuel Backs, Esq.



Widow Lawrence



John Stevenson




Christopher Cooper



Henry Lupton



Edmond Sweet




Cæsar Carter -



John Lucy -



Thomas Stacey -




Gawell Crouch -



Richard Layton



James Scott -




Thomas Carpenter



Nicholas License



Thomas Steward




John Clarke -



Samuel Lewis, Esq.



John Stephens -




Josiah Child and Mate



Edward Madox



John Salisbury




John Davenport



Thomas Manning



Walter Tresias -




Francis Davis -



Daniel Pearse -



Tobias Wilson -




Thomas Evans -



Charles Probert



Thomas Wiltshire




Stephen Evans -



Thomas Paulhill



John Wallis and Boucher




Col. Thomas Freeman


1,309 1/2








In this parish are families -

- 59

And by estimation people -

- 590











Nicholas Alexander



Thomas Griffin -



Luke Phillips -




Robert Avery -



Matthew Halpin



Henry Poores -




Thomas Bend -



John Harris -



John Price -




Edmund Bates -



Thomas Harry -



Francis Powell




John Barton -



George Hooke -



Richard Pearce and Elliott -




John Banfield -



Henry Henderson



Matthew Price -




John Campion -



John Hobby and Alexander -



William Powell




More -



John Hobby -



Robert Puncher




Cornelius Cole -



George Hunt -



William Ring -


70 1/2


Henry Cole -



John Hutchins -



William Rives, Esq.




William Davis -



Samuel Hancock



Walter Roles -




Thomas Evans and Mate -



John James and Mate



Richard Richardson, Esq. -




George Elkin and Petty



Edward Jackson



Richard Richardson and Mate -




Edward Elliot and Pearse -



Peter Jacob -



Edward Reid -




Francis Fouracers



John Gerrard and Jourden -



Thomas Reid -




Lieut.-Col. Robert Freeman -


1,338 3/4

John Lamstead



James Rogers -




Col. Thomas Freeman



Major Richard Lloyd



Clement Richardson




Edward Fox -



Major Lloyd and Burton -



Thomas Ransdon




Thomas Fargar



Bryan Mascall, and Sylvester -



Robert Stubbs and Mate




Richard Gwinnell



Matthew Oliver



Jacob Stokes -




Morgan George



Robert Thompson



Jacob Stokes and Smith




William Sheldrake



Stephen Valley



Robert Woddard




Benjamin Smith



Thomas Whittle



William Witch




Robert Smith -



William Wolfe



John Wilson and William Parker -




Major John Saunderson



Henry Winkes and Mate -



John White and Elkins




Thomas Swaine



James Wallis -



John Wimble and Seamore -




John Terry -










Jenkin Thomas


18 1/2








Charles Thomas










In this parish are families -


And by estimation persons -

- 960











John Andrewes



John Cahaune and Mate



George Home -




Henry Archboule, Esq.



George Campe -



Francis Hope -




Thomas Aldworth



William Capon



John Hattevill -




John Akin -


7 1/2

John Clove -



William Jones -




John Bonnett -



Edmond de la Crez



Walter Jenkins




Edward Bussell



William Davison



John Johnson -




Robert Bull -



Nicholas de la Roch



Andrew Jewell -




Charles Benway



Richard Dunn -



John Jefferies -




Doctor Richard Brian



Henry Dawkins



Thomas Joyce -




John Barrett and Mates



Robert Davis and Morgan -



Samuel Keamor




Nicholas Barrett and Mate -



Francis Daniell


33 1/2

Abraham Keeling




Edward Berry -



Edward Exceceune



William Kilgress




Capt. Samuel Barry



John Edwards and Mate



William Cane -




Major William Buston



George Ecclestone



Nicholas Keine




Titus Boreman -



William Elder -



Jane Leader -




John Browning



Thomas Edmonds



Widow Lane




Widow Backhouse



Richard Feilder



Francis Larow -




James Barry -



Jeremiah Fowler



John Lewis -




James Boney -



Morris Fleyne -



Nicholas Leford




More -



Henry Ford -



Jacob Lucy and Company -




William Burt -



Thomas Flood -



William Launce




George Bennett



William Ford -



John Maverley




Nicholas Butler and Mate -



Jenkin Lloyd



William Mayo -




John Baugh -



Mary Fisher


7 1/2

Sir James Modyford




Francis Bussell and Smith -



William Groves



James Manderson




Henry Bowen and Mate



Luke Grose -



Owen Macarta -




Thomas Butler



Charles Griffin -



Alexander Mills




Phillip Botterill



James Grimes -


7 1/2

John Murrow -




Henry Banfield



Sampson George



Christopher Mayam




John Burdis and Mate



Robert Galloway


9 3/4

Robert Moody -




William Bent and Henry Bonner -



Widow Gay -



Richard Mapeley




George Blundall



John Garrett -


8 1/2

William Parker




John Belfield -



Daniel Garvin -


2 1/2

Wm. St. Onyon




Jasper Blanch -



Nathaniell Guy



John Priest -


80 1/2


John Cooper -



Morgan Hopkins



John Pond -




Samuel Conyers



William Hazard



Janes Pinnuck -




Thomas Cater -



Charles Hudson



John Potter -


142 1/2


Matthew Cotton


40 1/2

Lieut. - Coll. Richard Hope and ye Inhabitants -



Joseph Phypes -




Joseph Casteele


217 1/2

Lieut. - Coll. Richard Hope -



John Pitts


7 1/2


Richard Collinwood



Gowen Hill -



John Pearse -




Ancill Cole -



James Howell -



Capt. William Parker




John Cooke -



Richard Hussett



Robert Pyatt -




Capt. Thomas Clarke



James Hunt -



Capt. William Rivers




John Cape and Westbury -



John Hendy -



Ralph Rippon -




Markham Clouds


7 1/2

Nicholas Hancock



John Robinson