1 BACKGROUND MATERIAL

REGNAL YEARS

Another example: 2 May 1662. This is in the reign of Charles II, whose first regnal year is 1649. So 1662-1649 = 13, add 1 because 2 May is after 30 January, so the date falls in the 14th regnal year of Charles II.

Monarch	No. of Years	First regnal year	Regnal year start date	Regnal year end date	End of final year
William I	21	1066	14 October	13 October	9 Sep 1087
William II	13	1087	26 September	25 September	2 Aug 1100
Henry I	36	1100	5 August	4 August	1 Dec 1135
Stephen	19	1135	26 December	25 December	25 Oct 1154
Henry II	35	1154	19 December	18 December	6 Jul 1189
Richard I	10	1189	3 September	2 September	6 Apr 1199
John	18	1199	May (Ascension Day)^A	May (varied)	19 Oct 1216
Henry III	57	1216	28 October	27 October	16 Nov 1272
Edward I	35	1272	20 November	20 November ^B	7 Jul 1307
Edward II	20	1307	8 July	7 July	20 Jan 1327
Edward III	51 (England), 38 (France) ^C	1327	25 January	24 January	21 Jun 1377
Richard II	23	1377	22 June ^D	21 June	29 Sep 1399
Henry IV	14	1399	30 September	29 September	20 Mar 1413
Henry V	10	1413	21 March	20 March	31 Aug 1422
Henry VI	39 + 1 ^E	1422	1 September	31 August	4 Mar 1461
Edward IV	23	1461	4 March	3 March	9 Apr 1483
Edward V	1	1483	9 April	25 June	25 Jun 1483
Richard III	3	1483	26 June	25 June	22 Aug 1485
Henry VII	24	1485	22 August	21 August	21 Apr 1509
Henry VIII	38	1509	22 April	21 April	28 Jan 1547
Edward VI	7	1547	28 January	27 January	6 Jul 1553
Mary I	2	1553	6 July ^F	5 July	24 Jul 1554 ^G
"Philip and Mary"	5 & 6 ^G	1554	25 July	24 July	17 Nov 1558
Elizabeth I	45	1558	17 November	16 November	24 Mar 1603
James I	23	1603	25 March ^H	24 March	27 Mar 1625
Charles I	24	1625	27 March	26 March	30 Jan 1649
Charles II	37 ^I	1649	30 January	29 January	6 Feb 1685
James II	4	1685	6 February	5 February	11 Dec 1688 ^J
"William and Mary"	6	1689	13 February^K	12 February	27 Dec 1694
William III	8 (7 to 14) ^L	1694	28 December ^L	27 December	8 Mar 1702
Anne	13	1702	8 March	7 March	1 Aug 1714
George I	13	1714	1 August	31 July	11 Jun 1727
George II	34	1727	11 June	10 June	25 Oct 1760
George III	60 ^M	1760	25 October	24 October	29 Jan 1820
George IV	11 ^N	1820	29 January	28 January	26 Jun 1830
William IV	7	1830	26 June	25 June	20 Jun 1837
Victoria	64	1837	20 June	19 June	22 Jan 1901
Edward VII	10	1901	22 January	21 January	6 May 1910
George V	26	1910	6 May	5 May	20 Jan 1936
Edward VIII	1	1936	20 January	11 December	11 Dec 1936
George VI	16	1936	11 December	10 December	5 Feb 1952
Elizabeth II	(ongoing) (2016 = 65th)	1952	6 February	5 February

Parish Record notes

St Catherine

transcribed from the original by John Venn 1755.

1680’S Rector changes – more info. Marriages from adjoining parishes as well. Parishes mentions stop 1691.

A very few negroes listed as being married late 17thC.

Coloureds start to appear about 1730

Bapts: Dec 1742: “From this date to the time of my Incumbency, I find no Baptisms recorded. Those on the next pages I have taken from the several Family Bibles of other Register.
John Venn Rector, Sept 5 1755.
John Venn appears September 1748.
Baps finish

folio 83 continue f 249

St Elizabeth:

1773 (V1/35) is the first year when the baptisms were split into white and non white. The few years before that were not well laid out, there being no definite year breaks.

1775 (V1/39) the first of the mass coloured baptisms appear.

6 Feb 1785 V1/48:
NB There being the strongest reason to believe that these free persons had been regularly baptised by former Rectors though it does not appear by the Parish Register the hypothetical form was used in order to avoid the Improprieties of rebaptising and yet comply with the request of the Parties who were extremely desirous to ascertain their Baptism.

Marriages: P286, image 146 – 319/165
Burials: 321/166 to end (image 180)

Clarendon

1737 Natural kids bapt
more by 1750
Done to sheet 118 - 1755, marriages still listed alongside Baps.

Vere

From Mid 1715, baps list god parents, intermittently.
Many slaves bapt late 18^th & early 19thC
LDS website missing folios 33, 110 & 184.
Mar from folios 147 (sheet 77)
Bur from folio 167 (sheet 87).

A Glossary of Estates in Land and Future Interests

http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/cdonahue/courses/prop/lec/EFI.GLO.html

The Roman jurist Javolenus once said “all definitions in matters of civil law are dangerous; there is hardly any that cannot be upset.” Never have I been as sure of the wisdom of this remark as I was after attempting to define the principal terms in the common law system of estates and future interests. I hope that what follows is more a help than a hindrance. I would appreciate comments, suggestions, criticisms (including suggestions that the whole exercise wasn’t worth it). Obviously, I am particularly interested in anything that strikes you either as flat-out wrong or as ambiguous.

absolute -- Not subject to any condition. Usually applied only to fees.

alienation -- A general term for the transfer of property interests. Frequently limited to alienations inter vivos. See also inalienable interest.

ancestor -- The person from whom an heir takes by descent.

base fee -- A determinable fee. See determinable interest.

bar -- To prevent, normally by fine or common recovery, a future interest from ever taking effect. Inchoate dower and reversions or remainders following fees tail are the most frequently barred interests.

beneficial interest -- The right to the rents, profits, or more broadly all benefits from property. See also equitable interest, legal interest.

chattel -- Personal property, as opposed to real property.

chattel real -- An interest in land classified for some purposes, e.g. succession, as personal property rather than real property. The interest of a termor is a chattel real.

class gift -- A grant or devise to a group of people who are described but not named, e.g. “to the children of A”.

common -- See tenancy in common.

common law -- The judge-made law of England received by the United States in the 18th and early 19th centuries. The common law of estates and future interests is normally thought to include the “common law statutes,” i.e., De Donis, Quia Emptores, Uses, and a statute of wills. There is no agreement as to what date should be regarded as the cutoff for the common law, but in the field of estates and land and future interests, “common law” normally refers to some period before the statutory reforms of the middle decades of the 19th century.

common recovery -- A conveyancing device employing fictitious litigation. By common recovery the tenant in tail may dock or bar the entail and convey a full fee simple.

community property -- Not a common law concept but a device of the civil law whereby husband and wife become, roughly, tenants in common, of all that either of them acquires as a result of his/her efforts during the marriage.

concurrent interest -- Any undivided present or future interest shared by more than one person. See also joint tenancy, tenancy by coparcenary, tenancy by the entireties, tenancy in common.

condition precedent -- A condition that by the terms of the grant or devise must be fulfilled prior to interest’s vesting. The condition may be express, e.g. “to Joan if she obtains a college degree”, or implied, e.g., “to Joan’s first-born son” when Joan has no sons.

condition subsequent -- A defeasing condition, one that will terminate or modify the interest after it has vested.

conditional limitation -- An a defeasing condition with further provision as to what is to happen if the condition is fulfilled. The term is ambiguous, but is frequently applied to determinable fees and those subject to an executory limitation but not to fees subject to a right of entry or power of termination retained in the grantor/devisor. Sometimes the term is applied only to fees subject to an executory limitation. See also fee simple conditional.

condominiums -- A form of ownership of real estate, largely the creature of statute, in which the condominium owner holds title to his/her unit and has a concurrent interest in the common property of the condominium.

contingent interest -- Normally applied only to future interests, the phrase implies the presence of conditions precedent.

contingent remainder -- A remainder subject to one or more conditions precedent other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate. See also destructibility.

conveyance -- Alienation of an interest in real property. Sometimes the word is confined to alienations inter vivos.

cooperatives -- A form of holding real estate, in which the cooperator is a stock holder in a corporation which owns real estate and which leases to the cooperator a unit within the cooperative.

coparceners -- A form of concurrent interest held by the female heirs of a decedent who left no male heir. See tenancy by coparcenary.

cotenants -- The holders of a concurrent interest.

coverture -- The period during which a woman is married to a particular husband.

curtesy -- The right of the husband to a life estate in all lands in which his wife had a beneficial interest during coverture. The estate arises upon the birth of child who cries to the four walls and only applies to those lands which the issue of the marriage might inherit. During coverture after the birth of issue, curtesy is described as initiate. After the death of the wife the husband surviving her the curtesy is described as consummate.

De Donis -- A statute in 1285 that, in effect, prevented the holder of fee tail from conveying, in effect, more than a life estate for his life.

defeasible interest -- A determinable interest or one subject to a condition subsequent.

descent -- Succession to an interest in real property upon the death of the holder of the interest.

destructibility -- Contingent remainders are destroyed: (1) if the precedent condition is not fulfilled; (2) at common law if the precedent condition is not fulfilled prior to the expiration of the preceding estate; and (3) at common law, by merger if the holder of the preceding estate acquires the reversion in fee.

determinable interest -- An interest that expires of its own terms upon the happening of some contingency. Words such as “so long as,” “while” and “until” normally create determinable interests. Determinable interests, if not followed by a valid executory interest, are normally followed by an express or implied possibility of reverter in the grantor/devisor.

descent -- Succession to real property when the holder dies intestate.

defeasance -- The termination of an interest other than by its natural expiration. Determinable fees and life estates and fees and life estates subject to a condition subsequent are all defeasible interests.

devise -- Alienation of an interest in real property by will or testament. See also executory devise.

disabling restraint -- See restraints on alienation.

distribution -- Succession to personal property when the holder dies intestate.

dock the entail -- Remove from a fee tail the characteristic that it may only be inherited by the issue of the first tenant in tail.

Doctrine of Worthier Title -- If a grant or devise expressly creates a remainder in the heirs of the grantor/devisor, that remainder is a nullity. The grantor/devisor retains a reversion which passes (unless otherwise disposed of) to his heirs by descent rather than by purchase.

donee -- The holder of an estate, normally a freehold estate. Usually synonymous with “purchaser.”

dower -- The right of a wife who survives her husband to be assigned a life estate in one-third of all lands of which the husband was seised, or entitled to be seised, of an estate in fee simple or fee tail, during coverture, which estate the issue of the marriage, if any, might have inherited. During the marriage dower is described as “inchoate.” Upon the death of the husband, the wife surviving, the wife acquires the right to have dower assigned. Once assigned dower becomes an alienable interest.

entail -- See fee tail.

entireties -- See tenancy by the entirety.

entry -- See right of entry.

equitable interest -- An interest that only the Chancery Court would recognize and defend. (Normally, equitable interests are good only among the parties to the transaction creating the interest, those in privity with them, and those who have notice of the transaction.) See also beneficial interest, legal interest.

executory limitation -- See fee subject to an executory limitation.

estate -- The right to possession of real property. (Normally the term estate is applied only to freehold interests, but its application to non-freehold interests, e.g. “an estate for years,” is accurate.)

estate for years -- See “term.”

executed -- See Uses.

executory devise -- A springing or shifting use created by will.

executory interest -- Springing and shifting uses and executory devises. Specifically, any future interest created in someone other than the grantor/devisor that cannot take effect upon the natural expiration of the preceding estate. Examples of executory interests include interests that take effect upon the defeasance of a present fee or life estate and upon the defeasance of a reversion or remainder in fee or for life and feoffments in futuro.

expiration -- See natural expiration.

farm -- See fee farm.

fee -- A descendible freehold estate of potentially infinite duration.

fee farm -- A fee interest subject to a rent.

fee simple -- A fee that may be inherited by the holder’s heirs general, i.e. anyone who would qualify as the holder’s heir.

fee simple conditional -- Prior to the statute De Donis, grants in the form “to A and the heirs of his body” were held to create a fee in A subject to the precedent condition that A have issue. These are called fees simple conditional.

fee simple determinable -- See determinable interest.

fee subject to an executory limitation -- A defeasible fee followed by an executory interest.

fee subject to a term of years -- The interest of the landlord in a landlord-tenant relationship, sometimes called the landlord’s “reversion.”

fee tail -- A fee that may be inherited only by the issue (or a class of the issue) of the first donee in tail.

fee tail female -- A fee tail that may be inherited only by the female issue of the first donee in tail.

fee tail general -- A fee tail that may be inherited by any of the issue of the first donee in tail.

fee tail male -- A fee tail that may be inherited only by the male issue of the first donee in tail.

fee tail special -- A fee tail that may be inherited only by the issue of the first donee in tail and a particular spouse of his/hers.

female -- See fee tail female.

feoffment -- A common law mode of conveyance in which seisin was physically transferred from the conveyor to the conveyee.

feoffment in futuro -- A grant or devise to begin at some time after the effective date of the instrument. Feoffments in futuro were void at common law but could be created by way of executory interest.

feoffment to uses -- A feoffment in which the feoffor retains the beneficial interest in the property in himself or conveys it to someone other than the feofees. See also uses, Uses.

fine -- A conveyancing device employing fictitious litigation. Used to bar dower and, in some periods, to dock and bar entails.

forfeiture -- At common law the holder of interests in real property forfeited his interest by committing treason or felony, also by certain types of waste and by certain types of attempts to convey more than he had.

forfeiture restraint -- See restraints on alienation.

freehold -- Estates for life and in fee. Estates that give the tenant seisin as well as the right to possession.

future interest -- An interest in real property that may be fully exercised or enjoyed only at some future time. When applied to estates, the term “future interest” refers to a right to possession to commence some time in the future. The fact that an estate is a future interest does not necessarily mean that it is not alienable, devisable or descendible.

general -- See fee tail general.

gift -- The alienation of property for no consideration. Also, the conveyance inter vivos of a possessory interest in land.

grant -- The conveyance inter vivos of a non-possessory interest in land. More broadly, any alienation of an interest in land inter vivos.

heir -- The person or persons entitled to succeed to the interests in real property of someone who is deceased. inalienable interest -- At common law contingent remainders, executory interests, possibilities of reverter and rights of entry could not normally be conveyed inter vivos. All these interests could descend to the heirs at law of the deceased holder, and contingent remainders and executory interests could be devised. Rights of entry could not be devised, and there was doubt whether possibilities of reverter could be devised.

inchoate dower -- See dower.

inter vivos -- “Between living persons.” Frequently used to describe alienations where the alienor is living at the time of the effective date of the alienation.

interest -- The broadest term for rights, powers and privileges that the law will recognize in property.

intestate -- Without a will.

issue -- Lineal descendants (children, grandchildren, great grandchildren, etc.)

joint tenancy -- A concurrent interest in which all tenants acquire at the same time and by the same instrument an equal share in the same interest, with the right to succeed to each other. See also severance.

jure uxoris -- An estate of the husband in the land of his wife. The estate gives the husband the right to the profits of the land and to manage and control them during coverture.

legal interest -- An interest that the central royal courts of common law would recognize and defend. Normally, legal interests are “good as against the whole world” or at least against most third parties. See also beneficial interest, equitable interest.

limitation -- A description of the type of interest in question (for how long, under what conditions, etc.), but not who is to take it. See also conditional limitation.

male -- See fee tail male.

married women’s property acts -- Statutes passed in virtually every common law jurisdiction during the 19th and early 20th centuries. They normally state that married women may hold and convey property as if they were unmarried.

measuring life -- The life or lives within which an interest must vest in order to be valid under the Rule Against Perpetuities, or the life that determines the length of an estate pur autre vie.

merger -- When one person comes to hold an estate for years or for life and a future interest in fee simple the “lesser” interest for years or life combines with the interest in fee simple giving the holder just a fee simple. Merger does not take place when the interests are created at the same time, nor when the first interest is in fee tail, nor when there is an intervening vested interest. Merger does take place if a current possessor for life later acquires a reversion or remainder in fee, even if there is an intervening contingent remainder. See destructibility.

moiety -- The share in property of a cotenant other than a tenant by the entirety.

natural expiration of an estate -- Natural expiration of an estate occurs only upon the happening of any of the following the events: (1) the death of a tenant of a life estate; (2) the death of the measuring life of an estate pur autre vie; (3) the death of a tenant in tail when all the issue of the first donee in tail to whom the estate was limited have predeceased the tenant.

non-freehold -- Estates for years, periodic tenancies, tenancies at will, and tenancies at sufferance. Estates that give the tenant only possession and not seisin.

partition -- The right of one concurrent tenant to demand that his share of the tenancy be given to him solely, either in kind or after a judicial sale.

partnership -- See tenancy in partnership.

periodic tenancy -- A non-freehold estate that lasts from one period time to another unless and until terminated by notice from landlord to tenant or vice versa. Tenancies from week-to-week, month-to-month, and year-to-year are the most common forms (though not the only possible forms) of periodic tenancies.

Perpetuities -- See Rule Against Perpetuities.

possibility of reverter -- A future interest in the grantor/devisor giving the holder the right to possession immediately upon the termination of a determinable interest.

power of appointment -- A device used in modern estate planning whereby the holder of the power has the power of determining to whom a particular interest should go. Powers may be inter vivos or testamentary, or both. They may be general, in which case the holder of the power may appoint to anyone, including him- or herself, or they may be special, in which case the holder of the power may choose among a specified group or class of people or insitutions. (Charitable powers of appointment are quite common.)

power of termination -- See right of entry.

precedent -- See condition precedent.

present estate -- An estate in which the holder has the immediate right to possession.

primogeniture -- A system of intestate succession in which the eldest male heir is preferred over others in the same degree of kinship.

promissory restraint -- See restraints on alienation.

pur autre vie -- For the life of another. An estate pur autre vie is a life estate for the life of someone other than the tenant.

purchase -- A description of who is to take the interest in question. Confusingly, in the vocabulary of estates in land “purchase” has nothing to do with whether consideration has passed for the transaction. A purely donative transaction will contain “words of purchase,” describing the alienee(s).

qualified fee -- An ambiguous term sometimes referring to defeasible fees generally and sometimes describing only determinable fees.

Quia Emptores -- A statute in 1290 that prohibited the subinfeudation of land and, in effect, permitted tenants alienate by substitution without obtaining permission of their lords.

remainder -- A future interest in someone other than the grantor/devisor that may become possessory upon the natural expiration of a preceding estate. See also contingent remainder, vested interest.

rent -- The right to a money payment issuing out of land normally held by non-freeholder and normally payable to the landlord (freeholder).

restraints on alienation -- A condition or covenant in a grant or devise that expressly limits the power of the grantee or devisee to alienate an otherwise alienable interest. Restraints on alienation are traditionally categorized into three types: (1) disabling restraints, those which purport to remove the characteristic of alienability from the interest in question; (2) forfeiture restraints, those which purport to make the interest defeasible if an attempt is made to alienate it; (3) promissory restraints, in which the grantee/devisee covenants not to alienate the interest. Most restraints on alienation of freehold interests are void.

resulting use -- After the Statute of Uses a legal interest in a feoffor to uses who attempted to retain all or part of the beneficial interest in him/herself.

reversion -- A vested future interest in the grantor/devisor, expressed in the grant or devise or implied when the grantor devisor fails to convey the entire interest that he/she has. See also fee subject to a term of years.

reversionary interest -- Any future interest in the grantor/devisor, i.e., reversions, rights of entry and possibilities of reverter.

reverter -- A possibility of reverter. Also, a future interest in the grantor following upon a fee simple conditional.

right of entry -- A future interest in the grantor/devisor, which gives him/her the option of taking back an estate that has been granted on a condition subsequent. For our purposes rights of entry and powers of termination are synonymous.

Rule Against Perpetuities -- “No interest is good unless it must vest, if at all, not later than twenty-one years after some life or lives in being at the creation of the interest.” For perpetuities purposes, all interests retained by the grantor/devisor are vested; executory interests do not vest until they become possessory (an exception being made for executory interests subject to no contingency other than the termination of a determinable term of years); and remainders vest when they become vested remainders.

Rule in Shelley’s Case -- If a grant or devise creates some freehold estate in an ancestor and if, in the same conveyance, a remainder of the same quality (legal or equitable as the case may be) is expressly limited to the heirs or heirs of the body of that same ancestor, then the phrase “and his heirs” or “and the heirs of his body” is treated as words of limitation not words of purchase, i.e. the ancestor takes both the freehold estate created in him and the remainder.

severance -- The power to defeat the right of another joint tenant to succeed to the interest of joint tenant by conveying all or part of the interest to another.

Shelley’s Case -- See Rule in Shelley’s Case.

shifting use -- An executory interest the effect of which is to shift a vested interest from one donee to another. Hence, any future interest created in a third party that defeases a prior vested interest.

simple -- See fee simple.

special -- See fee tail special.

springing use -- An executory interest that springs out of the seisin of the seisin of the grantor/devisor. Hence, an executory interest that makes the grantor/devisor’s interest defeasible. Feoffments in futuro are springing uses.

statute -- See De Donis, married women’s property acts, Quia Emptores, Uses, Wills.

subinfeudation -- A form of alienation in which the grantor retained the feudal lordship of the land in himself. Subinfeudation was abolished (prospectively) by the statute Quia Emptores.

subsequent -- See condition subsequent.

substitution -- A form of alienation in which the grantor substitutes the grantee for himself as tenant of the next higher lord.

succession -- The broadest term for the passage of property interests upon the death of the holder intestate. Sometimes expanded to include the passage of title to property by will.

sufferance -- See tenancy at sufferance.

tenancy -- Historically synonymous with estate. Today, we tend to use the word “tenancy” to describe non-freehold estates. See also periodic tenancy and below.

tenancy at sufferance -- A situation in which the landlord may choose to treat the tenant as holding an estate or may treat him as a trespasser. Normally this arises when the tenant has held over after the end of his term.

tenancy at will -- A non-freehold estate that is immediately terminable by notice by either party at any time.

tenancy by coparcenary -- A form of concurrent interest in which the coparceners hold as a unit like joint tenants but without the right to succeed to each other. Coparceners had a common law right to partition their tenancy.

tenancy by the entirety -- A concurrent interest, much like joint tenancy, except that the tenants must be husband and wife, and there is no power of severance.

tenancy in common -- A concurrent interest which fails to be joint tenancy either because it is expressly declared not be one or because it is not characterized by the unity of time, title or interest. Upon the death of one tenant in common his/her interest passes to his/her heirs or devisees and not to the other tenants in common.

tenancy in partnership -- Not a common law concept, but a creation of statute, whereby the partners become, roughly, tenants in common, of the property acquired by the partnership for partnership purposes.

tenant -- The current possessor of a tenancy.

term of years -- A non-freehold estate that will last for some fixed period of days, months or years.

testator -- The maker of a will.

testament -- For our purposes, synonymous with “will.”

trust -- An active use, one not executed by the Statute of Uses because the trustees have something to do other than simply holding legal title.

use -- The beneficial interest in property the legal title to which was held by feofees, whose sole function was hold the legal title. See resulting use, springing use, shifting use.

Uses -- A statute in 1536 that converted (“executed”) equitable uses into legal interests. See also trusts.

vest -- To take effect. Opposite of contingent. “Vest” is probably the most difficult word on this list. The problem with it is that future interests may vest (“vest in interest”) before they have become possessory (“vest in possession”), if there is no precedent condition to their becoming possessory other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate. At common law vested interests were alienable even if they had not become possessory.

vested interest -- An interest subject to no conditions precedent other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate. Since executory interests cannot follow after the natural expiration of a preceding estate, executory interests cannot become vested until they become possessory. By convention all interests retained by the grantor (reversions, possibilities of reverter and rights of entry) are vested.

vested remainder -- A remainder subject to no precedent condition other than the natural expiration of the preceding estate.

vested subject to partial divestment --
vested subject to open -- A future interest in a class, one or more members of which have been identified, but which may still be increased by newly-identified members. A future interest “to the children of A” is vested subject to partial divestment or vested subject to open if A has one or more children and is still alive.

waste -- Acts that diminish the capital value of land. Possessors of land are frequently liable to holders of future interests in the same land if the former commit waste.

will -- A form of alienation to take effect on the death of the testator. Wills have no effect while the testator is alive and may be changed or revoked so long as the testator lives and is competent. See also tenancy at will.

Wills -- A statute in 1540 that permitted the devise of legal interests in real property. More broadly, any statute that so provides.

words of limitation -- See limitation.

words of purchase -- See purchase.

Worthier Title -- See Doctrine of Worthier Title.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fee_tail

n English common law, fee tail or entail is a form of trust established by deed or settlement which restricts the sale or inheritance of an estate in real property and prevents the property from being sold, devised by will, or otherwise alienated by the tenant-in-possession, and instead causes it to pass automatically by operation of law to an heir pre-determined by the settlement deed. The term fee tail is from Medieval Latin feodum talliatum, which means "cut(-short) fee", and is in contrast to "fee simple" where no such restriction exists and where the possessor has an absolute title (although subject to the allodial title of the monarch) in the property which he can bequeath or otherwise dispose of as he wishes. Equivalent legal concepts exist or formerly existed in many other European countries and elsewhere

Purpose[edit]

The fee tail allowed a patriarch to perpetuate his blood-line, family-name, honour and armorials[1] in the persons of a series of powerful and wealthy male descendants. By keeping his estate intact in the hands of one heir alone, in an ideally indefinite and pre-ordained chain of succession, his own wealth, power and family honour would not be dissipated amongst several male lines, as became the case for example in Napoleonic France by operation of the Napoleonic Code which gave each child the legal right to inherit an equal share of the patrimony, where a formerly great landowning family could be reduced in a few generations to a series of small-holders or peasant farmers. It therefore approaches the true corporation which is a legal body or person which does not die and continues in existence and can hold wealth indefinitely. Indeed, as a form of trust, whilst the individual trustees may die, replacements are appointed and the trust itself continues, ideally indefinitely. In England almost seamless successions were made from patriarch to patriarch, the smoothness of which were often enhanced by baptising the eldest son and heir with his father's Christian name for several generations, for example the FitzWarin family, all named Fulk. Such indefinite inalienable land-holdings were soon seen as restrictive on the optimum productive ability of land, which was often converted to deer-parks or pleasure grounds by the wealthy tenant-in-possession, which was damaging to the nation as a whole, and thus laws against perpetuities were enacted, which restricted entails to a maximum number of lives.[citation needed]

An entail also had the effect of disabling illegitimate children from inheriting. It created complications for many propertied families, especially from about the late 17th to the early 19th century, leaving many individuals wealthy in land but heavily in debt, often due to annuities chargeable on the estate payable to the patriarch's widow and younger children, where the patriarch was swayed by sentiment not to establish a strict concentration of all his wealth in his heir leaving his other beloved relatives destitute. Frequently in such cases the generosity of the settlor left the entailed estate as an uneconomical enterprise, especially during times when the estate's fluctuating agricultural income had to provide for fixed sum annuities. Such impoverished tenants-in-possession were unable to realise in cash any part of their land or even to offer the property as security for a loan, to pay such annuities, unless sanctioned by private Act of Parliament allowing such sale, which expensive and time-consuming mechanism was frequently resorted to. The beneficial owner (or tenant-in-possession) of the property in fact had only a life interest in it, albeit an absolute right to the income it generated, the legal owners being the trustees of the settlement, with the remainder passing intact to the next successor or heir in law; any purported bequest of the land by the tenant-in-possession was ineffective.[citation needed]

History[edit]

Fee tail was established during feudal times by landed gentry to attempt to ensure that the high social standing of the family, as represented by a single patriarch, continued indefinitely. The concentration of the family's wealth into the hands of a single representative was essential to support this process. Unless the heir had himself inherited the personal and intellectual strengths of the original great patriarch, often a great warrior, which alone had brought him from obscurity to greatness, he would soon sink again into obscurity, and required wealth to maintain his social standing. This feature of English gentry and aristocracy differs from the true aristocracy which existed in pre-Revolution France, where all sons of a nobleman inherited his title and were thus inescapably members of a separate noble caste in society. In England all younger sons of a nobleman were born as mere gentlemen and commoners, and without the support of wealth could quickly descend into obscurity, the eldest son alone being a nobleman. On this eldest son was concentrated the honour of the family, and to him alone was granted all its wealth to support his role in that regard, by the process of the fee tail.

Statute of Westminster 1285[edit]

The Statute of Westminster II, passed in 1285, created and fixed the form of this estate. The new law was also formally called the statute De Donis Conditionalibus (Concerning Conditional Gifts).

Opponents[edit]

Fee tail was never popular with the monarchy, the merchant class and many holders of entailed estates themselves who wished to sell their land.

Abolition[edit]

Fee tail as a legal estate in England was abolished by the Law of Property Act 1925.[2]

Continuing use[edit]

A fee tail can still exist in England and Wales as an equitable interest, behind a strict settlement; the legal estate is vested in the current 'tenant for life' or other person immediately entitled to the income, but on the basis that any capital money arising must be paid to the settlement trustees. A tenant in tail in possession can bar his fee tail by a simple disentailing deed, which does not now have to be enrolled. A tenant in tail in reversion (i.e. a future interest where the property is subject to prior life interest) needs the consent of the life tenant and any 'special protectors' to vest a reversionary fee simple in himself. Otherwise he can only create a base fee; a base fee only confers a right to the property on its owner, when its creator would have become entitled to it; if its creator dies before he would have received it, the owner of the base fee gets nothing. No new "fees tail" can now be created following the Trusts of Land and Appointment of Trustees Act 1996.[3]

In the US, conservation easements are a form of entail still in use.

Creation[edit]

Traditionally, a fee tail was created by a trust established in a deed, often a marriage settlement, or in a will "to A and the heirs of his body". The crucial difference between the words of conveyance and the words that created a fee simple ("to A and his heirs") is that the heirs "in tail" must be the children begotten by the landowner. It was also possible to have "fee tail male", which only sons could inherit, and "fee tail female", which only daughters could inherit; and "fee tail special", which had a further condition of inheritance, usually restricting succession to certain "heirs of the body" and excluding others. Land subject to these conditions was said to be "entailed" or "held in-tail", with the restrictions themselves known as entailments.

Breaking of fee-tail[edit]

The breaking of a fee tail was simplified by the Fines and Recoveries Act 1833,[4] which replaced the conveyance for making a tenant to the praecipe for suffering a common recovery. This was the usual preliminary to a recovery with a disentailing assurance, which had to be enrolled. The need for this to be followed by the fictitious proceeding of a common recovery was abolished.

The requirement that a disentailing assurance should be enrolled was abolished in 1926.[5]

Mortgage of entailed lands[edit]

Lending upon security of a mortgage on land in fee tail was risky, since at the death of the tenant-in-possession, his personal estate ceased to have any right to the estate or to the income it generated. The absolute right to the income generated by the estate passed by operation of law to parties who had no legal obligation to the lender, who therefore could not enforce payment of interest on the new tenants-in-possession. The largest estate a possessor in fee tail could convey to someone else was an estate for the term of the grantor's own life. If all went as planned, it was therefore impossible for the succession of patriarchs to lose the land, which was the idea.

Failure of issue[edit]

Main article: Failure of issue

Things did not always go as planned, however. Tenants-in-possession of entailed estates occasionally suffered "failure of issue" — that is, they had no legitimate children surviving them at the time of their deaths. In this situation the entailed land devolved to male cousins, i.e. back up and through the family tree to legitimate male descendants of former tenants-in-possession, or reverted to the last owner in fee simple, if still living. This situation produced complicated litigation and was an incentive for the production and maintenance of detailed and authoritative family pedigrees and supporting records of marriage, births, baptisms etc.

Depending on how the original deed or grant was worded, in the event of there being daughters but no sons, all the sisters might inherit jointly, it might pass to the eldest sister, it might be held in trust until one of them should produce a (legitimate) son, or it might pass to the next male-line relative (an uncle, say, or even a--sometimes very distant--cousin.)

Common recovery[edit]

In the 15th century, lawyers devised "common recovery", an elaborate legal procedure which used collaborative lawsuits and legal fictions to "bar" a fee tail, that is to say to remove the restrictions of fee tail from land and to enable its conveyance in fee simple.

Resettlement[edit]

In the 17th and 18th centuries the practice arose whereby when the son came of age (at 21), he and his father acting together could bar the existing fee tail, and could then re-settle the land in fee tail, again on the father for life, then to the son for life and his heirs male successively, but at the same time making provision for annuities chargeable on the estate for the father's widow, daughters and younger sons, and most importantly, and as an incentive for the son to participate in the re-settlement, an income for the son during his father's lifetime. This process effectively evaded the law against perpetuities, as the entail in law had been terminated, but in practice continued. In this way an estate could stay in a family for many generations, yet emerged on re-settlement often fatally weakened, or much more susceptible to agricultural downturns, from the onerous annuities now chargeable on it.

Formedon[edit]

Formedon (or form down etc.) was a right of writ exercisable by a holder in fee for claiming property entailed by a lessee beyond the terms of his feoffment.[clarification needed] A letter dated 1539 from the Lisle Letters describes the circumstances of its use:[6]

"I received your ladyship's letter by which ye willed me to speak with my Lady Coffyn for her title in East Haggynton in the county of Devon who had one estate in tail to him and to his heirs of her body begotten; and now he is dead without issue of his body so that the reversion should revert to Mr John Basset and to his heirs so there be no let nor discontinuance of the same made by Sir William Coffyn in his life. Howbeit Mr Richard Coffyn, next heir to Sir William Coffyn, claimeth the same by his uncle's feoffment to him and to his heirs so that the law will put Mr John Basset from his entry and to compel him to take his action of form down which is much dilatory as Mr Basset knoweth"

Tenants in Common

In a joint tenancy, the right of survivorship allows the remaining tenants to take over a tenant's property share if they die. In a tenancy in common, the deceased person's share will pass to their heirs through a will or through the probate process rather than to the surviving tenants.

Primogeniture

http://sc_tories.tripod.com/law_of_primogeniture_in_the_south.htm

LAW OF PRIMOGENITURE IN THE SOUTH

BY PHIL NORFLEET

PRIMOGENITURE CONCERNS REAL PROPERTY

The old English Law of Primogeniture concerns the inheritance of "real property" only, such as land, buildings, etc. Under this law, the eldest living son (the "heir at law") inherited all the real property of the father if the father died intestate, i.e., without a will. If a will had been made, then the will's stipulations would govern. Since primogeniture was such a well known and standard procedure in the English speaking world, no specific mention of this transfer of title to the deceased's real property would usually be made in the court records concerning the estate.

DIVISION OF PERSONAL PROPERTY

Conversely, the personal property of the deceased, such as cattle, horses, furniture, notes due the estate, etc. was NOT subject to primogeniture and would customarily be equally divided among all the children, both male and female. The widow was entitled to her right of dower, meaning a right to one-third of the personal property during her lifetime. After her death the entire estate could be sold and the proceeds divided among all the heirs. Accordingly, even if Primogeniture was applicable, it still was necessary to make an inventory of the deceased's personal property, as soon as possible after death. The inventory would form the basis for the subsequent division of the estate, even if the final division might not be made until years later. Many genealogists, including many professionals, do not seem to fully understand this need for an inventory when Primogeniture is applicable.

Life Expectancy

Kingston in the 1740’s and 50’s, the annual death rate was 20%, similar to London during the Great Plague, but every year, due partly to the new arrivals and shipping crews.
Infant mortality, before age 5, was 46% pre 1700, but it was 60% after.
1/3 of 20 year olds failed to reach 30 and ½. Of 30 years olds died before 40.
sugar barons p292

Monetary Values

Cost and Wage Inflation

     Standard inflation indices give a historical picture of the changing cost of goods they do not relate those costs to historical income. Cost changes related to wages gives an easier way to understand the values given in historical documents. A spot comparison between wage and price inflation for 1755 to 2015 shows a ratio of 196 for prices and 637 for wages.
     The table below shows the wage rates for various trades between 1755 & 1851, in £ Sterling. Wage rates for equivalent trades in 2012, factored to 2015, were used to produce a factor converting historical costs to current values, based on wage rates as opposed to nominal inflation.
     The second to last line shows the ratio between sterling at the column date and 2015 sterling.
     The last line shows the same ratio related to Jamaican pounds, using a nominal exchange rates.

	1755	1781	1797	1805	1810	1815	1819	1827	1835	1851
farm labourers	17	21	30	40	42	40	39	31	30	29
non-farm common labour	21	23	25	37	44	44	42	44	39	45
messengers & porters	34	34	58	69	76	81	81	84	87	89
other government low-wage	29	46	47	52	57	60	61	59	59	66
police & guards	26	48	47	51	68	69	69	63	63	54
colliers	23	24	48	65	63	57	50	55	56	55
government high-wage	79	104	134	151	177	195	219	223	270	235
shipbuilding trades	39	45	52	51	55	59	57	62	63	64
engineering trades	44	51	58	76	88	95	93	81	77	84
building trades	31	36	41	55	66	66	63	66	60	66
cotton spinners	36	42	48	65	78	68	68	59	65	59
printing trades	46	54	67	71	79	79	71	70	70	75
clergy	92	183	139	266	284	273	167	255	159	267
solicitors and barristers	231	243	165	340	448	448	448	523	1167	1838
clerks	64	102	135	150	178	201	230	240	269	236
surgeons & doctors	62	88	175	218	218	218	218	175	101	201
schoolmasters	16	17	43	43	51	51	69	69	82	81
engineers & surveyors	138	170	190	291	305	338	326	266	399	479
Modern Year	57	74	83	116	132	136	132	135	173	223
2015	637	491	435	312	275	268	275	269	210	162
Historical Amount £J
1	455	351	311	223	196	191	197	192	150	116

Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Inflation

Urbanization and Inflation: Lessons from the English Price Revolution of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

Jack A. Goldstone

American Journal of Sociology

Vol. 89, No. 5 (Mar., 1984), pp. 1122-1160 (JSTOR)
Urbanization and Inflation: Lessons from the English Price Revolution of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries1

Jack A. Goldstone Northwestern University

The English price revolution (the 500% rise in prices from 1500 to 1650) has been attributed by some to an excess of money, due to bullion imports from the New World, and by others to an excess of people, due to population growth. This essay shows both accounts to be severely flawed. A simple model of the impact of urban networks on monetary circulation is developed it argues that taking account of the effects of urbanization and occupational specialization on the velocity of money provides a fuller understanding of the price revolution than explanations based simply on aggregate population growth or changes in the money supply due to an influx of American metals. Implications are drawn for accounts of inflation in both early modern Europe and the contemporary developing world.
The gleam of gold and silver has dazzled many an eye. For many economic historians, Spanish gold and silver imported from America long outshone all other factors in accounting for the “price revolution”—the century and a half of sustained inflation that accompanied, and in the view' of many caused, early modern Europe’s rapid steps toward a more specialized, urban, market economy.
From 1400 to 1500, and from 1650 to 1750, prices in England remained virtually unchanged. Yet in the intervening century and a half the price level rose 500% (see table 1). A price rise of similar magnitude occurred at roughly the same time throughout most of Europe. Although economists and historians have been the main disputants in analyzing the price revolution, this early occurrence of sustained inflation is of crucial importance to two groups of sociologists.

1 I have benefited greatly from criticisms by Joel Mokyr and Christopher Winship, discussions with the Northwestern University Economic History Seminar and the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, and suggestions from the referees of AJS, none of whom bear any responsibility for remaining errors. Requests for reprints should be sent to Jack A. Goldstonc, Department of Sociology, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois 60201.

First, the price revolution occurred during the period that witnessed the origins of capitalism and of the modern nation-state indeed, the rise in prices has been cited as a key factor in both developments by Marxist and Weberian scholars alike (Wallerstein 1974, pp. 77-84 Collins 1980, pp. 939-40). The roots of the price revolution are thus tied to the central concerns of historical sociology. Second, the question why an inflationary era arose suddenly and was sustained for over a century is of interest to scholars studying the economic development of contemporary nations entering the early phases of economic growth. Since the 1960s, Third World countries have sought by various paths to attain the status of economically developed, modern nation-states. Yet most have also been buffeted by sustained inflation. Understanding the sources of the price revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries may provide models and insights for coping with a contemporary inflationary era.

TABLE 1

Prices in England 1410-1749 (Indexed to 1490-1509 = 100)

	A Composite of Foodstuffs and Manufactures That Form a Market Basket of Consumables*	Wheatt	A Sample of Industrial Products*	Day Wage of Agrarian Laborer§
1410-29	105
1430-49	105
1450-69	99			100
1470-89	102			99
1490-1509	100	100	100	100
1510-29	126	130	108	103
1530-49	169	160	121	113
1550-69	276	295	206	167
1570-89	327	352	232	203
1590-1609	461	508	252	217
1610-29	508	574	274	239
1630-49	600	722	300	293\|\|
1650-69	624	654	335
1670-89	621	581	303
1690-1709	602	639	297
1710-29	616	591	274
1730-49	560	488	279

* Calculated from Phelps-Brown and Hopkins <10626). pp 194-95 t Calculated from Hoskins (1968), pp 28-31 t Calculated from Coleman (1977), pp 23, 101-2 § Calculated from Coleman (1977), p 23.

|| The wages of artisans and craft laborers in Southern England followed virtually the same rate of increase as agricultural wages, roughly tripling from 1500 to 1650 (Phelps-Brown and Hopkins 1962a)

Land Prices 1700

From: Planters, Merchants, and Slaves: Plantation Societies in British America By Trevor Burnard 2016

During the 1690s, however, the price of land in Jamaica skyrocketed. The price increases are somewhat evident in the average price per acre, which increased to 68 pence per acre in St. Andrew in the 1690s, 78 pence per acre in the 1700s, 95 pence per acre in the 1710s, and, most dramatically, £1.89 per acre in the 1720s. The rise in average price per acre is misleading, however, because these prices include mountainous land, which was difficult to cultivate and thus very cheap. Land on the settled area of the Liguanea plains was considerably more expensive. Cleared land became very expensive and well out of reach for all except big planters. In 1695, for example, a parcel of 40 acres sold for £133, while in 1697 a sugar plantation of 126 acres fetched £333. The early years of the eighteenth century saw prices increase further. In 1700 60 acres went for £300, while in 1701 28 acres of prime land was sold for £206. The following year saw a fully developed sugar plantation of 300 acres sold for £1,000. That plantation was sold again six years later at a whopping profit, with the price for 300 acres now at £2,500. In 1713 another prime sugar property of 262 acres was sold for £2,200, while 80 acres of cane land sold for £800. Such prices were out of reach for ordinary whites with inventoried wealth of under £200 and annual incomes of around £20. Despite these constraints, landownership was not completely out of reach for ordinary white men. Small plantations never disappeared completely from the parish. As late as 1754 there were 128 small estates in St. Andrew producing provisions, coffee, ginger, cotton, and livestock.

Jamaica Currency

In 1839, an Act was passed which stated that as of 31 December 1840, the currency of Britain should be that of Jamaica, that is, the lower denomination copper coins, farthing, half penny, penny ha'penny and penny as well as the higher denomination silver coins, three pence, six pence, shilling, florin half crown and crown. While the Spanish coins were demonetized, an exception was made in the case of the Spanish doubloon, which remained legal tender at a rate of 3.4.0, until it was demonetized on 01 April 1901.

See IMF paper
Evolution of the Colonial Sterling Exchange Standard

H. A. Shannon, Staff Papers (International Monetary Fund)

Vol. 1 (1950 - 1951), pp. 334-354 (21 pages)
Jstor

3 MAITLAND JAMAICA PROPERTY

3.1 Introduction

     The prime areas interest for Maitland research in Jamaica are the "pens" (cattle estates) of Giddy Hall, Mitcham and Silver Grove, all in or near St Elizabeth Parish in the South West of the Island. The next property to Giddy Hall, Mount Charles was also owned by Andrew Maitland, son of Francis (1). A property just in Westmoreland from St Elizabeth called The Cove was owned by Patty Penford. Its boundary started on the eastern edge of Scott’s Cove.
     Giddy Hall was the principal property, and, from the remains visible, was probably the most substantial most of the children were baptised there. It was bought by Francis Maitland in 1809 from the Delaroche family (or their creditors!). In 1840, Giddy Hall was shown as 2000 acres. It was shown as 1150 in 1845, but John Maitland at that date was the owner of 2 other properties, Kensington (300 acres, on the way to Montego Bay) and Rosehill (130 acres, adjoining Giddy Hall): this probably was a more specific description of the 1840 2000 acres. Later, the Cooper family had, in addition to Giddy Hall, Mount Lebanon, adjoining Giddy Hall, land on Forrest Mountain, and property called Middlesex pen a mile or two north of Giddy Hall. When Giddy Hall was owned by the Delaroche family at the end of the 18thC, it was in 4 parcels, totalling 1900 acres. It was said that the Maitlands owned most of the property between Lacovia and Black River.
      Mitchum and Silver Grove belonged to Ann Maitland's father Andrew Wright. They were at one stage joint owned by Francis and his brother-in-law, George Roberts. It would appear that at some stage the ownership was split with Mitcham Pen going to Francis' daughter Emma who married Samuel Sherman and Silver Grove going to the Roberts family.
      The area was visited by A Maitland in April 1998, and Giddy Hall, Mount Charles and Mitcham greathouses found. Black River was also visited. Descriptions of the properties are given below. Silver Grove was visited on a later trip in 2002.
       Copies of the original aerial survey photograph taken in 1954 have been obtained from the UK Ordnance Survey and reveal a lot of detail of the sites: both Mitcham and Giddy Hall were still standing then. Several photographs of Giddy Hall and Mount Charles taken in 1899 have been found in Peter Rushbrooke's collection.

3.2 BLACK RIVER & SURROUNDS

    The Black River, once known as Rio Caobana (Mahogany Rver), was a great obstacle to movement with its surrounding Morass. The first crossing point was a deep ford near what is now Lacovia, even there the water was usually about 5 feet deep. The modern road from the East through Lacovia still follows the earliest trail round the foot of the mountains down to Black River town before following the coast on to Savanna la Mar.

AMV1998:
    Giddy Hall and Mount Charles are about 1100 ft amsl on the crest of a limestone ridge above Middle Quarters at the Northwest corner the Black River lower flood plain, morass and estuary. The vegetation was prolific, but free water was a problem: water for the houses appeared to be rainwater fed. The main local centre is Black River, a small port town which probably looks much the same now as it did 150 years ago. In the early 19thC, it was an important town and port. It would have been about 1-2 hours drive by trap. The present church in the middle of town was in good condition and a beautiful example of a late Georgian church with many monuments to local dignitaries by smart London masons. In the churchyard was a gravestone for a Rebecca Wright who died 1805 aged (according to MI of Jamaica) 56. The stone was more weathered than when the MI survey was conducted.
     It seems very likely that this stone was that of Rebecca Dunston Wright, born 1749, the assumed mother of Francis Maitland. She was born free, and if she had a gravestone was a person of some consequence and resources. Beside Rebecca’s tomb is an identical one, but worn smooth, with no lettering visible. This must be that of Rebecca’s mother, Patty who was recorded as being buried in the churchyard. The Maitland family placed a plaque showing who these 2 women were in 2013:

     At least two Maitlands live locally, one at Hodges Land, near Giddy Hall and another who had recently returned to Black River and was a member of the church there.

3.3 GIDDY HALL

    Giddy Hall pen and the nearby settlement, are in St Elizabeth Parish about 10 miles NNW of Black River, on the high ground above the river flood plain.
    The origin of the name is not known, but there is a village in north Wiltshire, near Castle Combe, called Giddy Hall on the 1773 map or Giddeahall on other maps: perhaps this was a connection of the Delaroche family? A likely scenario is that Thomas Delaroche came from there and, like many, called his Colonial property by the same name as his “Old Country” home. The Jamaican dictionary of place names has the following: Giddy Hall: "... was first known, some claim, as Giddeon Hall and took the name of the first owner. When it became known as Giddy Hall is uncertain, but for many years it was owned by the Cooper family, who were English settlers."

     A Nicholas Delaroche had 2 parcels of land of 60 & 180 acres in St Elizabeth granted in 1675, but by Santa Cruz – this does not quite tie in with Carsbrook, another Delaroche property. Thomas Delaroche was granted 300 acres in 1735, the location not specified, except that it adjoined Mathew Rose to the South and Thomas Rabie on the south and east; the plat in the conveyance when Francis Maitland bought Giddy Hall, shows Thomas Rabie to the north, boundaries of which fit Giddy Hall. Rose Hill is shown on Liddell 1888 to the west of Giddy Hall: with that and the position of the Raby grant makes it likely that the 1735 grant was to the north west of Giddy Hall boundaries as delineated in the plat with the conveyance to Francis Maitland in 1809. Matthew Rose had children baptised in St Elizabeth in the relevant period.
      Giddy Hall is marked by name on Craskell’s map of 1763, surveyed in the latter half of the 1750’s (Browne’s map surveyed in about 1735 does not show anything in that area) and John Delaroche was shown in the 1754 return as owning 955 acres in St Elizabeth. This corresponds well with the size of Giddy Hall. It is likely that the Pen was established between 1735-54, probably by Thomas Delaroche. It first appears in the crop return for 1780, when it was owned by the heirs of John Delaroche (who died 1779). Thomas Delaroche’s oldest child was born in St Elizabeth in 1729, but his putative son, John does not appear in the parish records.
     Francis Maitland left all his estate to his wife Ann; she left it when she died in 1833 between her surviving children, with, by codicil, and instruction to pay Emma Rebecca her share in cash. The sons sold their shares at various times, the last being the sons of Francis Maitland 2, Francis 3 selling his 1/8^th in 1869, leaving his brother John with a remaining 1/8^th. John Maitland’s share when he died in 1853, passed to his wife, who then remarried John Myers Cooper. Indications in John’s will are that he bought some of his brothers out of Giddy Hall.
     It is interesting to note that Charlotte Bedford (Hill) Tomlinson, Dr. Andrew Wright Maitland's mother-in-law was born at Giddy Hall.
     We have photographs of the house from 1899, and aerial survey image of about 1952. There are what seem to be some stone piers to the east of the site of the recent house, still visible in 2011. One suggestion is that they might be the remains of an earlier structure which perhaps was destroyed in the earthquake and hurricane of October 1780.

See later in this paper for the Delaroche Family.

Giddy Hall was left by Francis Maitland to his wife Ann
Ann left the pen to her surviving children, at the time Andrew Wright, John, Francis, George, Alexander, Septimus, Octavius and Emme Rebecca. In a codicil, she instructed that her estate should be valued and that 1/8^th of that value should be given to Emma.
Alexander and Octavius had died under 21 by 1845, leaving the remaining 5 brothers with 1/5 each.
Francis died 1842, leaving his estate to his wife Harriet and her heirs (Francis/Frank, John & George).
In 1845, George agreed to sell his 1/5^th share of Giddy Hall and its stock to the other 4 parties for £600.
In 1850, Andrew Wright Maitland sold his ¼ share in the pen and its stock to brother John for £700. £210 of this was still due when brother john died in 1853.
1856: John’s widow, Augusta, married John Myers Cooper.
1858: Augusta died, leaving Cooper with ½ from John Maitland’s estate.
In 1859, Septimus sold his ¼ share to John Myers Cooper for £750. The implication of John’s will was that he, John would buy Septimu’s share for £700, but this evidently did not happen after John’s death.
In 1869, Francis 3 sold his 1/8^th share to John Myers Cooper for £350, leaving John Andrew Maitland, his brother with 1/8^th. At that time, Giddy Hall was 1050 acres.
1870: JA Maitland sold the remaining 1/8th share of GH for £400 with Septimus as attorney, JAM recently to China[5].

There are some deeds in the Gloucester Record Office pertaining to William Delaroche. The first is a deed dated November 10, 1793 by which William grants Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth to Joseph Longman of Thornbury for ten shillings. The deed identifies him as the nephew of John Delaroche mentioned in John's Will, and the second and youngest son of William Delaroche, John's brother.

The second deed, dated November 22, 1793, grants the property from Joseph Longman back to William Delaroche for ten shillings.

The following lands are listed as part of Giddy Hall:
400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom.
250 acres patented August 12, 1689 in the name of Thomas Spencer.
300 acres patented in 1697 in the name of Elisabeth Jones – seen 2/20.
950 acres of land situated in Luana Mountains cutting and bounding northerly on land belonging to Henry Louis Esq. Easterly on Robert Smith. Southerly on David Fyffe, and Westerly on lands belonging to Matthew Smith Senior Esq.
George Rolph was witness to both deeds.

Giddy Hall Almanacks & Crops

The Crop records are on the Excel sheet (Jamaica Inventories & Crops) in more detail. Slave Registration records are shown in detail in a later section.

1780: Crop heirs of JD, dcd livestock, cotton (1300lbs) Pimento (238 lbs), Logwood. £703/19/10

1781: Crop heirs of JD dcd, livestock 448 lbs cotton, 8 tons logwood, £408/16/8d

1782: Crop Stock, pimento (59 bags), 15 tons fustic, £799/5/3d

1783: Crop livestock, cotton (13 bags) Pimento (25 bags) 10 tons fustic. £473/13 excl pimento, cotton & fustic. Fustic abt £7/ton

1784: Crop livestock, negro hire £402/11. 7 bags cotton, 52 bags pimento, no value given but abt £490

1785: Crop Livestock, 123 bags pimento & 16.75 tons fustic. 1349/11/11

1786: Stock & negro hire £623/14. Total £1761/16 incl 36.5 tons fustic

1787: Stock, negro hire, 23 bags pimento subtotal £272, 39 bags pimento, 7 bags cotton, abt 350, Total abt £620

1788: Crop, livestock, cotton (4972 lbs) pimento 41 bags. £1760

1789: Crop, livestock & negro hire £385, uncosted pimento 56 bags 6834lbs (abt £8/bag) 7 bags cotton 1769lbs (abt .083/lb). Total abt £1080

1790: Crop livestock, cotton (9 bags), pimento (50 bags) coffee (340lbs) £834.

1791: Crop, Livestock, coffee (473 lbs), cotton (4038 lbs), pimento (2470 lbs) £1670/15s

1792: livestock, coffee (90 lbs @2/-), cotton (2400 lbs @10½d ), pimento (7321 lbs) Fustic (16¾ tons @£6) £1253

1793: Crop, Livestock, coffee (742 lbs), cotton (12 bags, 3060 lbs), pimento (3090 lbs), Fustick 45 tons. Abt £1067 plus pimento, cotton & coffee

1794: Crop, Livestock, cotton (10 bags 2835lbs), pimento (77 bags 9528 lbs) £752 + pimento & cotton.

1796: Crop, Livestock, coffee (494 lbs bad, 490 lbs good), 5 bags cotton 1341 lbs @ 2/-. £1784/11/9d.

1797: Crop Livestock, Fustick (30 tons), £1260/8/3d

1798: Crop, livestock, negro labour, fustic (30 tons), pimento (120 bgs, 12000 lbs @ 6d). abt £1513

1799: Crop, livestock, pasturage, negro hire, cotton (73 lbs @2/6), pimento (85 bags, 7222 lbas @5d). On warf 13 tons Fustick. £2141

1800: Crop pasturage, negro hire, Logwood (13 tons), Mahogany 180 tons (no price) £356 plus mahogany.

1806: Crop, 2 6 month reports, negro labour, cartage etc, pimento (14450 lbs @ 7.5d) total £1665

1807: Crop, 2 6 month reports, negro labour, pasturage, Fustick (10 tons @£8), pimento (1152 lbs & 7/2d) Total year ~£814

1804:- seems to be Roaches on Robertsons. (probably Delaroche)
                                    (Slaves/Stock)
1810: Francis Maitland. Giddy Hall        74/140
1811: Francis Maitland                    74/142
1815: Francis Maitland. Giddy Hall
                        and Mitcham       197/456.
1816: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall      Torn – no info
1817: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      75/224
1817: Slave Registration,Francis Maitland: 77
1818: Crop, 2^nd half: Pimento (266 bags @ £2/bag), livestock £1131.
1819: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      71/240
1820: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      70/217
1820: Slave Registration,Francis Maitland: 78
1821: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      66/220
1822: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      67/298
1823: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      68/320
1823: Slave Registration, Francis Maitland: 77
1824 Crop: 1/6/24-31/12/1824, Livestock & telescope £754
1824: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      76/300
1825: Crop Livestock, cartage, 257 bags pimento £1570
1825: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      72/231
1826: Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall,      74/228
1826: Slave Registration, John Salmon as attorney to GH 74.
1827: Crop, Ann Maitland, Livestock, pimento (283 bags – no value). £974
1827: Maitland, Ann,                      72/226
1828: Maitland, Ann, Giddy Hall,          37/244
1828: Crop Pimento (180 bags), coffee (16 tierces), livestock £484, coffee & pimento no value
1829: Slave Registration, John Salmon as attorney to Ann Maitland @ GH Pen:76
1830:- Ann Maitland, Giddy Hall           77/145
1830: Crop, livestock, stallion hire, corn, £510 pimento (673 bags & 11688 lbs?) value not given
1831:- Ann Maitland, Giddy Hall           77/216
1835: Crop Livestock £241 Fustic (20 tons), pimento (61 bags shipd, 100 stock) Cinnabar (20 tons – mercury sulphide).
1832:- Ann Maitland, Giddy Hall           100/300
1832: Slave Registration, Francis M & JS as attorney to Ann M @ GH Pen 78
1837:- Ann Maitland, decd. Giddy Hall     76 (apprentices)
1839:- Andrew Wright, decd. Giddy hall, 2000 acres (should this have been Ann?)
1844:- Maitland J. Giddy Hall,            1150
                   Kensington,            300
                   Rosehill,              130
1891:- Cooper J & Cooper WS (Directory)

1839: Wint, James, Mahogany Grove, 1000 acres.

14 slaves baptized Giddy Hall, 12/4/1814.
1878 Directory, Giddy Hall, J. M. Cooper proprietor, Middle Quarters
1891 Directory, Giddy Hall, Middle Quarters: J Cooper & WS Cooper.

Kensington Almanacs:

Not found on maps.
1833:- William Nembhard.
1838-40:-
1837: Nembhard, Eliza F. 62
1839: Nembhard, Eliza P. 202 acres
1845:- Maitland J.

AM Visits 1998 & 02:

    Giddy Hall settlement consists of a church (late 19thC) and a post office and little else. The postmistress was helpful, but having only been there 3 months not very knowledgeable. After consultation with a man in the back, we established the general location of Giddy Hall Greathouse. (only later did we find that it was marked on the old 1:100000 map).
    We drove in the general direction of the house: about 1/2 mile beyond the post office, to take a right fork (the left fork goes to Mount Charles) and on a further 1/2 mile and stopped to ask a man in a field who offered to direct us. This he did and led us to a mound of undergrowth on the right of the road, below a small house. He attacked the mound with his machete and revealed two graves, one of John Myers Cooper and the other of Augusta Spence Cooper (the widow of John Maitland). He told us of some other Europeans who came about 4 years ago who searched for 2 days to find these - we were lucky.
     Augusta Spence Cooper, wife of John Myers Cooper, who died at Bloomsbury, 13 January 1858, aged 33.
     John Myers Cooper, died 8 December 1875 in his 61st year: "For 30 years and upward he took a prominent part in the public affairs of the Parish of St Elizabeth. He was a man of large sympathy of great generosity and liberality and his charities though unostentatious were extensive and widely distributed. His departure is mourned by many. He contemplated the creation of a church and schoolroom on the farm pen but dying soon after work was commenced it was left to his successors to carry out."
   Giddy Hall was sold to the Bauxite companies after the war by the last Cooper, Douglas, who was childless: presumably he was the son of John Cooper who owned the pen in 1915.
    The Greathouse site was about 200 yard along the road from the burial ground, on the left on rising ground. We spent some time examining the site: there were extensive stone walled pens, which were difficult to walk over thoroughly due to the undergrowth. The site of the Greathouse was marked by the remains of the main entrance stairway, but little else remains standing. The stairway seemed to be unusually at the corner of the house and had evidence of an arch springing from one side, indicating an arched lower front to the lower part of the house. Some fragments of cast iron railings, probably from the entrance stair, were found: additionally and very unusually, we found a fragment of what appeared to be an East-Anglian pan-tile. The front of the house seemed to have been about 80ft long and to have faced over the valley containing the Black River Estuary - the view was spectacular.
    To the East of the house were the remains of Barbeques for pimento drying and on the valley side of the house were the remains of what might have been gardens.

An Air Photo of the site in 1952.
The rear view in 1899, see.
The front view in 1899, see.

Visit 4/2002:

N18°06.09' W77°52.73' 1300'amsl

     The site was much as before, but more overgrown. Investigated the extensive paved Barbeque area which fed by a system of stone gulleys, the big water tank to the SE of the position of the house. The Barbeques are arranged in 3 terraces, with about 18" fall between each. Water supply must be a major problem for stock on this site. The tank still held water, although only what fell into it, the feed gulleys having fallen into disrepair.
     Most of the sites seen in this area had barbeques which were usually dual purpose, being used for Pimento drying (we were told elsewhere that the crop was taken in when moisture threatened), but also often were used to catch rainwater.
     Very little remains of the house seen on the aerial survey photograph, but it is just possible to distinguish the original outline and see enlarged piles of rubble where the steps seen on the 1899 photographs would have been. The building must have been about 16x17 metres. Curiously, a single floor support pillar remains in place within the perimeter of the building. The kitchen visible on the survey photograph still stands, although much damaged. It seemed small for the site, but looked to be 3 bay, open fronted, with a hearth remaining.
     The regularly spaced objects to the SE of the house seen on the survey appear to be the remains of an arcade of arches. They are substantial, with the one nearest to the house with a return on it as though it was part of a flight of steps on the other end, there are indications of an arch spring from the wall. It is possible this might have been an aqueduct, but where would a sufficient quantity of water have come from? It seems to me that this is the remains of an earlier house. It was by these ruins that parts of an early cast iron railings were found on the previous visit. A coping stone rests on the ground with the stump of a balustrade inset with lead. The external walls of this ruin are of good quality cut stone.
     The 1899 photograph shows a late 18thC house. There are references (Thomas Thistlewood's diary) of a severe hurricane 3 October 1780. Almost all the buildings in Westmoreland were destroyed in this event, and a considerable amount of damage in St Elizabeth: Giddy Hall's exposed position facing the worst of the Southerly and Southeasterly winds described would have made it particularly susceptible to damage in this storm.
     Perhaps the original house was destroyed in this storm and the later house built on a slightly different site, maybe using the material from the old one (see piece on the 1780 Hurricane later in this paper). There is mention in the Cooper history of a separate hipped roof billiards room being there in the latter part of the 19thC, but these remains seem too substantial for such a place additionally, the building would probably have been visible in the survey photo. It must have been exiting into the 1920’s and probably later as it is mentioned as being used after John M Cooper’s death in 1921.

Later visits have been made.
In 2011, a lock was found on the site. It is a corroded brass rim lock. An apparently identical one was for sale in England 2012:

http://www.belowstairs.co.uk/acatalog/Online_Catalogue_Door_Locks__58.html
Brass Rim Lock RL395

Original, quality late 18th/early 19th century, surface mounted brass door lock to take a standard modern square bar for the handles. A replacement keep has been made to suit and an old key altered to fit. This lock has the provision for a handle turn, a key lock and security slide on the inside of the room, which overrides the handles and the key lock. All has been fully overhauled, polished and lacquered, although the lacquer may be removed if required at no extra cost. A super lock of smaller proportions, complete and in good and working order. Lock 6.75" x 3.75" x 0.75".

Click on photo for larger and other view.

I spoke to the seller, a specialist antique dealer, who confirmed that it was very late 18thC, early 19thc. There is no indication of the maker, who would have been one of the many artisan lockmakers, probably in or around Willenhall, England. This is of interest to me as my mother’s family business was lock making in Willenhall.

    DPNJ: (Mount Charles extract) ...It is interesting to note that Andrew Maitland in the 19th Century also owned Giddy Hall, which was the estate adjoining Mount Charles....

1910: Giddy Hall: W.S. Cooper
1915: Giddy Hall - Jno Cooper resident
     629.5 acres of grass & pasture
     538.5 acres of "other"
     291 cattle.                                               HBJ1915

1835, (ref 1B/11/4/76, f 233) John Maitland named overseer and owner not mentioned.

Slave Emancipation Compensation

In a survey of 1835, the slaves at Giddy Hall were neither offered nor refused wages.

Jamaica St Elizabeth 602 (Giddy Hall)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
6th Mar 1837 | 70 Enslaved | £1563 10S 2D
Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 302.

The award was split: £781 12s 3d went to Morrice, 06/03/1837 £781 17s 11d went to Salmon, 16/10/1837.

T71/870: claim from J. Salmon, as executor of John Maitland. Counterclaim from William Morrice (a London West India merchant), as judgement creditor.

Apprentices

29 Feb 1836 (ACCOUNTS AND PAPERS FOURTEEN VOLUMES V48 1836)
Giddy Hall - The people well off for provisions, working steadily at their grounds.

Mount Pleasant Ditto ... - ditto.

Mount Charles & Mount Lebanon : The industrious Part have good grounds and sufficient provisions ; the few worthless not so well off; I have directed a particular investigation.

Whitehall - Not abundantly supplied with provisions, but pretty well off; grounds attended to, but land rather poor.

Mitcham Pen (inter alia): The grounds of all the properties in this week's report are in as good order as formerly, and many of the apprentices are cultivating arrow-root, &c. in a larger degree than formerly.

Thumbnail History:

The parish of Yatton Keynell lies in the northern part of Wiltshire, often referred to as the 'Wiltshire Cotswolds' due to its local geology. It can be found 4.5 miles north-west of Chippenham, two miles east of Castle Combe in the Diocese of Gloucester and Bristol. The parish also includes the smaller villages of Giddeahall, West Yatton and Long Dean. The parish encompasses 1,717 acres.

The name of the parish was originally Eaton. Henry Caynell had a holding there in 1242 and the inhabitants commonly called it Yatton. The parish was known as 'Getone' in 1086, 'Yeton' (1247) Yatton(e) Fees (1242) Kaynel (1289), Kaignel (1306), Kynel (1346) Iatton (1258, Jettun (1245), Yetton Caynel (1334), Yettonkenell (1553) Yeatton Keynell (1522), Churcheyatton (1530) Yatton or Eaton Keynell or Churche Eaton (1618). The name is a compound of gate, gap and tun, the gap being the head of the well-marked valley to the west of the village. Giddeahall is 'Giddy Hall' in 1773. It may have begun as a nickname, but it is not known why. Long Dean is le Longdene (1422), meaning long valley and West Yatton is Westyatton (1279).

3.4 MITCHAM & SILVER GROVE

Probably at N18º04.6' W77º36.8' (ref Google Earth)

    Mitcham and Silver Grove were separate properties, both owned by Andrew Wright in the late 18thC and early 19thC. Mitcham is on the lower ground to the north of the road from Mandeville to Lacovia near Gosham. Silver Grove was up the hill, and on the high ground: Mitcham is good flat alluvial ground, probably productive. Silver Grove would be much drier and less reliable.
    By 1824, they were operated by Francis Maitland and George Roberts (with about 43 slaves and 224 stock at Mitcham and 81 slaves and no stock at Silver Grove). Mitcham was a cattle pen, but Silver Grove seemed to carry no stock, it was probably coffee, pimento and stock. In 1832, Mitcham was operated by George Roberts and Ann Maitland as joint owners of the slaves. By 1840, Mitcham was owned by Samuel Sherman, the husband of Emma Maitland, and remained in their hands, it was 807 acres in 1840 and 843 in 1845. By 1840, Silver Grove was owned by George Roberts and was 1200 acres, and by his heirs in 1845, and was 1400 acres.
    An estate map[6] from early 19thC shows Mitcham as 807 acres, bounded by Goshen to the south, Mount Alta to the East, with Silver Grove on the northern end of the eastern boundary, Cabbage Valley to the north and Peru Pen to the west. The lane to the house can still be seen on the 1952 air photo. At that time, the remains of the negro houses could still be seen.

Published in Jamaica Gazette, 1794, the following advertisement:
Mitcham Pen, 13/11/1793:
Runaway slave from the subscriber about the latter end of August last, a new negro man named Jamaica, about 5 feet high: has filed teeth, country marks on both temples and right shoulder and breaks down back, marked on right shoulder AW rather small had on when absconded a blue baise frock and took with him an afnhurgh(?) one, Reward £2-15s. Andrew Wright.

1818, 31 Oct Royal Gazette:
At Mitcham pen, on the 13^th, at an early age of 30 years, Mr John Cotter, Overseer and Attorney of that property, and of Silver grove, in the parish of Manchester. The loss to society of thos young mane os irreparable: In early youth, he had the misfortune to lose by a cannon shot both his hands andan arm, not withstanding which few young men psssessed more bodily powers, His understanding ntegrity and perseverance had entitled him to the full confidence of his employers, and he was in a fair way to welth, when the insatiate archer Death deprived a worthy and unfortuneate mother of her ohly solace and the community of a most valuable member.

1804: Mitcham: A. Wright (in fact property just east of Morass)
1804: Silver Grove: (approximate position - shown a bit far north)
    A. Wright (next one south was Mashetts)                   Map1804
All were then in St Elizabeth: the boundary was redrawn later.

LDS shows baptism of 94+ slaves of Mitcham & Silver Grove 21/6/1821, many with surname Maitland.

Ref West India Committee Library:
Silver Grove Pen: Gordon, George, attorney, Accounts 1832-36 (Jamaica Archives ref 1B/26)

    There was a note in my early researches that Silver Grove was owned by the Earl of Balcarres in 1763 (he was a sometime Governor of Jamaica – this was deduced from an estate map[7] entry, but examination of the map shows that the Balcarres land was further East).

Slave Emancipation Compensation - Mitcham

In a survey of 1835, the slaves at Mitcham were neither offered nor refused wages.

Jamaica St Elizabeth 764 (Mitcham)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
14th May 1838 | 66 Enslaved | £1222 7S 0D

CLAIM DETAILS
Claim Notes

Not listed in Parliamentary Papers.

T71/870: adjudged (with Manchester claim no. 224) £792 9s 11d to John Pusey Wint the residue went to John Salmon etc.. John Salmon claimed as executor of Ann Maitland John Pusey Wint counterclaimed 'under the will of the late Andrew Wright'. Under Andrew Wright's will, dated 21/01/1806, John Pusey Wint is shown as his 'son-in-law' (in fact he was his stepson). John Pusey Wint was a trustee under the will. Reference to the reputed daughters Ann Wright and Elizabeth Wright, born of the body of Ruth Sinclair: 'if the said A & E Wright go to Jamaica unmarried they should forfeit all benefit under the will'.

Associated Individuals (5)
Andrew Wright                 Other association
John Pusey Wint               Awardee
Edmund Francis Green          Awardee
John Salmon the younger       Awardee (Executor or executrix)
George Roberts                Awardee (Executor or executrix)

1793:- Owned by Andrew Wright, ref Gazette advert.,13/11/1793.

Mitcham Almanacs, Crops & Slave Registration:

Slave Registration ful details are in a later section

Giving year (almanac later by 1)
Slaves/Stock
1797: Crop, horses & mules, pasturage & furniture £957/15/0 – Andrew Wright
1805: Crop, horses, steers etc (mules to John Delaroche) AW, att’y JPW £2045
1806: Crop for Mitcham Pen, Silver Grove & Cedar Mount Coffee plantation & Ramsgate Cotton plantation, AW execs. 7 months £644/8/8
1807: Crop Livestock £464
1809: Crop, AW dcd, Livestock, Coffee (23121 lbs @£1250) Total 2668/19
1810:- Andrew Wright, decd. 116/174
1810: Crop , AW dcd horses & mules, coffee (20 tierces @£800 + 20 t), £2038
1811:- Andrew Wright, decd. Slaves: 118 stock: 169.
1815:- Francis Maitland. Giddy Hall and Mitcham 197/456.
1815: Ryde, John Pusey Wint 131/5 1817 similar.
1816: Francis Maitland T
1817: Francis Maitland 114/185 (probably includes Silver Grove)
1817: Slave Registration, FM & George Roberts: 51
1819: Maitland and Roberts 42/179
1820: Maitland and Roberts St E 38/194,
1820: Slave Registration, FM & George Roberts: 43
1821: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham 41/219
1822: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham 41/266
1823: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham 43/234
1823: Slave Registration, FM & George Roberts: 43
1824: Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 42/274
1825: Maitland & Roberts 42/245
1826: Maitland & Roberts 41/264
1826: Slave Registration, Ann Maitland & GR: 39
1827: Maitland & Roberts 40/241
1828: Maitland & Roberts 37/244
1830: Maitland & Roberts 39/247
1831: Maitland & Roberts, Mitcham 50/300
1832: Maitland & Roberts, Mitcham 60/350
1832: Slave Registration, George Roberts & Ann Maitland as joint owners: 37
1837: Sherman, Samuel, Mitcham 44
1839: Sherman, Samuel, Mitcham 807 acres
1844: Sherman, S. 843 acres

AM Visit 1998:

Mitcham Greathouse.
     The settlement of Mitcham is just west of the border between Manchester and St Elizabeth Parishes, and is reached by following a track off the Mandeville to Lacovia road for about a mile northeast. The site of the Greathouse is about 1/2 a mile beyond the settlement. The house was sited on a limestone outcrop about 100 ft above the surrounding plain, with a 2500ft wooded ridge immediately to the East, on top of which is Silvergrove, another Maitland related adjoining property. The surrounding land looked good fertile cattle country with Bauxite red soil. No stock buildings remain, all milking etc being done at another property a mile or so to the west.
     The former burial ground below the house had been flattened, the remains of some tombstones remaining in a pile of spoil. "Great Grandfather Sherman" was buried there, but the rest of the Shermans are buried in the local church - Goshen(?).
     The house itself was destroyed about 1951, but the foundations remain, now covered with concrete to form a pan draining into a comparatively recent water tank (half full and green!). The shell of a small cottage has been built at one side, but not finished. We were told that there had been a separate kitchen, but there was no sign it now. GA Hendrix was said to have "mashed it up". The house was about 60'x30' and was timber framed on stone foundations, with a veranda, 2 rooms and hall, + slave quarters and separate kitchen.
    We met in the settlement an old man, born 1910 who remembered the Sherman family and had been the farm manager for 28 years. He was now starting a new church at the bottom of the drive. Another oldish negro at the site remembered the house before it was demolished and showed us round. We also met an older lady who also told us of the Sherman family: one Sherman (white) had "had pickny with black girl: some children came out black like her and some came out pretty like you (referring to the writer)!": told with great glee and no colour problem.

See Mitchum Air Photo in 1952
Mitchum Site Photo in 1998.
Mitcham house seemed little changed in 4/2002.

Ref Brett Ashmeade Hawkins:
    According to my Godfather, John Calder Earle bought Mitcham Estate after the end of the Second World War and made it into one of the finest Dairy Farms in Jamaica. Perhaps he only leased it from the Sherman family. The Earles never lived at Mitchum. They lived at Aberdeen Great House, which must have been at least 20 miles away. I know that there was some problem regarding Mitcham which led to John Calder Earle giving it up shortly before he died, but I don't remember what it was now.

Silver Grove Visit,

4/2002:
N18°05.2 W77°35.7 2800' amsl.

   The house is reached by a marl track through rough, stony, but fertile looking fields. It is owned by a Mrs Finch(spelling?) who is related to the Roberts family, the last of whom died about 1997. There are still some of that family in the village of Lincoln, about 5 miles to the south.
    The house was described by Douglas Blain, who visited the site with me. A modest 3 bay 3 hip Spanish wall greathouse (only just reaches that level!) formerly a pimento (& probably coffee) estate (also and cattle pen - AM). Looks about 1820, in fair condition, still lived in by relatives of the Roberts family, whose graveyard contains perhaps a dozen, mostly Roberts, graves. Fine stone tank. 3 stage, stone walled barbeque. Detached kitchen formerly single roofed. Additional alterations about 1920. We both agreed it seemed a simple building for a 1400 acre estate. It was a coffee plantation in 1806.

Graves:
William Roberts, born 25/12/1841, married 31/10/1869, died 8/6/1896.
     Wife and 7 children.
Rozelle Roberts (mother) born 15/11/1842, died 16/1/1926.
Edward Roberts born 12/1/1870, died 10/1881.
Clement Meikle, died 24/9/1958, aged 54.
Herwin Roberts, died 28/4/1956 aged 52
Millicent Roberts, died 2/4/1956 aged 22.
Ellen B Roberts, died 6/2/1960 aged 45.

Silver Grove: Manchester Almanacs.

The first appearance in Manchester was 1819
1807: Crop, 44 tierces Coffee (abt 27000 lbs)
1819: Maitland & Roberts 80 (slaves)
1820: Maitland & Roberts 81 (slaves)
1821: Maitland & Roberts 80 (slaves)
1822: Maitland & Roberts, Silver Grove, 79
1823: Maitland and Roberts, Silver Grove 81
1824: Maitland and Roberts, Silver Grove 85
1825: Maitland & Roberts 85 (slaves)
1826: Maitland & Roberts 87 (slaves)
1827: George Roberts, Silver grove 86
1828: George Roberts, Silver grove 89
1830: George Roberts, Silver Grove 90
1831: George Roberts, Silver Grove, 180 – has he bought extra land??
1832: George Roberts, Silver Grove, 180
1837: not found
1839: Roberts, George, 1200 acres
1844: George Roberts, heirs of, 1400 acres

1820: Wilderness, John Hewitt est of, 78/4.

Slave Emancipation Compensation – Silver Grove

Jamaica Manchester 224 (Silver Grove)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
14th May 1838 | 68 Enslaved | £1271 5S 11D

CLAIM DETAILS
Claim Notes

Not listed in Parliamentary Papers.

T71/860: claim by Geo. Roberts, as guardian to Edward Maitland, Wm. Allen, Rebecca Roberts and Georgiana Roberts. Counterclaim by John Pusey Wint, under the will of the late Andrew Wright. 'Adjudged (with St Elizabeth claim no. 764) £792 9s 11d to John Pusey Wint and the residue to John Salmon, George Roberts and Edmund Francis Green'.

Associated Individuals (8)

Edward Maitland Roberts           Beneficiary
William Allen Roberts             Beneficiary
Rebecca Roberts                   Beneficiary
Georgiana Roberts                 Beneficiary
John Pusey Wint                   Awardee
Edmund Francis Green              Awardee
John Salmon the younger           Awardee (Trustee)
George Roberts                    Awardee (Guardian)

Goshen (adjoining Mitcham)
Crops:
Goshen Pen, St E of ...George Smyth 1788 year ent 7/3/1789 lot of livestock sale& cotton.

Francis Georeg Smyth 1793 & Longhill pen Mixed livestock, pasture, logwood etc - Andrew Wright £20 paturage

3.5 MOUNT CHARLES:

18 5’41.0 w77 52 10
Mount Charles was a cattle pen situated on the high ground to the NNW of Black River town and overlooking the Morass on the River, with magnificent views of the flood plain and the coast. It appears on the 1804 map as "Miss Smith's", and later as the property of John Smith 1811-21 in the gazettes, beginning with 66/12, falling to 28/5 in 1822. From 1824, it was in the name of James E Burlton with 55 slaves & 15 stock, rising to 92 & 225 in 1831 in 1840 it was combined with Ashton a total of 1002 acres, Ashton being probably 370 acres. In 1845 it was owned by his estate (again combined 1209 acres). According to BAH, it was sold to William Spence in 1846. Dr Andrew Wright Maitland bought Mount Charles in 1850, effectively from the Burlton estate, via some of their creditors. If William Spence was involved, Mount Charles may have come into the family with Augusta Spence who married John Maitland in 1848.

Estate Maps:
689: 31 January 1861. From Mr Cunningham’s plan in May 1846.
Mount Charles Pen. T Harrison. C.
Giddy Hall pen to NW. Also shows Sherlock Settlement & Clifton. Shows Mount Charles to be 466 acres.
208: 1861: Plat of 181A part of Luana Pen with Mount Charles to NNE & W, Luana Pen to S & E. John Colhoun attorney to Andrew Maitland from plat by Geo Cunningham 3/1851.
Also 60 acres part of Providence Pen, JE Burlton to Samuel Sherman, 1861 Queens Rd to SW old Rd to S & Hodges Pen. Copy held.
643: earlier copy of 171 acres to AW Maitland, repeated on 208, with additions.

    Dr AW Maitland bought 171 acres of the next property, Luana Pen later. Andrew's widow, Katherine lived there for the rest of her life. The Miss Haastrob referred to in DPNJ was almost certainly Ann Catherine (Maitland) Haastroup, Dr AWM's daughter.
    Dr AWM's mother-in-law, Charlotte Bedford (Hill) Tomlinson was first married to a Charles Burlton.

    About 2004, Mount Charles pen was bought by Robbie McMillan from Kingston. He has sympathetically restored the house to its former state and style, and in 2006 was in the process of improving the land surrounding, planting many native tree species. He has made an extremely good job of the house.

1804: Hodges Land: Cohen's
1878 Directory, Mount Charles, A. K. Maitland proprietor, Black River
Mount Charles Photo in 1998.

Extract from DPNJ:
   Mount Charles in St Elizabeth was owned from 1811 by Charles Phipps and was evidently named after him. A grave which dates back to 1856 could bear the name of a subsequent owner. The inscription reads as follows: Andrew Wright Maitland M.R.C.S. It is interesting to note that Andrew Maitland in the 19th Century also owned Giddy Hall, which was the estate adjoining Mount Charles. Subsequent owners were the Earl family and a Miss Haastrob, a German from whom the Rev John Maxwell, a Presbyterian Minister then stationed in this parish, purchased it. It is now (1978) owned by Mrs Iris Sangster, daughter of the Rev J. Maxwell.

Mount Charles adjoins Giddy Hall:

Extract from Brett Ashmeade-Hawkins[i], 19/9/06
See also "Other Places of Interest" below.

  James Edward Burlton, who was an English Merchant in Black River during the Early 19th Century, owned both Ashton and Mount Charles. He married Charlotte Tomlinson, one of three beautiful sisters known as "The Three Graces". Their only son, Edward James Burlton, was their pride and joy. He was sent to boarding school in England, but on the voyage home to Jamaica in 1840 he caught Yellow Fever and died at the tender age of 17. He was buried at sea and the ship arrived in Black River with its flag flying at half-mast. James Edward Burlton never recovered from the loss. His wife, Charlotte, had already died in 1834, and so he was left distraught and alone.
    In 1829 Charlotte's sister, Ana Katherine Tomlinson, had married Col. John Earle, who owned Mount Olivet coffee plantation near Malvern, in the Santa Cruz mountains of St. Elizabeth. Their son, John William Earle (1837-1912), became James Edward Burlton's favourite nephew and he later made him his heir. When James Edward Burlton died in 1853, he left Ashton to John William Earle. (Mount Charles had already been sold in 1846 to William Spence).
    In 1847 Mrs. Ana Katherine Earle, the widow of Col. John Earle, married Dr. Andrew Wright Maitland, M.D. (1809-1856) of Mount Charles and Giddy Hall. She died in 1886 and is buried at Mount Charles. Two of her sons from her first marriage, Edward Muirhead Earle and Charles J. Earle, are also buried at Mount Charles.
    Having inherited Ashton in 1853, John William Earle later moved from Mount Olivet Plantation to take up residence at Ashton Great House. He probably also wanted to be closer to his mother, who was living at Mount Charles with his younger brothers. He brought with him some of the fine mahogany furniture from Mount Olivet Great House, including a massive hand-carved Jamaican four-poster bed that was made on the plantation in 1829 as a wedding present.
    John William Earle married Mary Elmina Calder, the daughter of John Calder of Stanmore Hill Plantation, near Malvern. She was descended, on her Mother's side, from the famous Vassall family of Jamaica, which produced Elizabeth Vassal, Lady Holland. I have a manuscript history and genealogy of the Vassal family, listing all the descendants, if you need any of the relevant dates. John William Earle (1837-1912) left Ashton to his eldest son, Charles Edward Earle (1869-1954). His youngest son, John Calder Earle (1881-1957), bought Aberdeen Estate, near Accompong, in St. Elizabeth, which he ran as a banana plantation. He was married in 1929 to Stella Mia Pulford (1893-1970), an English girl who had come out to Jamaica to visit a friend. She was born at a hill-station in India, the daughter of Col. Russell Richard Pulford, C.I.E., R.E., of the India Army, and her brother was Air-Marshal Conway W.H. Pulford of the R.A.F. He was captured by the Japanese during the Second World War, following the fall of Singapore, and was beheaded by a Japanese officer in one of the prisoner-of-war camps. Stella was a talented linguist and spoke 14 languages. During the Second World War the British Governor of Jamaica, Sir Arthur Richards, appointed her Official Translator to the German and Italian prisoners-of-war interned at Mona. Sir Arthur had been a friend of her Father during the British Raj in India.
     It is said that John Calder Earle bought Mitcham Estate after the end of the Second World War and made it into one of the finest Dairy Farms in Jamaica. Perhaps he only leased it from the Sherman family. The Earles never lived at Mitchum. They lived at Aberdeen Great House, which must have been at least 20 miles away. There was some problem regarding Mitcham which led to John Calder Earle giving it up shortly before he died.

Edward James b St E 4/6 1823, ch 4/5/1825 of JEB & Charlotte Beckford his wife)
James Edward Burlton esq of Westmoreland married Charlotte B Tomlinson, widow of same place, 26/3/1822.
A Charlotte Beckford Tomlinson (inserted after) was baptised with many other slaves in July 1820 aged 27.
Thomas Tomlinson married Charlotte Beckford Hill, Westmoreland 8/12/1808.
Thomas Tomlinson

Slave Emancipation Compensation

Jamaica St Elizabeth 605 (Mount Charles)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
31st Oct 1836 | 80 Enslaved | £1993 17S 1D

CLAIM DETAILS
Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 302.

T71/870: claim from James Edward Burlton, as owner. Numerous counterclaims from judgement creditors, including Robt. Blemell [sp?] Pollard, a creditor on 'judgement of Oct 1833 and assignment of the compensation', for £645 18s 2d and interest from 20/03/1835. Counterclaim also by Robt. Blemell Pollard for £760 7s 4d, with the same judgement date.

The London Oratory: British History Online (from survey of London vol. 41 1983, available at http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=50008 [accessed 14/03/2012]): Robert Pollard bought a site of 3 1/2 acres from Alexander Barclay (a wax-chandler) for £4000 in 1819 and set up a boarding school, Blemell House. Pollard sold the site to the Congregation of the Oratory in 1852 for £16,000.

Mount Charles: St Elizabeth Almanacs etc.

1796: Crop Plantation Prop Robert Smith esq 1796 year 37 bags cotton, 4055lbs @6d £101/7/6; 6 steers @£20, Sundry stock £43, 6 young stock @£20, 14 tons logwood £?, 7 bags cotton 2010 @2/- £201 estate negroes £245/8/4. Total £921/15/11
1804:- Miss Smith's
1811-22:- John Smith.
1824-
1837 – 88 Burlton – Ashton not found.
1839:- James E Burlton. 1002.
1844:- James E Burlton, est of.(& Ashton) 1281 acres
1878: Prop AK Maitland

AM Visit 1998:

     The house was reached by about a mile of now very rough track: we were led up it by a young lad on a motorcycle, who spoke to someone to get permission. After passing one set of formal gate pillars, entry was through a further gate leading onto a grassed area with the house on a rise at the far end, with rough buildings below and left. The house was smaller than Giddy Hall and probably not as grand.
    It was built with stone lower floor and wooden living area above. It had verandas front and back. Like Giddy Hall, it faced over the Black River and its estuary, with a Victorian style terraced garden below the house overlooking the valley. Barbeques were still in existence at the back of the house and the original separate kitchen building was still in use, one room used for storage, the other as a kitchen with a large open fire - the interior was heavily soot covered. Interestingly, the path leading to it from the house was very similar to the remains of a path found in the garden of Giddy Hall.
     The occupant of the house appeared and after finding out why we were wandering around his homestead, was friendly and helpful. He showed us the burial ground to the southwest of the house where Andrew Wright Maitland and his wife, Ann Katherine were buried. The graves were in a good state of preservation. A number of other graves had lost their name plates. Those still there read as follows:

Ann Katherine Maitland died 22 February 1886
(Marble horizontal gravestone)
Andrew Wright Maitland died 20 April 1858 (brass plaque)
Charles James Earl died 29/6/1858 (brass plaque)
(presumably the Ann Katherine's son by her first husband)
The occupant said that the house was owned by Mr Sangster from Kingston, possibly the son of Iris Sangster, who was a Miss Maxwell.
    By 2006, Mount Charles Pen had been bought from the Sangster family by Robb MacMillan from Kingston and had been restored, bringing out many of the original features of the building. Robb at that time was clearing and planting the surrounding land

National Library, Kingston, ref St Elizabeth 689,              JR1998
Mount Charles Pen map based on Morris Petgrave's plan of August 1822 and Mr Cunnungham's plan of May 1846. Shows Mount Charles Pen with its boundaries being Giddy Hall Pen, Whitehall Pen, Luana Pen, part of Providence, sold to Wm Spence.
Note that John Maitland married Augusta Spence (re her gravestone) in 1848.
National Library, Kingston, ref St Elizabeth 643.              JR1998
diagram represents 171 acres of land - part of Luana Pen - and is intended to be purchased by Dr A.W. Maitland and belongs to Mount Charles Pen.

3.6 The COVE & LITTLE CULLODEN - Westmoreland

These 2 properties were left by Patty Penford in her will of 1795, The Cove to Rebecca Wright, Little Culloden to Margaret Forbes.

Patty bought for £60 12½ acres from Alexander & Mary Forbes in 1769 in Westmoreland. The Forbes are marked on the 1755 map.

In 1778 she bought Little Culloden pen of 96½ acres for £200.

The Cove pen of 213 acres, was bought by Patty Penford in 1784, left to her daughter Rebecca, who then left it to Francis Maitland. He sold it about the time he bought Giddy Hall in 1809. The site was visited by AM in May 2009 when it was raining heavily. The road from Black River to Sav la Mar passes through the property, but little was visible now, the land on the north side of the road being now covered by bush, although fenced. The conveyance to Patty Penford contains a plat of the site, which stretches down to the sea. A couple of buildings are shown on the map. A further visit on a better day might reveal a little more. From the 19thC publications, the Cove remained occupied into the 20thC. The plat, included in the Deed, indicates that the property was owned by Thomas George in 1775, and was sold by Thomas Hogg, possibly his heir (interestingly, the Hogg family reappear as owners of the Pen in 1891).

The 1804 map has Pentfords marked near Scots Cove, within the scale of the map, the position is correct.

According to Cundall, "Culloden and Auchindown, in St. Elizabeth, date from the time of the arrival of the ill-fated Darien refugees." [These properties would have been in St. Elizabeth before that area became part of Westmoreland] (B149, Cundall, page 371).

Thomas Hogg to Patty Penford – 1785

339/116 Date 1/12/1784 Ent 4 March 1785
Thomas Hogg, merchant of Westmoreland and Patty Penford, a free mulatto of St Elizabeth.. J£1000 conveys to Patty Penford … All that piece etc of land etc in Westmoreland and St Elizabeth commonly called the Cove containing 213 acres bounding easterly on Major General James Bannister now Fonthill estate Northerly on Thomas Parris and Benjamin Heath formerly Griffith Jenkin and westerly and southerly on the sea..

Patty Penford grants to Thomas Hogg 15 feet square around the grave of Thomas George
Witness Hyem Cohen & William Clark
Plat:
a run of land patented by John James and part of a run of land patented by Major General James Bannister .. now belonging to Thomas George .. surveyed 1^st March 1775.

Thomas Taylor to Patty Pinford – 1778

291/73 Date 19 January 1778 Ent 27 May 1778
Thomas Taylor of Hannover practitioner of Physic and surgery of Hannover and Patty Pinford a free mulatto woman of Westmoreland .. for J£200 .. convey Little Culloden containing 96 acres and one half .. bounding southerly on the sea easterly on Great Culloden westerley on Ankerdown (Ankendown?)
There were 2 properties called the Cove in the Almanacs for Westmoreland, one looked from the slave numbers to have been quite small, the other was fairly substantial judging by the slave numbers. Their locations are not known, but the larger of the two was grouped with others in the Bluefields area. The larger of the two is probably the one owned by our family at Scott’s Cove.

Craskell shows “the Cave” between Bluff Point and Bluefields Bay: This is probably the Cove in Thomas Tate’s will and the one the Almanacs
Letellier look to have been a Roman Catholic family, some appear in Kingston early 19^thC.
Ann Letellier recorded as being at the Cove (a small version) from 1817-32.
Benjamin Capon recorded at the Grove 1817-22, and then at The Cove 1824-26. (BC a merchant 1808 Westmoreland).
Thomas Tate at the Cove 1829-38, and left it to a son in his will in 1855.
Thomas Letellier M Ann Mitchel, Westmoreland 31/1/1793, he of St C, she of W
Proprietors etc./Properties etc./Slaves/Stock
These look too small to be our Cove Pen

1812: Cove, Capon & Letellier: nil.
1815: Walcott & Capon, Glenislay 102/ 10
1817: Capon, Benjamin, Grove, 25
      Letellier, Ann, Cove, 13/2
1818: Capon, Benjamin, Grove, 34/4
      Letellier, Ann, Cove, 11/2
1820: Capon, Benjamin, Glenislay and Grove 75/16
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 12/ 2
1821: Capon, Benjamin, Glenislay and Grove 101/ 47
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 13/ 4
1822: Letellier, Ann, Cove 12/ 4
      Capon, Benjamin, Glenislay and Grove 109/ 97
1824: Capon, Benjamin, Cove and Glenislay 88/ 79
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 11/ 2
      Tait, Jane, Farm 8/5 Tate, Thomas, 46/85 Tate, William, 12.
1826: Capon, Benjamin, Cove and Glenislay 99/66
      Letellier, Ann, Cove 12
1829: Letellier, Ann, Cove, 4
      Tate, Thomas, Old Shaftston, 105/165
      ..ditto, Rotherwood, 98/174
      ..ditto, Cove Pen, 36
1831: Letellier, Ann, Cove, 11
      Tate, Thomas, Old Shaftston, 98/225
      ..ditto, Rotherwood, 97/192
      ..ditto, Cove, 33
1832: Letellier, Ann, Cove, 5
      Tate, Thomas, Old Shaftston, 97/ 307
      .......ditto, Rotherwood, 101
      .......ditto, Cove, 34
1833: Tate, Thomas, Cove 36/ 1-2 [?]
      .......Old Shaftston 99/ 215
      .......Rotherwood 103
      .......Heath Hall 84
1838 Westmoreland Proprietors, Properties, Apprentices
     Tate, Thomas, Old Shafston 83
     ........Rotherwood 64
     ........Cove 40
1840 acres: Tate, Thomas, 786
      ---Same, 1821
      ---Same, 226
      ---Same, 1333

1845 prop estate acres:
Spence, W. heirs of, Woodstock, 1500
Tate, H. Industry, 14
Tate, R. Robin’s River, 1187
_Same, Orange Grove and Bronte, 206
_Same, Mount Edgecombe, 2215
_Same, Old Shafton, 786
_Same, Rotherwood, 4155

1891 Post Office Address, Kings, (near Culloden pen, west along coast towards Savlamar)
Hogg, W. E. (Owner), Cove Pen
Tate LA, Shafston, Bluefields
Sinclair DJ, Shafston Pen, Bluefields

1910: OWNER PROPERTY DESCRIPTION OCCUPIER POSTOFFICE
Hogg William, Cove Pen, Hogg William, Bluefields PO

REGISTERS AND WILLS

Descendants of Philip Anglin
Generation No. 3
Mary Ann Anglin, born June 23, 1805 died December 1846. She married Thomas Dale Tate June 28, 1826 in Westmoreland born Bet. 1789 - 1790 died October 1855.
Baptism: February 02, 1809, Westmoreland
Burial: December 09, 1846, aged 42, Orange Grove, Westmoreland28
Residence: 1846, Robins River, Westmoreland

Will of Thomas Tate of Westmoreland, Esquire
As executors and trustees I appoint my friend Hugh Anthony Whitelocke and my son Thomas Anglin Tate.
I give to the trustees to hold in trust the property called Rotherwood, and runs of land called Metcalfe and Leamington, and Mount Edgecombe and the Cove Plantation, Robins River and Shaftston and all other real estate I may own. To pay any debts they may rent the real estate for 7 years. They are to hold any real and personal estate as follows:
Cove, Rotherwood, Metcalf and Leamington and 40 cows in trust for son Napoleon Tate.
Robins River in trust for son Cornelius Moore Tate.
Shaftston in trust for William Anglin Tate.
Culloden, Amity, Allsides and stock and Mount Edgecombe Pen in trust for Thomas Anglin Tate.
To my daughter Helen Campbell Whitelocke (formerly Tate) an annuity of 150 pounds.
An annuity of 150 pounds to my daughter Mary Ann Tate.
An annuity of 150 pounds to my daughter Fanny Ann Tate.
The annuities are to paid in equal portions half-yearly on January 1st and July 1st. One fifth to be paid by Napoleon Tate from Cove, Rotherwood, Metcalf and Leamington. One-fifth to be paid by each of the other boys, William Anglin Tate, Cornelius Moore Tate and Thomas Anglin Tate from lands they received. [This only accounts for 4/5ths. There must have been another bequest that was not copied into the Will Book, to another surviving son, John or Philip.]
The land is to be held as tenants in common [See Glossary].
The trustees may invest in stock until the estate is distributed.
Dated the third day of 1852.
Witnesses: G. B. Vidal, Jane Vidal, and Ellen Georgina Braine were sworn on December 7, 1855 before Benjamin Vickers. The will was declared on April 15, 1856.

More About Thomas Dale Tate:
Addressed as: Esquire
Burial: October 03, 1855, Orange Grove, Westmoreland29
Occupation: Bet. 1832 - 1843, Planter
Occupation (2): 1837, Proprietor of Old Shaftston, Rotherwood, and Cove.
Occupation (3): 1840, Proprietor of 4,166 acres in Westmoreland31
Occupation (4): 1855, Proprietor Robins River, Westmoreland
Probate: April 15, 1856, Entered Vol. 127, p. 13432
Residence: Bet. 1832 - 1834, Bluefields, Westmoreland
Residence (2): 1842, Residence: Auchindown, Westmoreland
Residence (3): 1855, Residence: Robins River, Westmoreland

Will: 185233

4 OTHER RELATED PROPERTIES – Almanacs etc

4.1 Booth Vere Properties

Yarmouth Estate.

Google earth: New Yarmouth 17° 53' 0" North, 77° 16' 0" West, on the west bank of the Rio Minho, west of Hayes. It looks still to be a sugar factory.

NEW YARMOUTH sugar estate and factory is owned by the ancient firm of J. Wray and Nephew. A private consortium that includes J Wray and Nephew and Booker-Tate of the U.K. has recently bought MONYMUSK from the government http://www.discoverjamaica.com/tour7.htm

http://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/42179
Henry Lord Garrigues
Profile & Legacies Summary
4th Apr 1790 - ????
Claimant or beneficiary
Biography
Merchant in Jamaica, owner with Sarah Bar[r]iffe of the Yarmouth estate in Vere Jamaica, and appearing in various capacities in some 17 other awards, largely in the central parishes of Jamaica, son of Abednego Garrigues (d. 1791-2) and Jane Frances Lord, and brother of Peter Francis Garrigues (q.v.).
1.
Louisa Rodon Garrigues, the daughter of Henry Lord Garrigues 'merchant' and Frances Anderson Garrigues of Torrington Square, appears on the baptism register at St George Bloomsbury 15/04/1830.
2.
The will of Abednego Garrigues, practitioner of physic and surgery, of St Thomas-in-the-Vale, was proved 22/11/1792. Henry Lord Garrigues born 04/04/1790, had one child (Caroline Lord Garrigues) with Maria Dally c. 1812 (a 'free mulatto'), and married Frances Anderson Christian 29/04/1813 Kingston. The couple had 11 children (in additon to Louisa Rodon shown above) baptised in Kingston or St Andrew between 1814 and 1832.

Sources
T71/858 Vere No. 76.
1.
Ancestry.com, London, England, Births and Baptisms, 1813-1906 [database online]: a note says 'according to the certificate from the Rev. J.B. Murray curate St Olave West Street transmitted....15/04/1830.'

http://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/18347
Rt. Hon. Rev. Henry Phillpotts
Profile & Legacies Summary
1778 – 1869
Claimant or beneficiary
Biography
Bishop of Exeter, awarded with others the compensation for Whitney and Rymesbury in Clarendon and New Yarmouth in Vere, all in Jamaica, as trustees and executors of the will of the Earl of Dudley (q.v.).
1.
Son of Henry Phillpotts of Bridgwater matriculated Corpus Christi 07/11/1791 aged 13 fellow Magdalen 1795-1804 BA 1795 MA 179 BD and DD 1821 chaplain to Bishop of Durham 1806 Vicar of Kilmersdon 1804, Bishop Middleham 1805, Stanton-le-Street 1806, Rector Gateshead 1808, preb of Durham 1810-20, rector of Stanhope in Weardale 1820, dean of Chester 1828, visitor Exeter College 1831 and bishop of Exeter 1831, died 1869.
2.
Often identified as a slave-owner since Eric Williams discovered his presence in the compensation records, including by the synod of the Church of England in 2006 and more recently the BBC.
Sources
T71/859 Clarendon nos. 284 and 320 T71/857 Vere no. 70. He is given as 'Philpotts' in these records.
T71/962 Vere no. 70: letter 14/09/1835 from solicitors (Alban & Benbow) for the trustees and executors of late Earl of Dudley, enclosing extract from will of Earl of Dudley. Begs compensation to be awarded to Philpotts etc. the executors and trustees. Hibbert Oates had made claim on the part of the Heirs of the Earl of Dudley instead of the Trustees: 'we presume as they are uncontested this mistake is unimportant.'
Summary of will of 26 July 1831 after reciting amongst other things that 'he was entitled to the remainder or reversion in fee simple expectant upon his own death and failure of the issue male of his body of or in several plantations...situate in the Island of Jamaica late of or belonging to his grandmother Mary Viscountess Dudley and Ward....gave and devised unto certain trustees The Rt Hon George Earl of Aberdeen and the Rt Hon James Abercromby...his said remainder and reversion of or in all and singular the said plantations and estates and the negro and other slaves thereon to hold them...to the uses upon and for the trusts...and purposes in his said will and in part hereafter mentioned viz in default of heirs of his body and subject with other estates to an Annuity of six thousand pounds to his cousin the Rev. William Humble Ward now Lord Ward for his life to the use of the Rt Rev H Lord Bishop of Exeter, the Rt Hon Edward John Baron Hatherton, then Edward John Littleton, Francis Downing Esq. and John Benbow Esq. for the term of 500 years upon trust during the term of 12 years to raise annually such sums for the person entitled in remainder to his estates until he should attain the age of twenty-five years as in the said will mentioned. And then to raise certain sums for the maintenance and education of the younger children of the said Lord Ward and also for portions for such younger children as in the said will mentioned. And the said Testator directed that his last named trustees should recevie the rents and profits of his Mines and Estates during the said term of twelve years and apply the same in discharge of any sums charged upon the said estates and lay out and invest the residue in the purchase of freeholds copyholds or leasehold estates...

And the said testator of his said will appointed the said Bishop of Exeter, Eward John Baron Hatherton, Francis Downing and John Benbow executors.'

Earl of Dudley died 6 March 1833 a bachelor will proved 17 September 1833 'by the four executors'.

1. CCEd [database online] Person ID: 28960, sourced to Foster.

2.E.g. Nigel Pocock and Victoria Cook, 'The business of enslavement', BBC History in depth http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/abolition/slavery_business_gallery_03.shtml [accessed 30/04/2012]: 'Phillpotts and three business associates invested in slave plantations in Jaamcia, and when slavery was abolished they were paid compensation for the loss of 665 slaves. A bishop personally owning slaves must have been a powerful legitimating tool for Caribbean interests in Britain.'

Gale-Morant papers (Exeter): http://www.microform.co.uk/guides/R97047.pdf

Carlisle Estate

Owned in the 1st half of the 19thC by the Lousadas, who were left handsome bequests in George Booth (1707-1769).

Carlisle Bay was the site of De Casse’s French landings.

Sale in 1879: Jamaica, particulars of a valuable Sugar Estate : known as Carlisle, containing 900 acres, or thereabouts, and a piece of land belonging thereto, containing 163 acres or thereabouts, in the Parish of Clarendon (Vere District) in the Island of Jamaica, together with the buildings, fixtures, machinery and live & dead stock thereon : which will be sold by auction, in one lot, by Messrs. Hards, Vaughan & Jenkinson, before James Fleming, Esq., Q.C., and Reginald John Cust, Esq., Commissioners for Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies, at the Sale Room of the Commissioners.

The Gibb Family in Jamaica
Robert Charles Gibb sailed for Jamaica at the end of the 18th century, being first at Ludlow plantation, Clarendon in 1797. He purchased Bank's, an estate of 170 acres planted in cotton and sorghum, in Vere Parish. This estate was near the coast just west of the River Minho and was recorded on James Robertson's map of Jamaica dated 1804, reproduced in Jamaica Surveyed by B.W.Higman. Robert had two recorded children, James Mitchell, born c.1807, and Charlotte.
In the 1811/12 Jamaica Almanac, R C Gibb was recorded with 64 slaves and 6 stock. By 1820 the estate supported 92 slaves and 11 stock. In 1834 slavery was abolished in Jamaica.
James Mitchell Gibb, who was born abt.1807, was recorded in 1840 with 170 acres in Vere Parish. This was most likely Bank's which he would have inherited from his father, Robert. James subsequently lived at Cottage, Vere Parish (1851), Bog Great House, Vere Parish (1855) and Hermitage, Vere Parish (1856) until his death in 1890. He was also recorded as owner of Salt Pond Pen, Spanish Town, St Catherine (1878) and Carlisle Estate, Clarendon (1881), a sugar estate in cultivation. Carlisle Estate was south of The Alley, east of the Minho River. Banks was west of the River Minho, north of MacCary Bay, and west of Paradise Estate. Bank's, Carlisle and Bog are all shown on James Robertsons map of Jamaica, 1804. In the 1878 Business Directory he was listed as Gibb, James M., Custos and Banker, propr of Hermitage Pen.

James first married Mary Ann Robinson, who was English. Her brother, John, married a Miss Jessie MacLachlan Blount, who, after being widowed in 1857, became the second Mrs Gibb in 1858.
James and Mary had the following children:
1. Marian Agnes was baptised in 1849. She married Stephen Horseley, brother of a Canon Horseley in England.
2. Robert Charles Gibb was born on 12 January 1851. At the time of his birth the home of James and Mary Ann Gibb was `Cottage', Vere. Robert qualified as a Member of the Royal College of Surgeons (MRCS) and as a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians (LRCP). Robert practised first at Guy's Hospital, London and then returned to Jamaica to specialise in tropical fevers. In 1878 he was recorded in the Clarendon Parish Business Directory as: Gibb, Robert C., MRCS & LRCP, Parochial Medical Officer. In 1900 he was recorded in the Jamaica Almanac under Clarendon Parish, Legal & Judicial, Gibb, Robert Charles, Kingston. Justice.
3. John James Gibb was born on 25 September, 1854, and died aged 4 months. He was buried in the Church Yard on Feb 6, 1855. At that time James and Mary Ann were living at Bog Great House, east of the River Minho, near Perrins estate and north east of The Alley.
4. Jessie Mary Ann Gibb was born on 20 June 1856 and was baptised on the 21st. At the time of her birth the home of James and Mary Ann Gibb was given as `Hermitage', Vere. Jessie died aged 3 months and was buried in the Church Yard on Sep 25, 1856.
Mary Ann, aged 40, died following the birth of Jessie and was buried in the Alley Church Yard on June 22.
In 1858, James married Jessie MacLachlan Robinson (nee Blount), widow of John Robinson, Esq, of Perrins Estate, who died in 1857 aged 30. John Robinson had been the brother of Mary Ann Robinson, James Gibb's first wife.

In 1881 the Clarendon Parish Directory listed: Gibb, J. M., Carlisle. Carlisle was the sugar plantation east of the River Minho, owned by James Gibb.

Engines ordered by Jamaica:
1830: Ordered by Emanuel Lousada. This was a bright

Carlisle Estate, Vere, Jamaica engine, originally made for Mr Musket.

Merchants Marks: C and EB. Seven additions by Hibbert & Co. for AngloMexican Mint (see below under Portfolio No. 1019).

Salt Savanna Estate

N17°47’09” W77°14’51.4”

Compensation Award:
George Booth Maxwell claimed, unsuccessfully, half of Salt Savannah - £5287
So total was £10574 (about £1.4M in 2023)

From a survey for the Assembly, sold btw 1772-1775[8], probably to the Maxwells as in George’s will, and James Wildman in 1792

Salt Savanna Crop Accounts have been noted 1770-1782. Later ones are listed in the index, but not copied to 1807.

1811: Wildman, James, Salt Savanna 275/ 44
1812: Wildman, James, Salt Savanna 255/ 38
1816: Wildman, James, Salt-Savanna 262/ 122
1817: Wildman, James, Salt Savanna, 264/1TT
1818: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna, 265/120
1820: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna 265/ 31
1821: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna 258/ 36
1838: Wildman, James B., Salt Savanna 205
1839: Wildman, J. B., 1148 acres
1844: Wildman, JB Salt Savanna, 1780 acres

Jamaica Vere 38 (Salt Savanna)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
19th Jun 1837 | 272 Enslaved | £5286 19S 5D
Parliamentary Papers p. 291.
T71/858: claim from James Beckford Wildman, of Vere, as owner-in-fee. Counterclaim from John Edward Collett and his wife, as tenants in tail. Counterclaim also from George Booth Maxwell ('Claims as tenant for life of 1/2'), under the provisions of the will of George Booth, dated 29/08/1768. He also denies the validity of assignment of 25 May 1791 and has instituted a suit in chancery against the claimant which is now pending. Adjudged to J. B. Wildman on 19/06/1837. 01/07/1837: 'Letter of Pyne & Richards giving notice of appeal on behalf of GBMaxwell'. 01/02/1839: 'Order of Council granting petition to withdraw appeal'.

T71/1606: letter, dated 20/05/1836, from Capron & Co., Saville Place, states that, in 1791, George Booth Maxwell (the counterclaimant) sold and conveyed his life interest in a moiety of Salt Savannah to the late Mr Wildman, who then bought life interest in the other half from another person, and the reversion in fee simple. In 1808, George Booth Maxwell brought a Bill in Chancery to have the 1791 deal set aside no proceeding for 15 years in this suit: 'if the compensation Act had not been passed it is quite evident that no further proceedings would have been undertaken.' The Court of Chancery were asked to use discretion, and appear to have done so, and paid the award to the Accountant General but allowed James Beckford Wildman to make an application by counsel to them for further directions to make such award as to them shall seem fit. Letter, dated 08/06/1837, from George Booth Maxwell, George St., Hanover Sq., asking: at what time does the hearing take place? Memorial from James Beckford Wildman, dated 12/03/1836, as replication was late by 'an accidental and involuntary omission on our part.' The Memorial includes a description of John Edward Collett and Rachael Theresa (his wife) as 'of Enfield Wash, Co of Middx'. Their claim rested on overturning the 1791 sale. Parliamentary Committee decision, dated 13/02/1839: the withdrawal reveals G.B. Maxwell to have been in prison for debt at the time.

https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/16645
John Holmes
Profile & Legacies Summary 1763 – 1836

John Holmes first comes to light in the 1796 Jamaica Almanac where he is listed as an Ensign in the Vere regiment of the militia. His career in the militia and in public service can be traced through the Almanacs: Lieutenant (1802), Lieutenant Colonel (1808), Colonel (from 1817), Assistant Judge or Magistrate (1824), Church Warden (1824), Treasurer of Vere Free School (1824). From 1820 he was a Member of Assembly for Vere.

From at least 1809 he was owner of a property with between 18 and 24 enslaved people, referred to in the birth record of his son in 1813 as Twickenham, in the 1832 Jamaica Almanac as Kimble and in the slave compensation records and his will as Twickenham estate. Given the gradual fluctuations in the number of enslaved people and stock he registered in the givings-in from 1809 to 1832, this is assumed to be the same property.

John Holmes worked as an attorney on several large estates as well as taking responsibility for properties as an executor of the previous owner. In the 1817 Slave Registers he registered 264 enslaved people on Salt Savanna estate in Vere with Thomas Addison as attorney to the absentee James Beckford Wildman. In the 1820 Slave Registers he registered 266 enslaved people on Salt Savanna, again with Thomas Addison as attorney for James Beckford Wildman. In 1820 he also registered 132 enslaved people on Springfield estate in Vere as attorney to Robert Murchison and registered 88 enslaved people in 3 different registrations as attorney to the heirs of Robert White and Robert Glasgow. The Jamaica Almanacs of 1826 and 1827 list him as in lawful possession of enslaved people and stock on Grimatt estate in Vere as an executor (with William Smith) of Thomas Samson. The 1828 Almanac lists him as proprietor of Grimatt but by 1831 this had been sold to Alexander Murchison. The 1828 Almanac also lists him with the heirs of John Pusey Edwardes against Pusey Hall estate with 272 enslaved people and 100 stock. In the 1831 Almanac is is listed against Smithfield estate (presumably also as attorney). In the 1832 Slave Registers he registered enslaved people on Dry River estate as attorney to the absentee John Rodon. In 1834 he claimed compensation for enslaved people on Stretton Hall estate with Henry Lord Garrigues as executors of Edward White.

John Holmes had at least 7 children, all born and baptised in Jamaica. Elizabeth, 'A Quadroon' was born 05/01/1800 and died at Salt Savanna and was buried the following day in the churchyard she was named as the daughter of John Holmes in her burial record. Thomas Holmes, 'A mustee' was baptised 07/09/1806. John Holmes, 'A Quadroon infant', was buried at Salt Savanna 02/12/1807. George Wood Holmes, 'a mustee infant son of John Holmes' at Salt Savanna estate was privately baptised 12/08/1810. Samuel Benjamin Holmes, 'mustee infant son of John Holmes' was born 15/03/1813 and baptised at his Cottage called Twickenham 09/07/1813. Francis Edward Holmes, 'Mustee son of John Holmes' was baptised 23/11/1817 and is assumed to have predeceased his father as he is not mentioned in this father's will. Susan Frances Holmes, 'a free Mustee 6 months old, daughter of John Holmes Esq.' was baptised 31/12/1820.

In his will John Holmes left £100 sterling each to his sons Thomas Addison Holmes, George Wood Holmes and Samuel Benjamin Holmes and left his personal effects and Twickenham estate to his reputed daughter Susan Frances Holmes.

John Holmes, Gentleman of Twickenham, age 73 years, was buried 10/04/1836.

His three surviving sons emigrated to London where they can be found in the census and death records. Thomas Addison was living in Sydney Place, Bethnal Green, in 1841, age 36, Clerk, with his wife Eliza and seven children (all born in London). By 1861 he was at 21 Cambridge Road, Bethnal Green and by 1871 at 32 Groombridge Road, Hackney, where he died 28/02/1874 leaving personalty under £300. Samuel Benjamin Holmes married Maria Eagle 12/08/1832 in Shoreditch and can be found age 57 in the census of 1861, a tailor, in Portsea, Hampshire and in 1881 at 3 Sardinia Street, St Clements Danes, London. His death was registered Q1, 1890 in Strand, London. George Wood Holmes married Ann Abbs at St Dunstan's, Stepney, 26/08/1834 he appears age 41, an undertaker, living at 2 Great James Street, Marylebone with his wife and son Henry George in the census of 1851. George Wood Holmes died at 2 Great James Street, 02/02/1855.

The Abolition of Slavery, 1837 (Google books)
Enclosure 2, in No. 41.

EXTRACT of a LETTER from Matthew Farquharson, Esg. dated Spring Mount, 14 April 1835.
I AM happy in adding that the estates under my charge are all doing well, seldom having occasion for the interference of the special magistrate. At Salt Savanna estate, Vere, we have averaged 10 hogsheads sugar weekly for six weeks, with a 10-horse power engine, one set of coppers, five in number at Low Ground, Clarendon, nine hogsheads sugar weekly for three weeks, water-mill and five coppers, commencing early in the morning and stopping the mill before eight at night: both these estates belong to Mr. Wildman. We are in fact doing much better under the present than the old system, upon Mr. W.'s properties.

http://www.law.mq.edu.au/research/colonial_case_law/colonial_cases/less_developed/jamaica/r_v_aberdeen_adam_and_preston/

R. v. Aberdeen, Adam and Preston [1814]

Slave Court

6 December 1814

Source: The Ipswich Journal (Ipswich, England), 11 February 1815, issue 4066, from the British Library's 19th Century Newspapers site. See also Trewman's Exeter Flying Post or Plymouth and Cornish Advertiser (Exeter, England), 16 February 1815, issue 2580

A special Slave Court was held at the Alley, in Vere, (Jamaica) on the 6th of Dec. for the trial of the following slaves, viz. - Aberdeen, Adam, and Preston, belonging to Salt Savannah estate, charged with the murder of another slave, named Thomas, the property of John Holmes, Esq. by burying him alive. It appeared from the evidence, that the parties were all Congoes, and had made a play according to the custom of their country, when Thomas dug a grave in which he laid himself down, desiring his companions to cover him up for the space of one hour but that if he did not rise again in another place in that time, they were to open the grave. Aberdeen and Preston were appointed to close up the grave, and Adam to play on the gombah (African music), all of which was punctually performed. Some other negroes belonging to the estate appeared, however, before the ceremony was completely finished, and had sense enough to open the grave but it was too late, the unfortunate victim of his own credubility [sic] being dead. His Honour the Custos charged the Jury on the crime, when they found them guilty of Manslaughter and the following sentence was passed, viz. each to receive 30 lashes on the spot where the catastrophe took place, in the presence of all the estate's negroes, then to be severally burn in the hand, and to suffer one month's solitary confinement in the country gaol.

James Wildman

James Wildman also had Papine Estate. Thomas Wildman (1740-95) was a lawyer and a trustee for the William Beckford when he inherited at the age of 9. Thomas’s brother, James (1747-1816) was overseer for Beckford estates in Jamaica. By 1802 relations between Beckford and the Wildman brothers were severed, they having presented him with a bill for £86,000 for their services and taking his Esher plantation in Jamaica in lieu of payment. Wildman made no attempt to return to Parliament. He died 23 Mar. 1816.

James Beckford Wildman (1788 - 24th May 1867) M.P. eldest son of James Wildman of Chilham and Joanna, daughter of J. Harper of Jamaica. Godchild of Alderman William Beckford. Born Jamaica, educated Winchester 1800-6 and Christ Church, Oxford 1808; Lincolns Inn 1811. Married 9 Oct. 1820, Mary Anne, daughter of Stephen Rumbold Lushington. The couple had 2 sons and 5 daughters. He succeeded his father to Chilham Castle and Esher estate Jamaica in 1816. Served as MP for Colchester 1818-26.

4.2 Misceallaneous Propeties

from MAP1804 and Jamaica Almanacs
A summary of properties mentioned in various texts related to their position on the 1804 map and a mid 20thC Jamaican road map (pre 1950's air survey). The latter map shows many estate names, while the 1804 map shows owners' names. Where possible, lat/long reference has been established. This can be referenced to the Jamaica grid.
The owners are listed as found in the Jamaica Almanacs.

Berlin: St Elizabeth.

17 55N 77 33W, on SE end of Santa Cruz Mountains.
1804:- Cerf
1811-24:- Almanac, Henry Cerf
1833-40:- Hyman Cohen

Blenheim: Vere

17 57N 77 31.5W, 6.5 miles north of coast.
1804:- not shown, blank area.
1809:- George Brooks
1815-24:- George Brooks
PRO has reference to Accounts of Blenheim & Cranbrooke plantations of John Moffatt, 1806-7 WO 9/48.

Bloomsbury:

2 miles North of Giddy Hall.
1824:- George Spence.
1858:- Augusta Cooper (nee Spence, and married to John Maitland, died).

Burnt Ground: St Elizabeth.

18 02N 77 44.5W
1804:- J Brooks
1804:- G Brooks, 1 mile north of here.
1808:- George Brooks (m Sarah Wright).
1811:- Almanac, George Brooks.

Burton & New Ground

1811 (1809): Burton’s: John Chorley, 62/0, New Works: John Blackburn, 213/20
1812 (1811): Burton’s: John Chorley, 60/0, Blackburn: Wallen’s etc, 437
1816 (1815): John Blackburn: Wallens, 234/156, Burton’s, 55/69, New Works, 204/184
1817: John Blackburn, Wallens, 234/144, Burton’s & New Works, 260/361
1818: John Blackburn, Wallens, 213/167, Burton’s & New Works, 219/286
1820: John Blackburn, Wallens, 241/9, Burton’s & New Works, 253/97
1821: John Blackburn, Wallens, 239/2, New Works, 342/74
1822: John Blackburn, Wallens, 237/184, New Works, 350/306
1823: John Blackburn, Wallens, 239/185, New Works, 310/286
1824: John Blackburn, Wallens, 313/175, New Works, 308/323
1833: John Blackburn still.
1838: Henry Lowndes: New Works 220, Wallens 220.
1840: Henry Lowndes, New Works 2060 acres, Wallens 1760
1845: A Sutherland, New Works, 2000 acres.

Enfield: Vere

17 57.5N 77 29W, 6.5 m inland from South Coast.
1804:- Booth
1815-22:- William Burt Wright.
1824-38:- William Burt Wright, est of.

Kensworth: Vere.

17 56N, 77 30.2W, 5.5 miles inland, north of Cut River mouth.
1804:- either Golburns or Stimpsons.
1815-20:- Robert Benstead Wright.
1822:- RB Wright, est of.
1824-6:- Kenilworth.
1833-38:- N Wright. ("Kinworth")
1840:- Nicola Wright.

Lowerworks: St Elizabeth.

1/2 mile NW of Black River centre, off Lacovia Road.
1804:- No indication.
1811:- Joseph Royal.

Meribah: St Elizabeth.

1811-26:- John Wright.
1833:- John Wright, decd.

Middlesex Pen: St Elizabeth

A Cooper property later.
JG 16/8/1813:
For Sale, Middlesex Pen, in the Parish of St Elizabeth, containing about 700 acres of land, on the direct road from Kingston to Savanna la Mar, 4 miles distant from Lacovia and 8 miles from Black River about 250 acres are in well established Guinea Grass Pieces, fenced chiefly with stone walls, 50 acres in Common Pasture, also fenced, the remainder in Woodland. The YS River runs through the property which is very seasonable, and well worthy the attention of any Person desirous of purchasing a Pen. For terms apply to Messrs Boyles & Co, Kingston or to William Rowe esq, St Elizabeth.

Mount Olivet: St Elizabeth.

17 59N 77 43.5W, E side of Santa Cruz Mountains, N of main road.
1804:- Williams marked near there, but not exact.
1811-24:- Thomas J Williams.
1840:- John Earl. (also Chelsea)
1845:- J Earl, heirs of.

Mount Lebanon: St Elizabeth.

18 26N, 77 56W, 2 miles NW of Giddy Hall.
1804:- Smith's
1811:- Alexander Rose
1812: Rose, Alexander, 57/89
1816 Rose, Alexander Mount-Lebanon

1818 Rose, Alexander Mount-Lebanon

1821 Rose, Alexander Mount-Lebanon

1821 Rose, Mary

1821 Rose, Wm. A. and George Norfolk

1825 Rose, Alexander, dec. Mount-Lebanon

1826:- Alexander Rose, decd.
1830 Rose, Alexander, dec. Mount Lebanon

1830 Rose, William A. Norfolk

Rose Hill: St Elizabeth.

About 2 miles WNW of Giddy Hall.
Roses Valley,
in St Elizabeth, is named after the first owner, William Rose (Jamaica Almanacs, 1811) of this now defunct estate. Roses Valley is now a village in the centre of which is a Baptist Church, There is also Roses Valley Post Office. DPNJ.

Southampton: St Elizabeth.

18 00.5N 77 41.5W,
1804:- J Wright
1804:- W Wright at South Valley, nearby.
1811:- Robert B Wright.

Stretton Hall: (also Streten), Vere.

17 12N 77 42W, on Salt River Bay, 1 mile N of river.
1804:- Wright & Glasgow.
1811:- James Wright, deceased.
1815:- Wright & Glasgow, executors of
1820-22:- White & Levys.

Tophill, St Elizabeth.

Between Junction and Treasure Beach. Small elongated town in 2010.
1811: Powell, Sarah, Tophill 35/ -

Ashton Pen

- Once owned by the Burlton family with Mount Charles     HBJ1840
   once owned by Earl family,                         HBJ1915
   1915: 365 acres
   1998: now a smart Greathouse hotel just outside Black River.
2008: AM stayed there opinion reserved! Very poorly converted into hotel - front door and immediate hall only original part remaining.
     From Jamaica Gazette, 30/1/1813 (AM 4/2008): Ashton Pen, part of Longwood Pen, containing 300 acres situate in district of Santa Cruz, and binding upon Emmaus Pen. To save trouble, the considerate money is £1500 down, or £2000 by instalments of 1 & 2 years. Applications are to be made to James Miller or George Graham Stone, attorneys to John Mitchell esq.
From Government Gazette, 1813, Ashton Pen, part of Longwood Pen,

St. Elizabeth’s, Dec. 17, 1817. (Jamaica Gazette)

For SALE, ASHTON, a most desirable residence, situate two miles from B1ack-River, commanding an extensive and picturesque view of the Sea and surrounding Country: This Property contains 320 Acres of Land, about 100 of which are in Guinea-Grass, well divided with Stone Walls, the remainder in Ruinate, Logwood, and Common Pasture. The House consists of a Dining and two Bed-Rooms, below, a spacious Drawing and two Bed Rooms above, a detached wing with excellent Out-Offices, and a mason .work Kitchen and Wash- House; the whole worthy the attention of any Family wishing for a genteel country residence. Part of the purchase money will be required down, and, time given for the remainder on approved Security : To prevent unnecessary applications the premises are valued at £600. currency. Apply to JOHN SALMON.

"Brett Ashmeade-Hawkins" 24/9/06.

Unfortunately the house was converted into a rather shabby hotel in the early 1990s and the original building has been altered almost beyond recognition. Sadly most of it is now half-hidden behind a mass of incongruous modern additions.
Please find attached three pictures showing Ashton Great House as it once looked when the Burlton and Earle families lived there.

   They are as follows (these are held by AM, but not on line as they may be in copyright):
1. Ashton in 1832. Copy of an original drawing by Miss Storer. Private Collection[ii].
2. Ashton in 1964. Copy of an original photograph by the late T.A.L. Concannon. Concannon Collection. National Library of Jamaica.
3. Ashton in 1981. Copy of an original watercolour by Prudence Lovell. Jamaica, National Building Society Collection.

Jamaica Gazette, 22 January 1813: To be sold, Ashton Pen, being part of Longwood Pen, containing 300 acres, situate in the district of Santa Cruz, in the parish of St Elizabeth, and binding on Eammaus Pen. To save trouble the consideration money is £1500 down, or £2000 by instalmets of one and two years. Applications to be made to James Miller or George Gresham, Attornies to John Mitchell, Esq. (20180313_141844)

    The drawing showing Ashton in 1832 really captures it as it originally was. It stands on a high hill in the midst of over 350 acres of English-style parkland. The house had wonderful views of both Black River and the sea from the front and also the mountains from the back. Most importantly it was always delightfully cool and a pleasant escape from the constant heat and humidity of the nearby town of Black River.
    The late T.A.L. Concannon, an English architect who was the leading architectural historian in Jamaica from the late 1940s to the early 1970s, always described Ashton as an 18th Century house. However it is really quite different from most 18th Century Jamaican houses and I tend to think that it was probably built in the Early 19th Century instead. I would say sometime between 1810 and 1815. It has almost a Regency feel to it.
     As you can see Ashton was actually three storeys high, which was somewhat unusual for Jamaica since most houses were usually two storeys. The ground floor was a raised basement built of cut-stone and it contained a "hurricane room", a wine cellar and various storage rooms. The first floor and second floors were built of wood, solid mahogany boards, and the roof was covered with cedar shingles cut and cured on the plantation.
     A double staircase of stone led up to a pillared entrance portico on the first floor and into a projecting entrance hall with open wooden jalousies on all sides. This entrance hall led into a central hallway on the right of which was a large Dining Room and on the left of which was a large Drawing Room. Both of these rooms had tall arched doorways and very high ceilings, with glass sash windows and wooden jalousies on three sides. This allowed the slightest breeze to pass through both rooms, constantly keeping them cool. A beautiful mahogany staircase led to the second floor were there were 6 bedrooms. The bedroom above the entrance hall was said to be the coolest room in the entire house and at one time it was used as a Study by James Edward Burlton. He always kept a large brass telescope standing in the window to keep an eye on the shipping in the harbour at Black River.
     The old Slave Kitchen was in a separate building behind the Great House and was connected to the back veranda of the house by a covered pillared walkway. The Stables and Servants Quarters were also in separate buildings behind the house. To the right of the Great House stood a separate one storey wing known as the "Bachelors Quarters". It is not shown in the drawing of 1832 and must have been built later on, possibly in the 1840s. According to family tradition it was used to house the Overseer and Bookkeepers and also visiting Sea Captains and it contained a splendid Billiards Room for their amusement.
    Plantation life probably seems dull now to our modern eyes. but the Burltons and the Earles enjoyed a very active social life in the 19th Century. They frequently entertained visitors from Britain and from other parts of the Island. British Governors, Commanders-in-Chief and Admirals or Commodores, on official tours around Jamaica, would have been frequent guests at Ashton, along with their A.D.C.s and Staff. Long visits of a month or more would have been exchanged with family and friends who owned plantations in other parts of the Island and there would have been trips to Spanish Town, to Kingston and occasionally home to Britain. Grand Balls and Receptions were often held at the Black River Court House and numerous dinner parties, formal dances and musical evenings were constantly being held in the town houses in Black River and in the Great Houses on the plantations. Jamaica merchants and planters were well-known for their lavish hospitality, with vast quantities of fine food and drink, and wonderful parties that lasted for days. All this was made possible in those days by the huge retinues of servants.
     St. Elizabeth was famous for breeding thoroughbred racehorses. Black River had a fashionable racetrack and grandstand, and some plantations such a Emmaus Pen, just adjoining Ashton Pen, even had their own private racetracks. Race meetings were crowded events, attended in force by the local Gentry, and visitors from other parishes, anxious to show off their new carriages and the latest fashions from Europe. The Highgate Hunt, supported by the local Anglo-Irish gentry such as The Cuff family, frequently met in St. Elizabeth, to ride to hounds. Later on there was Polo at Gilnock Hall Estate, Tennis and Golf at Malvern, and weekend Shooting Parties on all the country estates during "The Season". Shooting began in Jamaica on "The Glorious 12th" of August, exactly the same as in Scotland, and guests were invited down for the long weekend from Kingston and Montego Bay and even came out for the Winter from England, to shoot quail, snipe, plover, wild pigeon and wild duck. These were elaborate social affairs, each with an army of beaters and bird dogs and the usual servants and shooting luncheons. There was even the occasional crocodile hunt in the swamps of the Black River.
     In the late 19th Century, due to the export of Logwood, Black River became one of the richest towns in Jamaica, and it was actually the first town in Jamaica to have electricity. The Farquharson and Leyden families, who had two beautiful Victorian mansions at Black River, Invercauld and Magdala, competed with each other to entertain in the grandest manner. Mrs. Leyden, who had once been an Opera singer in Paris, was the leading Society hostess of Black River during the Victorian era. Old St. Elizabeth families such as the Farquharsons, the Griffiths, the Dalys, the Robertsons, the Hendricks, the Levys, the Cuffs, the Earles, the Calders, the Muirheads, the Myers, the Brownes, the Muschetts and the Coopers, would have been frequent guests at her mansion, to listen to visiting Opera singers, Orchestras and Classical Pianists. A fashionable Spa at Black River attracted International Society including British aristocrats, titled Europeans and even the King and Queen of Belgium. One of the first Motor-Cars in Jamaica was imported into Black River in 1904 by the Griffith family of Hodges Pen and, after the First World War, came the "Dance of the Millions" in the 1920s with new Rolls Royces, free-flowing Champagne and endless Cocktail Parties.
     All this has long since vanished and today, in a modern, noisy, crowded, rundown Third World Jamaica, it is increasingly hard to visualize the graciousness of the old British Colonial Jamaica that we knew and loved. If I had not seen the last vestiges of this world with my own eyes, and had not listened to the stories of my Mother and Grandmother and others of their generation, most of whom have now passed away, it would all seem to have been part of some sort of insubstantial dream, just a romantic vision of the past, more myth than history. To most Jamaicans today it is a world as alien and as remote as that of Slavery itself, yet it still existed when I was a child and a few traces of it still survive even to this day.

Booth Mentions:

MI of Jamaica:
NEW WEST GROUND, KINGSTON (contd)
MRS. ARABELLA BOOTH, DIED 15th JUNE, 1837, AGED 70 YEARS

Clarendon Patented survey 1670:
George Booth, 1200 acres
Robert Wright 100
St Thomas: Thomas Booth 12

1784:
VERE TROOP, Militia of Horse

Capt. John Ashley

1st Lieut. Thomas John Parker

2d Lieut. John Gall Booth

1787:
Vere Troop, Horse
2d Lieut., John Gall Booth

1790 & 1796:
Vere Troop:
Captain, John Gall Booth

1805:
Vere Regiment:
Ensign JG Booth.

1808:
Vere Regiment of Foot:
Lt JG Booth

1817:
Vere Vestryman:
Samuel Booth

1824 Vere Troop of Horse:
Lieutenant: Samuel Booth 3/8/1821

Vere 1811:
Booth, J. G., Farm 62/ 13
Booth, J. G., deceased, Mount Pleasant 58/ 12
Booth, Samuel, Asia 41/ 19

Vere 1816:
Booth, John Gall, heirs of, Mount-Pleasant 42/ 20

Booth, Samuel, Asia 24

Vere 1818:
Booth, Samuel, Rest, 24/11
Manchester 1818:
Booth, John Gall, heirs of, Mount Pleasant, 38

Booth, John Gall, Farm, 64/29

Clarendon 1820:
Schroeter and Booth, 23
Vere 1820:
Booth, Henry, 10

Booth, Robert W., 2/ 20

Booth, Samuel, Rest 29/ 2
Manchester 1820:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 81/ 33

Booth, John G. heirs of, Mount Pleasant 33/4

St Andrew 1822:
Booth, Annabella, Rowlington Pen 18/ 1

Vere 1823:
Booth, Henry, 3/ 16

Booth, Robert W., 3

Booth, Samuel, Rest 25/3
Manchester 1820:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 74/ 30

Booth, John Gall heirs of, Mount Pleasant 35/ 4

Vere 1823:
Booth, Henry, 5

Booth, Robert W., 2/ 18

Booth, Samuel, Rest 29
Manchester 1823:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 78/ 31

Booth, John G. heirs of, Mount Pleasant 35/ 5

Manchester 1824:
Booth, John Gall, Farm 115/ 23

Ditto.............., Mount Pleasant 32

Vere 1824 Vestrymen:
Booth, Samuel,
Booth, Robert W.

St Andrew 1824:
Booth, Annabella, Rowlington Pen, 26/ 3

Vere 1825:
Booth, Annabella, 6

Booth, Robert W., 6 / 30

Booth, Samuel, Rest 26 / 4
Manchester 1825:
Booth, John G. deceased, Farm 113/ [torn]

Ditto.............., Mount Pleasant 40/ [torn]
St Andrew 1825:
Booth, Annabella, Rowlington Pen, 26/3

St Andrew 1826
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 25 / 4

St Catherine 1826:
Booth, Joseph W. 8/0
Silverwood, Samuel, as guardian of E. L. Booth 6/0

Vere 1826 (all slaves, not all have stock):
Booth, Annabella, 23

Booth, Robert W., 6 / 21

Booth, Samuel, Rest 28 / 4

St Catherine 1827:
Booth, Joseph W., 7
Silverwood, Samuel, as guardian of F. L. Booth, 6
St Andrew 1827:
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 32/3

Clarendon 1828:
Booth, Annabella, 11

..ditto, administratrix, 20

Booth, Rebecca, 51/10
Vere 1828:
Booth, Annabella, 17

Booth, Robert W., 18

Booth, Samuel, Rest, 24
Manchester 1828:
Booth, J. G., deceased, Farm, 85
St Catherine 1826:
Booth, Joseph W., 14
Manchester 1828:
Booth, J. G. estate of, Farm, 80
St Andrew 1828
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 31/4

Clarendon 1829:
Booth, Rebecca, 54/10
Vere 1829:
Booth, Annabella (or Ansabella?), 9

Booth, Robert W., 9

Booth, Samuel, Rest, 28/6
St Andrew:
Booth, Annabella, Rawlington Pen, 40/4

Vere 1828:
Booth, Annabella, 15

Booth, Henry, 5/5

Booth, Robert W., 17/27

Booth, Samuel, Rest, 25/6

St Andrew 1831:
Booth, Annabella, Rollington Pen, 42/5
Vere 1831:
Booth, Robert W., 9/18

Booth, Samuel, The Rest, 25/8

Clarendon 1831:
Booth, Annabella, 8

St Andrew 1832:
Booth, Annabella, Rollington Pen, 38/ 4
St Dorothy 1832:
............... for estate of Catherine Booth 4
Manchester 1832:
Booth, John Gaul, heirs of, 99
Vere 1832:
Booth, Robert W. 11/ 17

Booth, Samuel, The Rest 20/ 7

St Andrew 1833:
Booth, Annabella, Rollington Pen 40/ 7
ST Dorothy 1833:
............... for estate of Catherine Booth 4
Vere 1833:
Booth, Robert W. 8/ 13

Vere 1839:
Constable: Joseph L Booth.

St Andrew 1840:
Booth, Arabella, *Rollington pen, 12

Vere 1840:
Booth, R. W. estate of, 300
Burrell, George P., executor of Booth, 137

Manchester 1845:
Booth, J. W. Gains, 27
St Catherine 1845
Marshall, J. F. Booth’s pen, 17
Vere 1845:
Booth, W. P. Milk-River, 25

Booth, W. P. Rest, 10
Booth, S. Milk-River, 16

Booth, R. B. March Quarter, 66

Booth, R. B. Serpentine River, 1100

Moravian Church in Lititz, St. Elizabeth:
James Booth Feb 9, 1830 Alligator Pond Dec 25, 42 W.A.Prince P.L. Simon Booth (father)

Michael Booth Feb10,1834

1. William McLeod was born Abt. 1802. He married Adah Jane Booth May 02, 1827 in Manchester (Source: B0059 Manchester Parish Register I, 1817-1836, p. 310 #3.). She was born Abt. 1802.

More About William McLeod:

Purpose of travel: Free person of color

Residence: 1827, Manchester

More About Adah Jane Booth:

Race/nationality/color: Free person of color

Residence: 1827, Manchester

Cohens: St Elizabeth.

1804:- Shown in 2 places NW of Black River, S of Giddy Hall:
18 04N 77 55.5W, between Brompton and Fiffes
18 03.5N 77 45.5, Mt Salus??
1822-24:- Cohen & Co. Heathfield. (Manchester)
1833:- Hyman, Heathfield & Berlin.
1833:- Judah Cohen, Potsdam & Corby Castle
1838:- Hyman, Apropos & Albion (Vere) & Berlin.
1838:- Judah, Potsdam & Corby Castle.
1840:- Hyman, Berlin, Apropos, Isle, Albion
1840:- Judah, Potsdam, Colby Castle, Heathfield, Berwick, Maidstone, Bath & Chatham.

Hyman's: Vere.

Maybe Dean's Valley, 18N 77 43W
1804:- Hyman's
1804:- Hyman's also 1 mile west of Santa Cruz.

Wrights: Vere.

1755:- shown on Minho (Dry) River, east bank. In 1804 perhaps "Richmonds", roughly opposite Gibbons.

Wrights: St Elizabeth.

1804:- shown 1 mile NE of Lacovia, at Greenfield or Petersfield.

Pusey Hall:

17 38N 77 15W, North of Rocky Point, Carlisle Bay.

Wright Images W 19

1804:- Pusey Hall.
UCL awards:

Jamaica Vere 42 (Pusey Hall Estate)

AWARDEES Richard Godson Henry Hargreaves
Claim Details & Associated Individuals

5th Oct 1835 | 236 Enslaved | £5018 7S 11D
Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 19.

T71/858: shows 'Henry and Richard Godson Hargreaves [sic] absentees'. Corrected by hand to Henry Hargreaves and Richard Godson.

T71/56 p. 107: enslaved persons were registered in 1832 by Jno Melmoth, as attorney to Henry Hargraves and Richard Godson esqs.

Jamaica Vere 43 (Pusey Hall Estate)
AWARDEES Susan Goulburn & Rebecca Ross
Claim Details & Associated Individuals

29th Feb 1836 | 32 Enslaved | £618 1S 9D
Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 19.

T7/858: claim from Thomas Heney, of Vere, as the agent of Rebecca Ross and Susan Goulbourn.

T71/56 p. 54: Susan Goulburn registered 5 enslaved persons in 1832.

T71/56 p. 125: Rebecca Ross registered two enslaved persons, as guardian.

Wint: Vere.

1804:- on Milk River, north of Main road crossing, on east bank. Also there were Mrs Booth's.
1811:- John P. Wint.
1804:- Myers were shown about 1/2 mile west of Giddy Hall Settlement
Mrs Parchment's shown near south coast, between Jack's Holt and White Horse.

Thomas Hercey Barratt

Particulars of the Estates of Mile Gully and Spitzbergen, and Harmans or Harmony Run, in the Parish of Manchester : Paradise, Piper's or Smith's Penn, Mumbies & Blackwall, in the Parish of Vere, and Garbrand Hall and Mullet Hall, in the Parish of Saint Thomas in the east, all in the Island of Jamaica, containing alltogether 15,932 acres, or thereabouts : which will be sold by auction, in seven lots, or in such lots as the chief Commissioners shall determine at the time of sale, by Messrs. Leifchild & Cheffins, before Henry James Stonor, Esq., Chief Commissioner, at the Court of the Commissioners.

Other Title

In the Court of the Commissioners for the Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies (Jamaica)

Incumbered Estates in the West Indies (Jamaica)
Copies of the estate maps are in the Estate Map folder, and available from the Library of Congress: https://www.loc.gov/resource/g4961gm.gct00414/?sp=1

Jamaica, particulars of a valuable Sugar Estate : known as Carlisle, containing 900 acres, or thereabouts, and a piece of land belonging thereto, containing 163 acres or thereabouts, in the Parish of Clarendon (Vere District) in the Island of Jamaica, together with the buildings, fixtures, machinery and live & dead stock thereon : which will be sold by auction, in one lot, by Messrs. Hards, Vaughan & Jenkinson, before James Fleming, Esq., Q.C., and Reginald John Cust, Esq., Commissioners for Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies, at the Sale Room of the Commissioners.

Title from accompanying text. "In the matter of the Estate of Issac Baruh Lousada, deceased." "Sale on Wednesday, the 14th day of May, 1879." Accompanied by text: In the Court of the Commissioners for Sale of Incumbered Estates in the West Indies, Jamaica. ([4] unnumbered pages : cadastral data, annotations ; 44 cm, folded to 28 x 11 cm). "At the Auction Mart, Tokenhouse Yard, in the city of London, on Wednesday, the 14th day of May, 1879, at one o'clock precisely. The purchaser will have an indefeasible Parliamentary Title under the Seal of the Court." Available also through the Library of Congress Web site as a raster image.

Mile Gully

Culture in Education

Manchester’s Culture and History - Past to the Present

05/11/2013

Manchester Parish Development Committee

Trainer: Mrs. Blackwood Meeks

In 1799, an advertisement appeared in the Jamaica Mercury and Kingston Advertiser for the sale of a property referred to as ‘Mile Guely’. Names of persons connected with the transaction were: Thomas Blen___, Robert Miller, Thomas R__, John Allen and William Hays. The Manchester Vestry Minutes mention that Mile Gully Pen had 148 slaves and 320 stock, and that the sum which the estate had to pay to the area’s way warden for upkeep of the roads, etc., was £43.13.4. There are later references to Mile Gully Pen, which was owned in 1815 by Thomas H. Barrett – whose family was among the first English settlers who received land patents in Jamaica from the King of England. However, the estate may have been in operation from as early as the 1790s. By 1818, the property was chiefly a supplier of coffee and young steers, which were respectively sold in London and to the local plantations, Garbrand Hall and Paradise Estate.

The crop account of 31st December 1819 to 31st December 1820 for Mile Gully Pen, which by this time belonged to the heirs of the deceased Thomas Barrett, records a shipment of three puncheons of rum, 27 tierces of coffee and 30 tierces of sugar to London. In 1820, Garbrand Hall Estate was sold a bull and two cows for a total cost of £80; Alexander Campbell was sold 16 cows for £288; Paradise Estate sold two fat calves for £40 and 700ft cedar planks for £42; and 5,000ft cedar in log shipped to Mullet Hall Estate in St. Thomas-in-the-East, though no cost was given. The manager of Mile Gully Pen was then James Matthew White while the overseer was George Lindsay. Also in 1820 was a slave return of the property where 232 slaves were accounted for.

By 1840, Mile Gully Pen was owned by John Nunes although a substantial acreage (7,942 acres) was owned by Haten Pearson; and by 1846 Mile Gully Pen was being operated jointly with Spitzbergen Plantation and had reported a total earning of £848.12.9 for the period 1st January to 31st December 1846.

In the 1882 Return of Properties, Mile Gully Pen was a vast 4,000 acres property, which was owned by A.W. Heron. The estate produced coffee on only 16 acres of the land, while 800 acres were devoted to common pasture/guinea grass, with the remaining 3,184 acres a woodland. Mile Gully Pen ceased to exist as a separate operation of a person or family by 1920.

4.3 Unity & Blagrove

This is included as my first visits to Jamaica were at Unity house, formerly part of Cardff Hall, once owned by Blagrove. John Blagrave, the famous mathematician, was the son of John Blagrave of Bulmershe Court, near Sonning in Berkshire, by Anne, daughter of Sir Anthony Hungerford of Down Ampney in Gloucestershire (as well as East Shefford). He was born in Reading, but the date of his birth is unknown: probably early in the 1560s. He received his early education in his native town and, afterwards, entered St. John's College, Oxford. He did not, however, take a degree, but retired to his patrimony at Southcote Manor (Reading). He also had houses on the Seven Bridges in the town and at Swallowfield. John devoted himself to his favourite study of mathematics and became esteemed, as Anthony Wood declares, 'the flower of mathematicians of his age'.

He published four works: 1. The Mathematical Jewel, showing the making and most excellent use of a singular instrument so called, in that it performeth with wonderful dexterity whatever is to be done either by quadrant, ship, circle, cylinder, ring, dial, horoscope, astrolabe, sphere, globe or any such like heretofore devised (1585). 2. Baculum, Familliare Catholicon sive Generale: a book of the making and use of a staff newly invented by the author, called the Familiar Staff, as well for that it may be made usually and familiarly to walk with as for that it performeth the geometrical mensurations of all altitudes (1590). 3. Astrolabium Uranicum Generale: a necessary and pleasant solace and recreation for navigators in their long journeying (1596). 4. The Art of Dialling, in two parts (1609).

In private life, Blagrave was distinguished for his charity. He concerned himself with the welbeing of others and is once said to have have cast out a dumb devil from a maid at Basingstoke (Hampshire) by invoking the name of the Tetragrammaton and that of the Blessed Trinity. His father settled upon him, in 1591, the lease for ninety-nine years of lands in Southcote, which he in turn bequeathed this to his nephew, the regicide Daniel Blagrave, son of Alexander Blagrave of Southcote Manor, the famous Chess-Player, and his wife, Margaret; and as many as eighty other relatives are said to have benefited from his will. To his native town of Reading, he left certain legacies, one of which provided annually the sum of twenty nobles to be competed for by three maid servants of good character and five years' service under one master, to be selected by the three parishes of the town. The whimsical conditions of this bequest required that the maids should appear on Good Friday in the town hall before the mayor and aldermen and, there, cast lots for the prize. The losers had the right of competing a second and third time.

Blagrave died on 9 Aug 1611 and was buried, in the same grave as his mother, in the church of St. Lawrence in Reading, wherein an elaborate monument of himself, surrounded by allegorical figures, was erected by Gerard Christmas. He married a widow, whose daughter is named in his will, but he left no issue.

Jamaica Gleaner

The Blagrove legacy: The Oliver Cromwell years and beyond

Oliver Cromwell

23 Dec 2018 Anthony Gambrill

PRECISELY WHEN John Blagrove came to Jamaica is unknown, although he was a ‘regicide’, a supporter of Oliver Cromwell who had designs on Spain’s Caribbean and South America possessions.

By 1689, he owned 700 acres in Hanover originally known as Maggotty, named for the river running through his land. It was later renamed Kenilworth. On his death, he also owned plantations in St Ann - Orange Valley, Unity, Pembroke and Cardiff Hall. His

will listed properties covering 1,880 acres, he possessed 929 slaves, £54,000 in currency while owing £32,000 of debt.

He was not so fortunate in family matters. His son, Thomas, died at 21, a year after his marriage to Elizabeth Campbell. Their union had produced a single child named John, named after his grandfather. Being a minor, although inheriting from his justdeceased father the plantations his grandfather had acquired, John Jr was to be legally in the care of a guardian for many years.

GRAND TOUR

As was the custom among the male offspring of wealthy proprietors, John went to England to be educated at Eton, then Oxford. He also undertook the ‘Grand Tour’ of Europe designed to broaden his mind, if not also to let him sow his wild oats. It was during this era that he sat for the renowned Italian portrait painter Pompeo Batoni. His conventional portrait was the necessary finishing touch of the Grand Tour for upper-class gentry. The portrait is in our National Gallery.

In 1777, John married Anne Shakespeare before returning to Jamaica to take up the management of his estates, where he was to spend the next 25 years residing at Cardiff Hall. The couple had four sons - none of whom outlived their father - and four daughters. Three of the children

were born between 1780 and 1782, when the Blagroves were in England possibly to avoid the threat of tropical diseases inflicted on newborns. Two of the sons were to get caught up in the Napoleonic Wars in France. Charles died in France in internment, while Peter eventually escaped returning to Jamaica where he died aged 30.

As well as allowing for nine natural children by three different mothers, John Blagrove’s will appears to have deliberately failed to include his son, John Williams Blagrove, who, in fact, had been incarcerated for many years in a lunatic asylum favoured by the elite for its ‘discretion’ in Hackney, London.

Cardiff Hall was John Blagrove Jr’s with the plantation typically producing sugar for molasses and rum, as well as pimento, breeding cattle and horses, even growing coffee. He was noted for improving his breeds of cattle by importing stock from Britain. He also brought in race horses to take part in competitions held on race courses in Runaway Bay. He represented St Ann in the House of Assembly, following the tradition of his father who briefly sat for Hanover.

He died in 1824 having returned to Britain in 1805. Here he had bought and rebuilt Ankerwycke House in Wraysbury, Buckinghamshire, later moving to Hampshire. The imposing remains of the Kenilworth, ex-Maggotty sugar factory, can still be seen on the site of the Heart Institute in

$1 TO EACH SLAVE

Curiously, the Times of London in a complimentary vein quoted his will:

“And lastly, to my loving people, denominated and recognised by the laws as, and being in fact my slaves, in Jamaica, but more estimated and considered by me and my family as tenants for life, attached to the soil, I bequeath a dollar for every man, woman, and child as a small token of my regard for their faithful and affectionate service and willing labours to myself and my family, being reciprocally bound in one general tie of master and servant in the prosperity of the land, from which we draw our mutual comforts and subsistence in our several rela

tised on by the hired labourer of the day in the UK), the contrary of which doctrine is held only by the visionists of the puritanical orders against the common feeling of mankind.” At the time, he was the owner of 1,500 slaves in Hanover and St Ann.

I am in debt to Friends of the Georgian Society of Jamaica for pointing out that the longestheld Jamaican-Cromwellian patent was held by the Blagrove family in St Ann, which ended in 1974 with the sale of Hopewell, near Discovery Bay.

I Anthony Gambrill is a playwright and historian. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com.

5 Road & Parish Changes

The following are extracts from
“Acts of Assembly”
Passed in the Island of Jamaica
From the year 1681 to the year 1768, inclusive
In two volumes
Saint Jago de la Vega, Jamaica
Printed by Lowry and Sherlock, printers, Booksellers and Stationers
MDCCLXIX

Surveyors

Act 24 1683 P38 - An Act for regulating Surveyors,

BE it enacted by the Governor, Council, and Assembly; and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That no Person whatsoever shall presume to act or perform the Office or Employment of a Surveyor-general within this Island, before he hath given good and sufficient Security in the Sum of Four Thousand Pounds, current Money of this Island, for the just and faithful Performance of his Office and Trust, according to the Duty of his said Office and Employment, and that the Bonds for Security be carefully kept and recorded in the Secretary's Office; and upon any Damages received by any Person from the said Surveyor, or any deputed under him, in the negligent or corrupt Performance of his or their Surveys, and due Application thereon made to the Governor, the said Bond shall be put in Suit, and due Recovery thereof made for such Damages as they shall prove to have received, in the same Manner and Form as is declared and provided by the Act, entitled, An Act requiring all Masters of Ships and Vessels to give Security in the Secretary's Office.
II. Provided always, and it is the true Intent and Meaning of this Act, That it shall and may be lawful for any Person or Persons whatsoever to survey, re-survey, and run any dividing Lines, and give Plats of any Land already patented, or that shall be patented or surveyed within this his Majesty's Island, except where the King is or shall be a Party; in which case only the Surveyor-general, his Deputy or Deputies, or any other Person thereunto lawfully authorised by the Governor for the Time being, shall survey, re-survey, or run dividing Lines, and give Plats thereof; any Law, Custom, or Usage seeming to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
III. Be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That the Surveyor-general, or any other Person thereunto lawfully authorised, as aforesaid, shall, by himself, or his Deputy or Deputies, execute every such Order or Warrant for the surveying or running out of Lands, as from time to time shall be directed to him or them, as aforesaid, within a reasonable Time after the proving of such an Order or Warrant; that is to say, in any Place within the Parishes of St. Catharine, Port Royal, or St. Andrew, within one Month; in any Place within the Parishes of Vere, Clarendon, St. Dorothy, St. John, St. Mary, St. Thomas in the Vale, St. David, or St. Thomas to Windward, within Three Months; and in any other Parish whatsoever within this Island, within Six Months; upon Penalty of one Hundred Pounds, current Money of this Island, for every such Default; the one Half to our Sovereign Lord the King, his Heirs and Successors, for and towards the Support of the Government of this Island, and the contingent Charges thereof; and the other Moiety to the Person aggrieved, or to him that shall sue for the same; to be recovered in any of his Majesty's Courts of Record within this Island, by Bill, Plaint, or Information, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed.
IV. Provided always, That if any Person under the Pretence of surveying Lands, shall cause the Surveyor, or any of his Deputies, to take a Journey, and when he comes at the Time and Place assigned, shall not be there ready to shew him the Land that is to be surveyed, so that he cannot Perform the same; the Parties aforesaid shall pay and satisfy unto the said Surveyor or his Deputy, Ten Shillings per Diem for every Day he shall so lose, for his Pains and Charges in the said Journey.
V. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Surveyor-general, by himself, or his Deputy, erect his Office at the Town of St. Jago de la Vega, under the Penalty of Five Hundred Pounds, current Money of this Island., to be recovered and levied as aforesaid; and that he, or his Deputy, keep or attend his Office from Eight to Eleven in the Forenoon, and from Two to Five in the Afternoon, every Day, except Sundays and Holidays, under the Penalty of Forty Shillings, to be recovered by Warrant from any justice of the Peace, to the Uses aforesaid; any Custom or Ufage heretofore to the contrary notwithstanding.
VI. Provided, That a Power be left in the King's Majesty, and his Officers, to re-examine the Surveyors for what concerns his Majesty.

1683 Act 25 Vol 1 P39

An Act for further directing and regulating the Proceedings of Surveyors.
FORASMUCH as it hath been found by Experience, that the Act, entitled, An Act sor regulating Surveyors, hath not sufficiently provided against the several Abuses by sundry evil-disposed Surveyors formerly, and now also often done and committed, contrary to their Duty and the Trust reposed in them, to the Damage of his Majesty, and of his liege People of this Island, and which in some cases may tend to the utter Ruin of many of his good Subjects; for Prevention whereof, be it enacted by the Governor and Council, and Assembly, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That no Surveyor whatsoever presume to deliver any Plat, whereby any Parcel of Land shall pass the Broad Seal of this Island, before he hath himself, in his own Person, actually surveyed and measured the said Land on every Side thereof, where it is accessible and possible to be done, and hath also seen the Lines fairly made, and the Corner-trees marked with the first Letters of his Name and Surname, expressed in the Order; and that the said Plat shall truly represent the respective Parcels of Land, with their true Bounds and Bearings, and expressing the Sort of Wood every Corner-tree is of, with the Alphabetical Marks aforesaid, and also insert the Scale of the same, either drawn or expressed therein, under the Penalty of Fifty Pounds for every such Default.
II. And be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That where any Surveyor shall be called, or employed to survey or re-survey any Parcel of Land, bounding upon any Land already taken up, the said Surveyor, before he presume to run upon any such Lines, shall give Notice thereof to the reputed Owners or Possessors of the said Land, if he know them, and that they are Inhabitants in the Precinct where the said Survey or Re-survey is intended to be made or done; and if he does not know the Owners of the said Land, or that the said Owners dwell not in the Precinct, that then he give Notice to the Two next Neighbours, under the Penalty of Twenty Pounds for every such Default.
III. And be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That no Surveyor shall presume to survey or lay out any Land to pass the Broad Seal of this Island, directly or indirectly, for his own Use, but shall employ some other Surveyor to do the same, under the Penalty of Fifty Pounds.
IV. And whereas sundry Surveyors have practised to give Plats to pass the King's Grant for several Parcels of Land, upon some of which Parcels they have, either through Negligence or evil Design, never made any actual Survey, viz. either marking one Corner-tree or more, and running and marking no Line, but projecting the Whole, or else some Part where the natural Situation of the Land would well permit the due Survey and cutting Lines, which tends to the Dishonour of his Majesty, and great Damage, even in some case to the Ruin of many of his good Subjects of this Island; be it therefore enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That all present Surveyors who have given Plats, whereby any Parcel of Land hath passed the Broad Seal of this Island, without actual surveying on all Sides where the Situation of the said Land makes it possible to be done, shall on Request to them made at any Time, complete any former Survey, according to the Plat by them given, running fair Lines where they had before projected only, and marking Trees in the said Lines with Three Notches in Wood-land, according to Custom, and making fitting Marks in other Lands.
V. And it is hereby also provided, That no Surveyor, or who hath executed the Office as a Surveyor, is hereby obliged to make Re-survey, or cut Lines in Lands which have been patented more than Four Years; and whatsoever Surveyor, or that hath executed the Office of a Surveyor in this Island, shall, after due Request, as aforesaid, deny, refuse, or delay to cut the above said Lines, and rectify the above mentioned Errors, in such Manner as is before expressed, shall forfeit for every Three Months they shall so deny, refuse, or delay the same, the Sum of Twenty Pounds, to be recovered in any Court of Record in this Island; one Half whereof to our Sovereign Lord the King, for the public Use of this Island, and the other Half to the Informer, Party injured, or who will sue for the same.
VI. And for Prevention of Disputes and Differences that may arise also of an evil Practice of some Surveyors, who, when an Order hath been given for running out Land, have made their own Advantage of the same, running it out for other Persons; it is also hereby enacted, That every Surveyor shall, at any Time when an Order for the Survey of Land is offered him, immediately take a Memorandum thereof, with the Place where the Party bringing it desires it should be run out, mentioning also the Time of the Receipt thereof, and shall also write the same on the Back of the said Order, and shall also survey the said Land accordingly for the said Person, if he be ready in reasonable Time, after due Notice by the said Surveyor given to shew the said Land; and if it shall so happen, that the said Surveyor shall have received an Order already, which he believes is for the said Parcel of Land, he shall then declare the same, and also shew the said Order, if desired, under the Penalty of Forty Pounds for every such Default; and every Surveyor shall, on every Survey, return Two Plats of the said Survey into the Patent-office, the one to be left there, and the other to be affixed to the Survey into the Patent office,
VII. And it is hereby also further enacted, That the Clerk of the Patents shall affix one of the Two Plats delivered him by the Surveyor (as above provided) unto the Grant, and keep the other Plat in the said Office, without any Embezilment of the same; and that the Secretary of this Island shall record a true Copy of the Plat so affixed to the Grant or Patent, next unto the Record of each respective Grant or Patent; and that the Clerk of the Patents shall receive for writing an original Patent, Ten Shillings, and no more; and if the Clerk of the Patents, or Secretary of this Island, shall offend against any of the Clauses of this Act, he or they, who shall so offend, shall forfeit the Sum of Twenty Pounds for each Offence by him or them committed.
VIII. And it is also hereby enacted, That every Surveyor, or Clerk of the Patents, or any other Person, in whose Hands soever any original Plat is lawfully lodged, shall, on Request by any one made, give a true Copy of any Plat in their Copy of an Possession, and receive Two Shillings and Six-Pence for the same, and no more; and whosoever aforesaid shall refuse or deny the same, shall forfeit Forty Shillings for every such Offence, to be recovered by Warrant from any justice of the Peace; one Half of which Forfeiture to be received by the said justice, and paid by him to the Church-wardens, for the Use of the Poor of the Parish, and the other Half to the Party complaining.
IX. And whereas in an Act, intituled, An Act for regulating Fees, it is made lawful for every Surveyor to receive Two Pence per Acre for all Lands by him surveyed, viz. for the Survey of the same, and no more; it is hereby enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful for every Surveyor receive one Penny per Acre more than the said Act allows; that is, Three Pence per Acre for surveying any Quantity of Land, and no more.
X. And it is hereby enacted, That every Person who shall receive a Commission from the Governor to be a Surveyor in this Island, shall give Bond, with sufficient Surety, in the Sum of Three hundred Pounds, for the true and just Performance of his Office, before he act in the same, under the Penalty of Fifty Pounds for every such Offence; the said Bond to be carefully kept and recorded in the Secretary's Office, that upon any Negligence or corrupt Performance of their Office, it may be put in Suit, in the same Manner as is declared and provided for the Recovery of the Bond for Security given by all Masters of Ships and Vessels, and appointed in the Act, entitled, An Act requiring all Masters of Ships and Vessels to give Security in the Secretary's Office.
XI. But it is hereby provided nevertheless, That if the Surveyor-general shall keep his Office, and Perform the Duties herein required, both in his own Person and his Deputies, and as is provided in an Act, entitled, An Act for regulating Surveyors; that then it shall and may be lawful for the said Surveyor-general to employ Deputies, as formerly hath been done; but that his Bond of Four thousand Pounds, mentioned in the aforesaid Act, shall remain cautionary for Security, that himself, and also his Deputies, do well observe and Perform all the Directions and Clauses of this Act for future Surveys, under the several Penalties therein expressed.
XII. Be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if Robert Felgate, or any Person whatsoever, who have any original Plat in their Custody, do not return the same into the Patent-office at or before the Five and twentieth Day of March next ensuing, shall, upon due Conviction thereof, for every Plat so kept back, forfeit the Sum of One hundred Pounds.
XIII. And it is also hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, penalties, That all Penalties mentioned in this Act, and no Provision made where they shall be recovered, or how disposed of, shall be recovered by Bill, Plaint, or Information, in any Court of Record within this Island, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed; one Half of which Forfeitures shall be unto our Sovereign Lord the King, towards the Support of the Government of this Island, and the contingent Charges thereof; and the other Half to him or them that shall sue for the same; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

Parish Boundaries

1683: Boundary of St Elizabeth & Clarendon

Act 26: A supplementary and explanatory Act. Vol 1 P42, 1683

III. Be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That a North-north-West Line from the Head of Swift River to the South Bounds of St Anne's, shall be the Easterly and Westerly Bounds of the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon.

1703: Dividing St Elizabeth

Vol 1. Act 45, P73

An Act for dividing the Parish of St. Elizabeth into Two distinct Parishes for the Ease of the Inhabitants.

WHEREAS the Parish of St. Elizabeth is of such large Extent, that the Inhabitants, without long Time of Warning, extraordinary Fatigue, Loss of Time, and great Expense, cannot convene and appear on public Occasions, either at Church, Election of Members to serve as Representatives in Assemblies, choosing Church-wardens or Vestrymen, laying on Taxes, appointing Surveyors, and many other Privileges, as Subjects of England, are thereby lost: And whereas the Quantity of Land, Number of Settlements, and Inhabitants contained in the said Parish, are sufficient for Two several and distinct Parishes; Be it therefore enacted and ordained by her Majesty's Lieutenant-Governor, Council and Assembly, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That the said Parish of St. Elizabeth be divided, and The Parish of is hereby divided into Two separate and distinct Parishes, at a Place commonly called and known by the Name of Scott's Cove, in Syrranam Quarters, from thence due North-east, shall divide the said Two Parishes; and from the East-ward of the said Division to the Parish of Clarendon and Vere, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, to be called and known by the Name of the Parish of St. Elizabeth; and to the Westward of the said Dividing, as aforesaid, to the South Bounds of the Parish of St. James, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, and is hereby called and to be known by the Name of the Parish of Westmoreland; which said Two Parishes shall be, and for ever hereafter taken and esteemed, to all Intents and Purposes, Two distinct Parishes, separate from each other, and be called and known by the Name of the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland, and have, use, exercise, and enjoy all and every the Powers, Authorities, Benefits, and Privileges, Rights, Immunities, and Customs, that all or any of the Parishes or Precincts within this Island have or ought to have, use, exercise, or enjoy of common Right, or by virtue of any general Act or Acts of this Country, as fully, amply, and effectually, as if they had been Two distinct and separate Parishes or Precincts, and therein by Name expressly mentioned and specified; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

II. And whereas it may be supposed that the Parish of St. Elizabeth, before the separating and dividing thereof, was indebted and in Arrear, in taxing, levying, and paying some public Debt, or Sum of Money: And whereas there is already, before the dividing of the Parish, as aforesaid, Money taxed, collected, or paid to the Church-wardens or Constables; therefore be it enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That the Church-wardens which shall be next chosen for each of the Two several and respective Parishes, shall have and receive, sue for, or recover such Proportion of the Money already taxed, levied, or paid, as was taxed, levied, collected, or paid in or by the Inhabitants of the Parish of Westmoreland before they were divided; and that each of the said Parishes shall raise Money according to the Proportion aforesaid, for the Payment and discharging such public Debts as were due from the Parish of St. Elizabeth at the Time of the dividing the fame into Two separate and distinct Parishes; any Law, Custom, or Usage in any wise to the contrary notwithstanding.

1723: Westmoreland divided.

Act 76 Vol 1 P136

An AEl for dividing the Parish of Westmoreland into two distinct Parishes, for the Ease of the Inhabitants.

WHEREREAS the Parish of Westmoreland is of such large Extent, that the Inhabitants, without long Time of Warning, extraordinary Fatigue, Loss of Time, and great Expense, cannot convene and appear on public Occasions, either at Church, Election of Members to serve as Representatives in Assemblies, choosing Church-wardens or Vestrymen, laying on Taxes, appointing Surveyors, and many other Privileges, as Subjects of England, are thereby lost: And whereas the Quantity of Land, Number of Settlements, and Inhabitants contained in the said Parish, are sufficient for two separate and distinct Parishes; Be it therefore enacted and ordained by the Governor, Council, and Assembly of and for this Island, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That the said Parish of Westmoreland be divided, and is hereby divided into two separate and distinct Parishes, in Manner following: that is to say, That such Part of the said Parish as lieth on the South-fide of. the Place commonly called and known by the Name of Negril by North, by a dividing Line to be carried directly from Negril aforesaid, unto King's Valley River, where the King's Road, leading to the North-side of this Island, cuts the said River, and from thence, by a due East Course, to the River called Great River, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, to be called and known by the Name of the Parish of Westmoreland; and to the Northward of the said Place called Negril by North, by such dividing Line as aforesaid, unto the South Bounds of the Parish of St. James, shall be a distinct and separate Parish, and is hereby called and to be known by the Name of the Parish of Hannover; which said two Parishes shall be for ever hereafter taken and esteemed, to all Intents and Purposes, two distinct Parishes, separate from each other, and be respectively called and known by the Names of the Parishes of Westmoreland and Hanover, and respectively have, use, exercise, and enjoy all and every the Powers, Authorities, Benefits and Privileges, Rights, Immunities and Customs, that all or any of the Parishes or Precincts within this Island have, or ought to have, use, exercise, or enjoy of common Right, or by virtue of any general Act or Acts of this Country, as fully, amply, and effectually, as if they had been two distinct and separate Parishes or Precincts, and therein by Name expressly mentioned and specified; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

II. And whereas it may be supposed that the Parish of Westmoreland, before the separating and dividing thereof, was indebted and in Arrear in taxing, levying, and paying some public Debt or Sum of Money; and whereas there is already, before the dividing of the Parish, as aforesaid, Money taxed, collected, or paid to the Church-wardens or Constables, therefore be it enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That the Church-wardens which shall be next chosen for each of the two several and respective Parishes shall have and receive, sue for and to be divided recover such Proportion of the Money already taxed, levied, or paid, as was taxed, levied, collected, or paid in or by the Inhabitants of the Parish of Hanover before they were divided; and that each of the said Parishes shall raise Money according to the Proportion aforesaid, for the Payment and discharging such public Debts as were due from the Parish of Westmoreland at the Time of dividing the same into two separate and distinct Parishes; any Law, Custom, or Usage in any wise to the contrary notwithstanding.

1739: St Elizabeth/Vere/Clarendon Boundary

Act 121, Vol 1 P232.

Browne has this boundary in its earlier position, it is shown on Craskell & Robertson as in this act.

An Act for the uniting of those parts of Carpenters Mountains, heretofore esteemed part of the parishes of St Elizabeth and Clarendon to the parish of Vere (12 May 1739)

Whereas those parts of Carpenter’s Mountains, lying in the parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, being far, distant from the usual places of the meetings of the justices and vestry of the said respective parishes, and the plantations in the said mountains being much infested with rebellious negroes, the inhabitants of the said mountains cannot, without long time of warning, extraordinary fatigue, loss of time, and great expense and difficulties, convene and appear on public occasions, either at church, election of members to serve as representatives in assemblies, choosing churchwardens or vestrymen, assessing taxes, appointing surveyors, and attending the quarterly sessions and trials of negroes whereby many privileges to the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, as subjects of Great-Britain, are in a great measure lost: And whereas the uniting those parts of the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, called Carpenter’s Mountains, bounding from the mouth of Milk River ten miles (this must be a misprint – on Craskell, it is about 2 miles up the Milk River) up the same river-course to the bounds of Sutton and Sperry, and thence, with a north-west line, cross the mountains to Manatee Savannah, and along the top of the said mountains to Alligator Pond, and along the sea-side to the mouth of Milk River aforesaid, according to the plan annexed, would be the most effectual remedy for the ease and relief of the inhabitants of the said mountains from such their difficulties, without much inconvenience to the inhabitants, either of the parishes of St. Elizabeth or Clarendon: May it please your most excellent majesty that it be enabled; Be it therefore enacted by your Majesty’s governor, council, and assembly of this you island of Jamaica, and it is hereby enabled by the authority of the same. That those parts of Carpenter’s Mountains, heretofore esteemed part of the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, bounding as herein before described, according to the said plan annexed, shall for ever hereafter be united and annexed to, and be taken and esteemed, to all intents and purposes, as part of, the said parish of Vere; and that the inhabitants of those parts of the said Carpenter's Mountains herein before described, and their heirs, representatives, and successors, shall for ever hereafter have, use, exercise, and enjoy, all and every the powers, authorities, benefits, rights, immunities, and privileges, which all or any of the inhabitants of the said parish of Vere, or their heirs, representatives, or successors ought to have, use, exercise, or enjoy, of common right, or by virtue of any general act or acts of this island, as fully, amply, and effectually, as if those parts of the said mountains, now or heretofore in the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, had been originally in, or part of, the said parish of Vere, and had never been deemed or taken to have been in, or esteemed as part of, the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or either of them; any law, custom,. or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

II. And whereas the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, before the passing of this act esteemed to have been in the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or one of them, may have been indebted, or in arrear, in or by reason of some public or parochial taxes, debts, or sums of money:

And whereas before the passing of this act, money might have been assessed, taxed, collected, or paid to the churchwardens or constables of the said respective parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon: Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the churchwardens, already chose for the parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, shall respectively have and receive, such proportion of the money already assessed, taxed, levied, or paid, as were, taxed, levied, collected, or paid, in or by the inhabitants of those parts of the said Carpenter’s Mountains, before the passing of this act esteemed to have been in, or parts of, the said respective parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or as if this act had never been made; and that the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, heretofore in the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, shall raise money, according to their assessments, and in such proportions, for the payment and discharge of such public debts as were due from, or ought to have been paid, by, the inhabitants of those parts of the said mountains, before the passing of this act deemed to have been in the parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or either of them, and pay the same to such person and persons, and in such manner and form, as if this act had never been made and that the justices and vestry of the said parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon shall have the same powers and authorities, and shall and may assess, collect, and levy, all such acreages as are or may be due from the inhabitants of those parts of Carpenter’s Mountains, before the passing of this act esteemed to have been in the said parishes of St Elizabeth and Clarendon, in as large and ample manner as they had, or could or might, have, done, before the passing of this act: any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

1744: Road from St Ann to St Thomas in the Vale.

Vol 1 Act 140 P262.
An Act for making and opening a Road, fit for Wheel-Carriages, from the Parish of St. Anne to the Parish of St. Thomas in the Vale; and for empowering other Trustees to execute so much of the Trusts as remain unexecuted by or under an Act, entitled^

Southside to Savanna la Mar, 1823 Magistrates Guide

Southside to Savanna- la- Mar Distance from Kingston to Spanish-Town 13 miles, Spanish- Town to Old-Harbour 12, Old-Harbour to Clarendon 12, Clarendon to Green-Pond 16, Green-Pond to May-Hill 5, May-Hill to the Gutters 5, the Gutters to Goshen 5, Goshen to Lacovia 12, Lacovia to Black- River 12, Black- River to Robin's River 16, Robin's River to Savanna-la- Mar 16; total 124.

Division of Salt Savanna

1709 Vol 1 Act 55, P91

An Act for dividing the common or salt Savanna, in the Parish of Vere.

WHEREAS our late Sovereign Lord King Charles the Second, by his Act 55.

gracious Letters Patent under the Great Seal of this Island, bearing Date

the Twentieth Day of January, which was in the Thirty-sixth Year of his Reign [1685 Plat 2/34/79], for the Considerations therein mentioned, did give and grant unto Robert Varney, late of the Parish of Vere, Esq; and his Heirs for ever, a certain Parcel of Land, lying and being in the said Parish of Vere containing by Estimation Two thousand and six hundred Acres, commonly called The common or salt Savanna (there being included in the Plat thereof Seven hundred Acres, formerly patented by Robert Smart of the said Parish; as likewise sixty Acres, formerly patented by Arthur Goodwin, of the said Parish; in all Three thousand three hundred and sixty Acres; bounding then North-easterly upon Capt. John Goddard, under the Brazileto Mountain; North-west on John Downer and Samuel Gale; Westerly, upon Col. William Ivy, the King's Road, Arthur Turner, George Osborne, Edward Green, Edward Brumpfield, Robert Barriffe, Richard Twarton, and Capt. Christopher Horner; South, on the said Horner and Richard Barriffe; Easterly, on Mr. John Lory, Capt. Homer,; the Sea and Morass, Robert Windall, Peter Killby, and John Loyd; North-easterly, on Valentine Mumby; and East, on Capt. Henry Rymes, as by the Plat thereof to the said Patent annexed appears) to have and to hold the same Premises, with their and every of their Appurtenances, unto him the said Robert Varney, his Heirs and Assigns for ever, under such Rents, Provisoes, Conditions, and Services, as are therein and thereby more particularly expressed and set forth: And whereas the said Two thousand and six hundred Acres of Land were patented by the laid Robert Varney in his Name, in Trust only for and at the special Instance and Request of several of the Inhabitants of the said Parish, to the Intent that the said Robert Varney should give and make a Title unto Thirty-three Acres and a half, for one Seventy-seventh Part of the said Land, be it more or less, to each such Inhabitant; which was afterwards by him the said Robert Varney accordingly, and pursuant to the said Trust, given and Performed: But in regard, no Division thereof in a legal Manner was then, or at any Time since hath been made among the said several Proprietors, whereby it hath remained and still doth remain as an undivided Interest; which hath occasioned not only several of the said Proprietors to enclose, fall, and manure greater Quantities of the said Land than their Shares or Proportions have amounted to, but several other Persons who have not any manner of Interest in, or the least Colour of Pretence of Right unto the said Land or any Part thereof, to enclose, fall, and manure several Parcels of the said Land, and to make great Sums of Money, and other Advantages thereby, contrary to all Law and Justice, and to the Prejudice of all the said Proprietors: And whereas a Division of the Land by a regular Course of Law, by reason of the great Number of Parties interested therein, and for several other Causes, is rendered almost, if not altogether impracticable; be it therefore enacted by the Governor, Council, and Assembly of this her Majesty's Island of Jamaica, and it is hereby enacted by the Authority of the same, That the Hon. Henry Lew, Richard Asdeburgh, John Carver, Edward Fearon, and James Rule, Esqrs. be, and are hereby appointed Commissioners for to view and inspect the several and respective Titles of the Proprietors of the said Land, to cause a Just and equal Division of the same to be made unto the said Proprietors, according to the true Intent and Meaning of this Act; which said Commissioners being first sworn so to do by the Chancellor of this Island, or such Person or Persons as he shall by Dedimus appoint to administer the said Oath, are hereby impowered to appoint and administer an Oath unto any Two such honest able Surveyors as they or the major Part of them shall approve, to make a Just and equal Division of the said Land, according to the Directions of this Act.

II. And forasmuch as the best and most valuable Part of the said Land lies together, and may be with the greatest Ease and Convenience distinguished, divided, and separated entirely and apart from that which is much more ordinary, and of less Value; the said Surveyors are hereby impowered and required to may make such distinct Division, taking into each Division such a Quantity or Number of Acres as the Commissioners in their Judgments shall direct: Which Division into Two Parcels being first made, the Surveyors shall proceed to divide again each of the said Two Parcels into Seventy-seven equal Parts, that each Proprietor may have his Proportion of the good and bad Land; which said Division being made, as aforesaid, and each Seventy-seventh Part of the said respective Parcels of Land having a particular Number assigned thereto, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall cause Seventy-seven Pieces of Paper, of equal Shape and Bigness to be numbered, from Number One to Seventy-seven, and put into or under some proper Covert; from whence the said Proprietors shall draw the said Pieces of numbered Papers, which shall determine each Share of Land of the same Number to such Proprietor that shall happen to draw the fame; and the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall make Assignment of each such Share according to the respective Lots or Numbers so drawn.

III. And forasmuch as the Number of Proprietors whose Title shall appear to be approved of by the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, may be different from that of the said Vendees of the aforesaid Patentee; and for the avoiding any Confusion that may happen thereby, it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That in case, and whenever more Claimers than one shall appear to have Right and Title to but one full Share, or Seventy seventh Part, containing Thirty three Acres and a Half, be the same more or Right to but less; that then, and in such Case, the said Commissioners shall direct and appoint one of the said Proprietors to draw a Lot for one full Share; which said Lot so being drawn, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall cause the said full Share to be divided by the said Surveyors into such and so many distinct Parts as the said several Proprietors of the said full Lot shall appear to have a Right and Title to.

IV. And it is hereby further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Commissioners shall have and receive for each Day they shall be employed in Execution of this Act, Twenty Shillings each Commissioner per Diem; to be paid them by the several Persons that shall claim or have Lots assigned them at that particular Time and Place of Meeting, when and where the said Lots shall be assigned: Which said Commissioners are hereby impowered to order and appoint such proportionable Sum or Sums of Money as the said Commissioners shall think most reasonable for defraying all such further Charges as shall arise from or be incident to the said Division, Meeting, and Assignment: And in like Manner, whensoever one or more Claimers, Proprietor or Proprietors, shall require or occasion a Meeting of the said Commissioners, or the Majority of them, in order to inspect, view, hear, or determine such their Claim or Claims; that then, and in such case, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall appoint and order as well the said Twenty Shillings for each of themselves as such other the Claimer or Claimers, Proprietor or Proprietors proportionable Part of the Charges of the said Division and Assignment, as aforesaid: And in case any such Claimer or Proprietor shall refuse to pay such their proportionable Part of such Charges so allotted them by the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them; that then, and in such case, the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, are hereby impowered to issue out their Warrant to any Constable to distrain upon the Goods and Chattels of such Person or Persons so refusing to pay, as aforesaid, and the same to fell by public Outcry, first giving Notice of such Sale at some public Place of the Precinct where such Distraint shall be made, returning the Overplus (if any such shall be) to the Owner, deducting Twelve Pence in the Pound to the Constable, for such his Distress and Sale, as aforesaid.

V. And the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, are hereby further impowered and enabled, upon due and satisfactory Proof to them made of the Right, Title, and Property of any Claimer or Claimers, in and to such their proportionable Part of the said Land, snd his, her, or their Lot or Lots being duly drawn, to assign to each such Claimer such his proportionable Part or Parts of the said Land, as by his, her, or their Lot or Lots shall befal unto him or them, mentioning the several Buttings and Boundings of the said proportionable Part or Parts so assigned; which said Assignment is hereby declared to invest the Fee-Simple of the said proportionable Part or Parts so assigned in him, her, or them, to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding.

VL And forasmuch as several Persons that may appear to have a Right to and Interest in some Part or Share of the said Land, having Confidence of such their Right and Interest, have erected Buildings, made Indigo Works, Wells, and other Improvements, on several Parts of the said Land; which said Parts or Shares may probably by Lot happen, befall, and be assigned over unto some other Claimer and Proprietor; it is therefore hereby further enacted, That the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, be impowered, and are hereby impowered to value and esteem such Buildings and Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, as they shall think them reasonably worth; and to award such Sum or Sums of Money to be paid to him, her, or them that shall have erected such Buildings, made such Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, as aforesaid, by him, her, or them to whom the said Shares mail by Lot befall and be assigned, as the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall value and esteem the said Buildings, Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, to be reasonably worth: And upon Refusal of such payment by the Party or Parties so awarded to pay the same, that then, and in such case, the said Commissioners are hereby impowered to issue out their Warrants of Distress for the said Sum or Sums of Money so awarded to be paid in lieu and full Assurance of such Buildings, Indigo Works, Wells, or other Improvements, as they are before impowered for the defraying the Charges incident to the Divisions and Assignment, as aforesaid.

VII. And to the Intent that the said Divisions and Assignments may be timely executed and Performed, according to the true Intent and Meaning of this Act; it is therefore further enacted, That the Commissioners, or the major Part of them, be hereby impowered and required to meet at such Place as they shall think convenient on the second Tuesday in June next ensuing, then and there to appoint said the said Surveyors; which said Surveyors so appointed, shall, upon due Notice given them by the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, of the certain Time and Place, and when and where they shall attend the said Commissioners, in order to their being sworn, and laving out and dividing the said Land, according to the Directions and true intent and Meaning of this Act, are hereby required to attend accordingly: And at all Times hereafter the said Surveyors shall attend the said Commissioners, at such Times and Places as they the said Commissioners, or the major Part of them, shall appoint.

VIII And the said Commissioners are hereby further impowered and required give Notice at some public Place in the Parish of Vere, whenever they intend to meet in the said Parish, in order to inspect and view the Titles of the several Claimers, and make Assignments of the said Land, Five Days before the said several and respective Times of Meeting.

IX. Provided nevertheless, That nothing in this Act contained shall extend to prejudice or destroy the Right, Title, or Interest: of the aforesaid Robert Smart, his Heirs, or Assigns, in and to Seven hundred Acres of Land; and of the aforesaid Arthur Goodwin, his Heirs and Assigns, in and to Sixty Acres of Land, included in the Plat of the aforesaid Two thousand six hundred Acres of Land, as is before specified.

X. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That in case the aforesaid Commissioners, or any one of them, shall be sued or impleaded for any thing that he or they shall act or do, by virtue and in pursuance of, and in compliance with this Act, it shall and may be lawful for the said Commissioners, or any of them, to plead the General Issue, and give this Act in Evidence, which shall be allowed as good and valid, to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever, in bar of such Suit or Action, in any of her Majesty's Courts of Record in this Island; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.

XI AND be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Surveyor or Surveyors, Constable or Constables, shall neglect his or their Duty, as in this Act is required, they shall respectively forfeit the Sum of One hundred Pounds; to be recovered in her Majesty's Supreme Court of Judicature in this Island; one Half of which Forfeitures shall be to our Sovereign Lady the Queen, her Heirs and Successors, for and towards the Support of the Government of this Island, and the contingent Charges thereof; and the other Half to the Informer, or him or them that shall sue for the same, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed, or Non vult ulterius prosequi be entered; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

New Leeward Road

1705, New Road over One Eye Savanna:

This road is shown on Browne (surveys 1730-49) but not on Sloane. It follows the Porus River, but continues further north than the modern Mandeville to Gutter road. Browne shows the road continuing past Fosters and Dickenson’s and crossing the Black River at Barton Bridge, where is appears to stop, although later maps show it carrying on South round the morass towards Lacovia.

An Act for the making and keeping clear a public Road from Clarendon to St. Elizabeth’s, over One-Eye Savanna.

WHEREAS the present Highway from St. Jago de la Vega into the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland, in that Part from Swift River over Long Bay and the Devil's Race, is very inconvenient and dangerous, by reason of

the Quick-sands along the Sea-shore, and the Narrowness and Difficulty of the Pass over the Devil's Race: And whereas by several credible Persons that have travelled in the Woods and Mountains between Porus Savanna in the Parish of Clarendon, and Forsters Plantation in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, it hath been found, that a more commodious and shorter Way may be cut through the Woods from Porus Savanna aforesaid, by the Cisterus to Martin's and by One-Eye Mountain to Forsters Plantation, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth aforesaid: And it being requisite, as well for her Majesty's Service in conducting speedy Succours to each Place, as for the necessary Use of her Majesty's liege People, that a public Road be laid out from the said Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmorland into the Parish of Clarendon aforesaid; be it therefore enacted by her Majesty's Governor, Council, and Assembly, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority of the same, That a new Highway or Path shall be, with all convenient Speed, run out and made, leading from the Cross to Burnt Savanna, and through St. Jago Savanna by Mr. John Sutton's Penn, and so over St. Jago Savanna to Porus Savanna, in the Parish of Clarendon, according to the most direct and convenient Course it can be laid out; and from Porus Savanna aforesaid by Martin’s, and from Martins to the Cisterus, and from the Cisterus by One-Eye Mountain aforesaid, and from thence the most direct and best Way leading to Forster's Plantation in St. Elizabeth's aforesaid.

II. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Commissioners for the respective Parishes, in this Act to be hereafter nominated and appointed, shall and may, and they are hereby impowered and required to administer an Oath to the Surveyor of the Highways or Way-wardens of each respective Parish, forthwith upon the Return of the Surveyors, who are to run and lay out the laid Road or Highway, to the Commissioners in this Act to be hereafter named; which said Surveyors are to be appointed by the said Commissioners: And after such Return to be made and delivered by the said Surveyors to the said Commissioners, the said Commissioners are to deliver the same to the said Way-wardens or Surveyors of the Highways, who mail thereupon forthwith proceed to the Execution and Discharge of the several respective Duties, as is required in and by an Act, entitled, An Act for the Highways, as in all other Cases of Public Roads and Highways, which said Highway shall be cut sixty Foot broad, according to an Act of this Island, entitled, An Act for the Highways, and well cleared by the Way-wardens of the Parish of Clarendon aforesaid, by the Labour of the Negroes belonging to the said Parish, by them to be warned for that Purpose, so far Westwardly as the Bounds of the said Parish shall be found to extend; and the remaining Part of the Way to Fosters Plantation, as aforesaid, shall be cut and cleared in like Manner by the Way-wardens of St. Elizabeth's: And the said Highway being so cut and cleared, shall for ever hereafter be deemed and taken as a Public Road; and shall, as often as Occasion requires, be maintained, repaired, and cleared, and kept in good Order by the Way-wardens of the said Parish of Clarendon, from the Cross aforesaid to the Westward Bounds of the said Parish of Clarendon, and by the Way-wardens of the Parish of St. Elizabeth, from thence to Forsters Plantation aforesaid, and thence by or through Dickenson’s Plantation to the next Highway, leading to the Parish of Westmoreland, through the Parish of St. Elizabeth aforesaid.

III. And to prevent all Disputes which may arise about the Bounds of the said

Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, or otherwise however touching the Execution and Performance of this Law, be it further enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That Jonathan Gale, John Cambel Esq; Jonathan Dickenson, John Forster, and John Hodges, Gentlemen of the said Parish of St. Elizabeth; Peter Beckford, Edward Pennant, Edward Fearon, Thomas Roden, and Thomas Cargil, Esquires, of the Parish of Clarendon, be and are hereby appointed Commissioners to inspect and take Care of the due Execution of this Act; which said Commissioners, or any Three of them, shall and are hereby required to meet at the Cross in Clarendon the first Thursday in November next, in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and five, and there to choose and appoint one lawful and sworn Surveyor for the Parish of St. Elizabeth, and another for the Parish of Clarendon, who shall immediately proceed to the running out of such a Path as by this Act is appointed to be made a Highway, with the most Conveniency to the Public, and the least Prejudice or Damage to any particular Person, from the Cross, as aforesaid, to Burnt Savanna, and through St. Jago Savanna by the said John Sutton's Pen, as aforesaid, to Porus Savanna in Clarendon Parish, to Forsters Plantation in St. Elizabeth's aforesaid; and shall run out, fix, and ascertain the Bounds of the said two Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Clarendon, according as the same is appointed by a former Act of this Country for the Division of the said two Parishes; and the same so ascertained shall mark out with Stakes or other notable Marks exactly in the Line, to the End a Post of good and durable Timber may be fixed, and for ever kept and maintained therein, when the said Highway comes to be cleared; on which said Post, so to be fixed, shall be cut or carved in good legible Characters, on the Westerly Side thereof, St. Elizabeth; and on the Easterly Side thereof, Clarendon, and the same shall be always known, reputed, and taken as the Boundary of the said two Parishes, and to which these said two Parishes respectively are hereby obliged to clear, and for ever maintain: And in case any Surveyor or Surveyors, so to be chosen respectively, shall neglect or refuse immediately to proceed to the running out the intended Path and Line, as aforesaid, that then, and in such Case, they shall respectively forfeit the Sum of Fifty Pounds.

IV. And it shall and maybe lawful for the said Commissioners, or any Three of them, to appoint Two such other lawful sworn Surveyors, as they shall think fit, who are hereby impowered to act and do in the Premises as by this Act is required and intended, instead of the other Surveyors intended to be chosen respectively by the Commissioners for the said two respective Parishes of Clarendon and St. Elizabeth aforesaid, under the like Penalty of Fifty Pounds; and the said Surveyors so to be chosen and appointed, shall, as soon as they have run out the said Path and Line, make Return of their Doings therein to the said Commissioners, or any Three of them, who shall cause the same to be recorded by the Clerk of the Peace of each of the said Precincts of Clarendon and St. Elizabeth; and that the said Surveyors shall be paid by the Church-wardens of each Parish, for the Work by them done on account of each Parish, as shall be adjudged by the Commissioners aforesaid, or the Majority of them, to be paid out of the Parish Stock respectively.

V. And it is hereby further enacted by the Authority aforesaid. That the said Commissioners having received the Return of the Surveyors, as aforesaid, shall cause Two Copies of the same to be fairly drawn out, one whereof they shall forthwith send to the Way-Wardens of the Parish of Clarendon, and the other wardens to the Way-wardens of St. Elizabeth's,, with their strict Orders to each and every of them in Writing, that they respectively, as before in this Act is appointed, immediately proceed to the cutting down and clearing the said Highway, so as the same may be completed and finished within Eighteen Months after the passing the said Act: And for the better doing and effecting thereof, the said Way-wardens of the said several Parishes, and every of them respectively, are hereby authorised to issue out their Warrants to the Constables and Tythingmen, to warn the Inhabitants of the said Parishes to furnish such Numbers of able Negroes or Slaves, together with such a Number of white Men-drivers to oversee them, as shall be appointed by the Justices and Vestry of each respective Parish, together with such Tools, Provisions and other Necessaries, as shall be thought by them necessary for carrying on the said Work, and finishing the same within the Time hereby limited and appointed, as aforesaid: And whosoever shall fail to send in his or her Proportion of Workers, with such Tools as shall be convenient, shall for every Head pay Three Shillings per Day upon Conviction thereof; to be recovered before any Justices of the Peace by the Surveyors respectively; any thing in this, or any other Act to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.

VI. And if the said Way-wardens, or any of them, shall refuse to do, or neglect his or their Duty in cutting or clearing the said Highway to the Extent of their respective Bounds, as hereby is appointed, he or they so offending shall respectively forfeit the Sum of Fifty Pounds, current Money of this Island: And in case the said intended Highway shall be neglected, and not maintained in good Repair by succeeding Way-wardens, he or they that shall so offend therein, shall respectively lie under the Pains and Penalties provided in an Act of this Island, entitled, An Act for the Highways: And if any Commissioner, Justice, or Surveyor, by this Act appointed, shall neglect his or their Duty, touching the Premises, or any Part thereof, he or they shall respectively forfeit the Sum of Fifty Pounds: And if any Vestryman, Constable, or Tythingman shall neglect his or their Duty, they shall respectively forfeit Twenty Pounds; all which said Forfeitures shall be one Half to the Informer, or to him or them that shall sue for the same; the other Half to the Church-wardens of each of the respective Parishes, to the Use of the said Highways: And all other Forfeitures, not exceeding Forty Shillings, shall be recovered by the Church-wardens of the said Parishes respectively, by Action of Debt before any Justice of the Peace; and if above Forty Shillings, in any Court of Record of this Island, wherein no Essoin, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed, or Non vult ulterius profequi be entered; any Law, Custom, or Usage to the contrary thereof in any wife notwithstanding.

The “New Windward Road” Act 151 1747 P284

This is the road described by Long, the latter part of which is the existing road down the May Day Hills to Gutters, and in Liddell probably went over the hills south of St Jago, up past Green Pond past Elgin, Knockpatrick and Moreland as on the map extract below. On a modern map, it is probably the road from Patrick Town, just north of Plynlimmon to pear Tree

An Act for laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon.

Act for the laying out and making good and convenient Roads between the different Parts of this Island, and from each to the Capital, cannot but contribute much to the future peopling, fettling, and cultivating of the Country, as well as to the Ease, Safety, and Advantage of the present Inhabitants, by promoting and facilitating an Intercourse of Commerce and Communication in Times of Peace, and of Aid and Council, in case of any public Danger: And whereas the Roads at present leading from the Leeward to the Windward Parts of this Island, are on many Accounts extremely incommodious; and it is therefore intended, as well for the Reasons aforesaid, as for the particular Benefit of the Parishes of St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland, and for the more easy Attendance of the Representatives, and others, upon the public Service at St. Jago de la Vega, to lay out and make a good and sufficient Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon; may it therefore please your most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the Governor, Council, and Assembly of this your Majesty's Island of Jamaica, and by Authority of the same, That a good and sufficient Road be forthwith laid out and made from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon; and that the Sum of Three hundred Pounds, out of the Monies to arise by virtue of an Act, entitled, An Act to oblige the several Inhabitants of this Island to provide themselves with a sufficient Number of White Men capable of bearing Arms, or White Women, or pay certain Sums of Money in case they shall be deficient, and applying the same to several Uses; and for adding Commissioners to those appointed for ordering and inspecting the Works to be performed in and about the Fortifications, passed or to be passed in this present Session of Assembly, be for that Purpose vested in the Honourable John Gale and Isaac Gale, Esqrs. and Barnart Andriess Woodstock, Nicholas Newton, Francis Cooke, Benjamin Blake, Norwood Witter, Francis Sadler Hals, Richard Beckford, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxtead, Esqrs. and the Survivors and Survivor of them, who are hereby nominated and appointed Trustees and Commissioners for the said Road; to be received by them, or such Person or Persons as they, or any Three or more of them, shall appoint; and they, or any Three or more of them, are hereby authorized and empowered to receive and apply the same, and to enter into and execute all Contracts, and in general to do and transact all things necessary in that Behalf, to be done, laid out, and expended in making and perfecting the said road; and that the further Sum of Three hundred Pounds be, and the same is hereby also vested in them the said John Gale, Isaac Gale, Barnart Andriess Woodstock, Nicholas Newton, Francis Cooke, Benjamin Blake, Norwood Witter, Francis Sadler Hals, Richard Beckford, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxtead, the said Commissioners; and that the Sum of Two hundred Pounds, part of the said Sum of Three hundred Pounds, shall be raised and paid by the said Parish of St Elizabeth, by an Assessment to be made by the Justices and Vestry of the said Parish, and which they are hereby empowered to make and levy in such Sort, Manner, and Form as other Parish Charges are made and levied in the said Parish, by the Laws and Statutes of this Island; and the remaining Sum of One hundred Pounds shall be raised and levied by the Parish of Westmoreland; to be assessed and levied by the Justices and Vestry of the said Parish, in Manner aforesaid: And that the respective Church-wardens of the said Parishes of St Elizabeth and Westmoreland, shall raise and levy the said several Sums of Two hundred Pounds, and One hundred Pounds, and shall pay the same into the Hands of the said Commissioners, or any Three of them; to be applied by them, or any Three or more of them, in Manner aforesaid, on or before the twenty fifth Day of December next ensuing.

II. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, do and shall, on or before the First Day of May, which shall be in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty-eight, or as soon after as the same can be conveniently done, lay out and expend the said Sums of Three hundred Pounds, and Three hundred Pounds, or so much thereof as shall be necessary for laying out, making, and perfecting such Road, as aforesaid; and they are for that Purpose hereby authorized and empowered, by Warrant or Writing under their Hand and Seals, or under the Hands and Seals of any Three or more of them, to order and empower any Person or Persons whom they, or any Three or more of them shall employ, and with whom they shall contract or agree for that Purpose; and his or their Workmen, Servants, or Slaves, or other Person or Persons to be employed by him or them, to survey, run out, level, drain, raise, ditch, fence, and inclose, and by any Manner of Ways or Means necessary or convenient for that Purpose, to make, or cause to be made, a good and effectual Highway, not exceeding the Breadth of Sixty Feet, in any one Place or Part thereof, and not less than Forty Feet broad, where so much can be cleared and laid open; and the same to be in as straight and direct Lines, and with as few Turnings and as little Declination as the Nature of the Soil and Quality of the Lands thro' which such Road is to be carried, and the Exigency of the Work to be done, can admit of: And that it shall and may be lawful to carry on and prosecute such Work, in Manner aforesaid, and under such Restrictions, Provisos, and Limitations, as are herein after specified, although the Lands through which such Roads are to be made now are or shall then be vested in his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, or any other Person or Persons whatsoever.

III. And whereas the making and perfecting the said Road, and the keeping the same in Repair, may be attended with an Expense exceeding the Sums hereby appropriated for that Use; be it therefore further enacted and is hereby further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said John Gale, Isaac Gale, Barnart Andriess Woodstock, Nicholas Newton, Francis Cooke, Benjamin Blake, Norwood Witter, Francis Sadler Hals, Richard Beckford, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxtead, the Commissioners and Trustees aforesaid, and the Survivors of them, or any Three or more of them, or such Person or Persons as they or any Three or more of them may appoint, as aforesaid, shall and may erect, or cause to be erected One or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes, in, upon, or across any Part or Parts of the said Road; and there shall receive and take the pikes, Toll or Duty following, before any Horse, Cattle, Coach. Berlin, Landau, Chariot, Chaise, Chair, Kitterin, Wagon, Wain, Cart, or other Carriage, shall pass through the fame; to wit, For every Coach, Berlin, Landau, Chariot, Chair, or Chaise drawn by Six Horses or Mules; the Sum of Three Shillings and Nine-Pence; for every of the said Carriages drawn by Four Horses only, the Sum of Two Shillings and Six-Pence; for every Chaise, Chair, or Kitterin drawn by Two Horses, the Sum of Fifteen- fence; and for every one drawn only by One Horse, Seven-Pence Half-penn; and for every Wain, Wagon, Cart, or Carriage for Goods, Provisions, or Merchandizes only, with Four Wheels, and drawn by Three or more Steers, Horses, Mules, or Asses, the Sum of Five Shillings; for every Two-wheeled Cart, or other Carriage of the like Kind, or to the like Use, and drawn by less than Three, Two Shillings and Six-Pence; for every Horse, Mare, Mule, or Ass, laden, and not drawing as aforesaid, Seven-Pence Halfpenny; for every Drove of Steers, Oxen, or neat Cattle, the Sum of Twelve Shillings and Six-Pence per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number; for every Drove of Calves, Sheep, Hogs, Goats, Lambs, or Kids, the Sum of Five Shillings per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number; for every White Person journeying on Horseback, Seven-Pence Half-penny; and for every Person riding on a Mule or Ass, Seven-Pence Halfpenny.

IV. Provided always, That this Act do not extend to charge with the said Toll any Person or Persons Carriages, Cattle, and Things, that may from Time

to Time be employed in the actual Service of the said Trustees and Commissioners, in the making or repairing the said Roads, or collecting the said Tolls: And the said respective Sums of Money shall be received and taken as and for a Toll or Duty, and the Money thereby to be raised is, and shall hereby be vested in, the said Trustees and Commissioners, and be applied and disposed of for the making, keeping, and repairing the said Road, in such Sort, Manner, and Form as before and herein after is mentioned: And the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, are hereby empowered and authorized by themselves, or such Person or Persons as they or any Three or more of them shall appoint, to levy the said several Tolls or Duties, upon any Person or Persons who shall, upon Demand thereof made, neglect or refuse to pay the same, by Distress of any Horse or Horses, Cattle or Carriages, or the Goods thereon laden, from which such Toll is or ought to arise, or upon any other the Goods and Chattels of him or them who ought to pay the same; and such Distress to impound, keep or detain, until such Toll or Duty, with all Costs and Charges reasonably incident to the same, be paid and satisfied; and further to sell and dispose of the same, in such Sort, Manner, and Form, as Distress for Rent Arrear, may be sold and disposed of by the Laws and Statutes of Great Britain.

V. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That such Toll and Duty to be raised and levied, be by the said Trustees and Commissioners applied to and for the laying out and making of the said Road, and the keeping of the same in Repair, and the Charges incident thereto; and to and for no other Purpose whatsoever.

VI. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Person or Persons having, or being in the Care, Management, or Occupation of any Lands adjoining or near to such Road, shall willingly or wittingly suffer any Person or Persons to take or make Use of any Roads or By-Paths through such Lands, whereby to Prevent the Payment of such Toll or Duty as aforesaid, the Person Or Persons so offending, as well the Owner or Occupier of such Lands as the Party making Use of such Artifice to avoid the Payment of the Toll or Duty aforesaid, upon Complaint, in open Session, or before Two or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the Parish or Precinct where such Offence shall be committed, and due Proof thereof made by Oath of one or more credible Witness or Witnesses, or other probable Circumstance, shall respectively forfeit to the said Trustees and Commissioners Six Times the Value of such Toll or Duty, or Forty Shillings, at the Election of the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them; to be applied by them, or any Three or more of them, to the Use of this Act. And further, to prevent such Frauds and Abuse as aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, to erect and place one or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes, on the Side or Sides of the said Road, cross any Lane, Path, or Way, leading from the said Road, and there to demand, levy, and take such Toll or Duty, and to have such Remedy for the same as aforesaid, so as the same do not amount to a double Charge, or exacting for the one and the same Thing in one and the same Day.

VII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for such Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, from Time to Time, as Occasion shall require, by such Warrant, or Writing as aforesaid, to appoint one or more Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors of the said Roads, and one or more Receiver or Receivers, Collector or Collectors of the said Toll or Duty, with such reasonable Salary, Hire, or Reward as they shall think fit; and them or any o; them so appointed to remove, and others in their Place and Stead to put; and that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors, or any of them, their Servants and Slaves, or any others by them commanded, ordered, or appointed to seek for, dig, carry away, and make Use of, for the making or repairing the said Read, any Stones, Gravel, Sand, or other such like Materials, in any common Savannah or other uncultivated Ground not inclosed, next adjoining or most convenient to such Roads.

VIII. Provided always, That nothing in this Act shall be construed to extend to empower the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Person or Persons acting under them, or by virtue of this Act, either in the laying out, making or repairing the said Road., to molest, disturb, or trespass upon any Person or Persons whatsoever, or his or their Dwelling-house, Out-houses or Curtelage, Works, Negro-Houses, Cane Pieces, Plantin Walks, or other Provision-Grounds, or in any Settlement, Pen, Pelinck, Pasture, or other inclosed Grounds whatsoever; but that upon Complaint made by any Person or Persons so mole ed, injured, or trespassed upon, - in open Session, or before Three or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the Parish or Precinct where the same shall happen, it shall and may be lawful for the said Justices in Sessions, or for such the said Justices to whom such Complaint shall be made, (and they are hereby strictly injoined and required so to do) summarily to hear the Parties so complaining, and such Witnesses as they shall offer to produce upon Oath, as likewise the said Trustees and Commissioners, and the Persons so appointed by them and their Witnesses; and upon the Whole to make such Order, either for the proceeding in the said Work, or slaying the same, as to them shall seem meet; such Order so made to be binding upon all Parties, till the said Matter can be heard and determined, in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either by Action of Trespass, to be brought by the Party so complaining, or by Removal of the said Proceedings, either by Certiorari, at the Instance of the said Commissioners, or any of them, as the Case shall happen or require.

IX. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Collector or Collectors, Receiver or Receivers so to be appointed by them the said Trustees and Commissioners, or any Three or more of them, shall and may demand, take, and receive the said Toll and Duty, and all such Remedy for the same as is herein before mentioned and expressed; and further, that the said Collector and Collectors, Receiver and Receivers be, and are hereby made liable and accountable to the said Commissioners and Trustees, either according to such particular Contracts as shall be made and shall subsist between them, or, in general, for all such Sums as they shall respectively receive, over and above such Hire, Wages, or Salary, as is herein before mentioned and provided for.

X. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if it shall happen that any Dispute shall arise between the said Trustees and Commissioners and the said Receivers and Collectors, or any of them, or any other of their Deputies, Servants, or Substitutes, concerning the Sums received or to be accounted for, or otherwise, or for or concerning any other Thing whatsoever, that the same shall be decided and determined in such Sort, Manner, and Form, and such Order therein made, so to be obeyed and complied with, until the same shall be brought to a final Determination in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either on Removal of such Proceeding by Certiorari, or other proper Action to be brought by the Party grieved, in such Manner and Form as is herein before mentioned and provided.

XI. And for the further providing for the laying out and making the said Road, and the Expenses and Exigencies thereof; be it further enacted and ordained, by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Commissioners, and the Survivors, of them or any Three or more of them, from Time to Time, as Occasion shall require, by Lease or Mortgage of the said Tolls and Duties herein before laid, with Covenants, to execute the Powers herein given, or Alignment of the same, to raise any Sum or Sums of Money that shall be by them thought necessary for the Purposes aforesaid.

XII. Provided always, That this Act, and every Part thereof, shall be and remain of Force for the Term of Fourteen Years from the passing thereof, and from thence to the End of the next ensuing Session of Assembly, and no longer.

XIII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That this Act shall be deemed and taken to be a public Act, and shall be judicially taken Notice of as such by all Judges, Justices, and others, without specially pleading the same.

1750: More on 1747 Act

P322:
An Act for the more effectually carrying into Execution an Act entitled,

An Act for the laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon,

WHEREAS the Commissioners appointed by an Act entitled, An Act; Act for laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over May-Day Hills, in the

Parish of St. Elizabeth, to St. Jago Savannah, in the Parish of Clarendon, passed in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty-seven, by reason of their great Distance from that Part of the Country through which the Road intended by the said Act to be laid out, have not been able to make a Quorum of the said Commissioners so often as was necessary to complete the same: For Remedy whereof, and that the said Road may be effectually and expeditiously laid out and finished, we, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the Governor, Council, and Assembly of this your Majesty's Island of Jamaica, do most humbly beseech your Majesty that it may be enacted; be it therefore enacted by he Governor, Council, and Assembly of this Island, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the Authority aforesaid, That all the Commissioners appointed in and by the said Act, shall, from and after the passing of this Act, cease to be Commissioners, except Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxsted, Esqrs.

II. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That they, the said

Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, and George Raxsted, together with John Morse, Esq; shall be Commissioners for putting the said Act in Execution; and they, or either of them, mail exercise all the Rights, Jurisdictions, Powers, and Authorities, given by the before recited Act to the former Commissioners, or any Three of them.

III. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all and every the former Commissioners and their Executors and Administrators, and all other Persons whatsoever, in whose Hands any Money shall be and remain, belonging to or applicable to the said Road, shall forthwith pay the same into the Hands of the said Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, George Raxsted, and John Morse, or one of them.

IV. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Bernard Andreas Woodstock, Joseph Armstrong, George Raxsted, and John Morse, or either of them, shall be, and they are hereby authorized to bring Actions for, and to recover in their, or either of their Names, either in Law or Equity, and to receive all and every Sum or Sums of Money belonging or applicable to the said Road, and to give Acquittances upon receiving the same; and they, or either of them, are further hereby empowered to do all and every other Act and Acts, Thing and Things, which the Commissioners appointed in and by the said recited Act, could or might lawfully do; any Law or Statute to the contrary notwithstanding.

Repairing St Jago – Pepper Road Vol 2 Act 32, 1762 P69

An Act, for amending and keeping in repair a Road leading from Pepper Plantation over Mayday Hills in the Parish of St Elizabeth, to Saint Jago Plantations in the Parish of Clarendon; and for vesting in Trustees the toll raised by a Turnpike on the said Mayday Hills for the Purposes aforesaid.

WHEREAS an Act entitled an Act for the laying out a Road from Pepper Plantation over the May Day hills in the Parish of St Elizabeth to Saint Jago Savannah in the Parish of Clarendon, expired the last session of the assembly, and whereas the making and keeping in repair good and sufficient Roads will contribute much to the settling and cultivating this Island as well as to the Ease, Safety and Advantage of the Inhabitants thereof, by facilitating an Intercourse of Commerce and Communication in Times of Peace, and of Aid and Council in case of public Danger; and whereas the aforesaid Road leading over Mayday Hills cannot, by the ordinary Course provided by the Laws of this Island for repairing the Highway, be effectually amended and kept in good repair; to the intent that so necessary a Road may be with all convenient Speed amended and kept in good and sufficient Repair, may it please your most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted, Be it therefore enacted by the Governor, Council and Assembly of this your Majesty's Island of Jamaica; and it is hereby enacted by the Authority of the same, that the Honorable John Scott, the Honorable Norwood Witter and the Honorable Zachary Bayly, Esquires, Members of your Majesty's Council; John Olyphant, Robert Dellap, John Campbell, William Lewis, James Dawes, Alexander Crawford, Thomas Fearon, Luke Spencer Dowell and Walrond Fearon, Esquires, Members of the present Assembly, and Julines Beckford, George Raxtead, David Mitchell, Christopher Brooks, Thomas Wallin, Esquires, and the Reverend John Venn shall be, and they are hereby nominated and appointed Trustees, for the surveying, ordering, amending and keeping in Repair the said Road, leading from Pepper Plantation over Mayday Hills in the Parish of Saint Elizabeth, to Saint Jago Plantations in the Parish of Clarendon; and also, for putting in Execution all other the Powers in and by this Act given, and they and that the Survivors of them, or any three or more of them, or such Person or Persons as they or any five or more of them shall authorize or appoint, shall and may, from and immediately after the passing of this Act, erect or cause to be erected, one or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes in, upon, or across any Part or Parts of the said Road, and their shall receive and take the Toll or Duty following, before any Horse or other Beast, or any Coach, Berlin, Landaw, Chariot, Chair, Chaise, Ketterine, Wain, Cart, or other Carriages shall pass thro' the same; to wit, for every Coach, Berlin, Landaw, Chariot, Rates of the Chair or Chaise drawn by six Horses or Mules, the Sum of Seven Shillings and Sixpence; for every of the aforesaid Carriages drawn by four Horses or Mules only, the Sum of five Shillings; for every Chaise, Chair or Ketterine, drawn by two Horses or two Mules, the Sum of two Shillings and Sixpence; and for every one, drawn only by one Horse or Mule, one Shilling and Threepence; and for every Wain, Waggon, Cart or Carriage for Goods, Provisions or Merchandizes only, with four Wheels and drawn by three or more Steers, Horses, Mules or Asses, the Sum of Ten Shillings; for every two wheeled Cart or other Carriage of the like kind, or to the like Use and drawn by less than three Steers, Horses or Mules, five Shillings; for every Horse, Mare, Mule or Ass, loaden and not drawing as aforesaid, one Shilling and threepence; for every drove of Steers, Oxen or Neat Cattle, the Sum of one Pound five Shillings per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number, for every Drove of Calves, Sheep, Hogs, Goats, Lambs, or Kids, the Sum of Ten Shillings per Score, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Number; for every Person journeying on Horse-back, one Shilling and threepence; for every Person riding on a Mule or Ass, one Shilling and threepence.

II. Provided always that this Act doth not extend to charge with the said Toll, any Person or Persons, Carriages, Cattle and Things that shall from Time to Time be employed in the actual Service of the said Trustees in the amending or repairing the said Road, or collecting the said Tolls; and the said respective Sums of Money shall be received and taken as and for a Toll or Duty, and the Money thereby to be railed is and shall hereby be veiled in the said Trustees, and be applied and disposed of, for the amending and keeping in repair the said Road, in such Sort, Manner and Form as herein after is mentioned; and the said Trustees or any three or more of them, are hereby empowered and authorized, by themselves or such Person or Persons, as they or any five or more of them shall appoint, to levy the said several Tolls or Duties upon any Person or Persons, who shall upon Demand thereof made, neglect or refuse to pay the same, by distress of any Horse or Horses, Cattle or Carriages, or the Goods thereon loaden, from which such Toll is or ought to arise, or upon any other the Goods and Chattels of him or them, who ought to pay the same, and such Distress to impound, keep or detain, until such Toll or Duty, with all Costs and Charges reasonably incident to the same be paid and satisfied; and further to fell and dispose of the same, in such Sort, Manner and Form, as distresses for Rent-Arrears may be sold and disposed of, by the Laws and Statutes of Great-Britain.

III. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That such Toll and Duty so to be raised and levied shall be, by the laid Trustees applied to and for the amending and keeping in good and sufficient repair the said Road, and the charges incident thereto, and to and for no other Purpose whatsoever.

IV. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person or Persons, having or being in the Care, Management, or Occupation of any Lands adjoining or near to such Road, shall willingly or wittingly suffer any Person or Persons to take or make Use of any Roads or bye Paths through such Lands, thereby to prevent the Payment of such Toll or Duty as aforesaid, and the Person or Persons so offending, as well the Owner or Occupier of such Lands, as the Party making Use of such Artifice, to avoid the Payment of the Toll or Duty aforesaid, upon complaint in open Session, or before two or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the Parish or Precinct where such Offence shall be committed, and due Proof thereof made by Oath of one or more credible Witness or Witnesses, or other probable Circumstance, shall respectively forfeit to the said Trustees, six times the Value of such Toll or Duty, or Forty Shillings, at the Election of the said Trustees, or any three or more of them, to be applied by them or any three or more of them, to the Uses in this Act mentioned; and further, to prevent such Frauds and Abuses as aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Trustees, or any three or more of them, to erect and place one or more Gate or Gates, Turnpike or Turnpikes, on the Side or Sides of the said Road, cross any Lane, Path or Way leading from the said Road, and there to Demand, levy or take such Toll or Duty, and to have such Remedy for the same as aforesaid, so as the same do not amount to a double Charge, or exacting for the one and the same Thing, in one and the same Day.

V And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful, to and for such Trustees, or any five or more of them from Time to Time as Occasion shall require, by such Warrant or Writing as aforesaid, to appoint one or more Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors of the laid Roads, and one or more Receiver or Receivers, Collector or Collectors of the said Toll or Duty, with such reasonable Salary, Hire or Reward, as they shall think fit, and them or any of them so appointed to remove, and others in their Place and Stead to put, and that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Overseer or Overseers, Surveyor or Surveyors, or any of them, their Servants and Slaves or any others by them commanded, ordered or appointed, to seek for, dig, carry away and make Use of, for making or repairing the said Road, any Stones Gravel, Sand or other such like Materials, in any Common, Savannah or other uncultivated Ground, not enclosed, next adjoining or most convenient to such Roads.

VI. Provided always, that nothing in this Act shall be construed to extend, to empower the said Trustees or any Person or Persons acting under them, or by Virtue of this Act, either in the laying out, making or repairing the said Road, to molest, disturb or trespass upon any Person or Persons whatsoever, or his or their dwelling House, Out house or Curtelage, Works, Negro houses, Cane Pieces, Plantain Walks or other Provision Grounds, or in any Settlement, Penn, Polink, Pasture or other inclosed Grounds whatsoever; but that upon Complaint made, by any Person or Persons so molested, injured or trespassed upon, in open Session, or before two or more of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, for the Parish or Precincts where the same shall happen, it shall and may be lawful for the said Justices in Sessions, or for such of the said Justices, to whom such Complaint shall be made, and they are hereby strictly injoined and required so to do, summarily to hear the Parties so complaining, and such Witnesses as they shall offer to produce upon Oath, as likewise the said Trustees and the Persons so appointed by them, and their Witnesses, and upon the whole to make such Order, either for the proceeding in the said Work, or flaying the same, as to them shall seem meet, such Order so made to be binding upon all Parties, till the said Matter can be heard and determined in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either by Action of Trespass to be brought by the Party so complaining or by removal of the said Proceedings, either by Certiorari at the instance of the said Trustees, or any of them, as the cafe shall happen or require.

VII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Collector or Collectors, Receiver or Receivers, so to be appointed by hem, the said Trustees, or any five or more of them, shall and may demand, take and receive the said Toll and Duty, and have all such Remedies or the same, as is herein before mentioned and expressed; and further, that the said Collector and Collectors, Receiver and Receivers, be, and they are hereby made liable and accountable, to the said Trustees, either according to such particular Contracts as shall be made and shall subsist between them, or in general, for all such Sums as they shall respectively receive over and above such Hire, Wages or Salary as is herein before-mentioned and provided for.

VIII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if it shall happen, that any dispute shall arise between the said Trustees, and the said Receiver and Collectors or any of them, or any of their Deputies, Servants or Substitutes concerning the Sums received, or to be accounted for, or otherwise, or for or concerning any other Thing whatsoever, that the same shall be decided and determined in such Sort, Manner and form, and such Order therein made, so to be obeyed and complied with, until the same shall be brought to a final Determination, in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Island, either on Removal of such Proceeding by Certiorari, or other proper Action to be brought by the Party grieved n such Manner and Form as is herein before mentioned and provided.

IX. AND whereas, there are many Owners or Possessors of Lands joining to, or upon the said Road, and near to the Ends or Limits of the same, who may be put to great Expenses, were they subjected to pay the full Toll or Rates, not only on the necessary Occasions of sending their Cattle of different kinds to Water or Work, but also for the Carriage of Provisions from their Grounds or Timber for the Building or repairs of their Works, be it therefore enacted, that the Trustees aforementioned or any three or more of them be impowered, to agree with the said Owners or Possessors of Land joining to or upon the said Road, or with the Attorneys or Overseers of such Owners or Possessors of the said Lands, upon such Terms as to them may appear reasonable, for yearly or half yearly Sums, to be paid to the Collector or Collectors aforesaid, towards keeping the said Road in repair, instead of the Toll or Rates before specified and expressed.

X. And be it further enacted that this Act, and every Part thereof shall be and remain in Force, for the Term of Fifteen Years, from the passing thereof, and from thence to the end of the next ensuing Session of Assembly, and no longer.

XI. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That this Act shall be deemed and taken to be a Public Act, and shall be Judicially taken notice of as such, by all Judges, Justices, and others without specially pleading the same.

XII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Secretary of this Island, do cause this Act to be printed, and send two Copies thereof to each of the Trustees herein before named and appointed, the Expense whereof shall be paid him by the Receiver General out of any Monies in his Hands unappropriated.

Also Private acts:
30G2 re 7 Rivers & Martin Williams
26G2 re Francis Smith etc

23G2:
An act for the laying out, making and repairing, a road from Chesterfield plantation in the parish of St Elizabeth, through Montpelier plantation, belonging to Francis Sadler Hales, esq, to the north sea (17 nov 1750)

Extract from Long: on Western Road

This great Western road, which leads from Spanish Town, traverses St. Jago Savannah, and the bridge of Milk River, in Clarendon; not far beyond which is the estate which belonged to the late lord Ol—ph—t. Soon after leaving this, the ascent begins over May-day Hills, continuing rocky for about half a mile, till it narrows into a gloomy path between two hills, over-hung with the interwoven boughs of trees on each side, which form an agreeable shade. At the end of two or three miles further on is a small plantation and pimento-grove; and, beyond this, the way opens suddenly upon a pretty rising lawn, on the highest part of which stands a little villa, belonging lately to Mr. W—stn—y, who is said to be a natural son of the late duke of L—ds. This villa overlooks a diminutive vale, through which the high road passes, and extends its narrow prospect to another delightful, rising spot, of a circular form, and fringed with stately trees. A number of kids, lambs, and sheep, are pastured in the glade, or roam on the sides of the adjacent hills, which are fenced in with a wall of craggy mountains, richly cloathed with wood. In rural charms few places exceed this little spot. The road across this assemblage of high lands is extremely curious in every part, and worthy the traveller’s attention. There are none in England, nor I believe in Europe, resembling it. It divides the May-day Ridges, as it were, through the middle; the breadth of which, from East to West, is upwards of fourteen miles; it is about fifty feet in width, and confined on each side by a majestic wood, that is almost impervious to the sun. The lofty trees, so close arranged, form a living wall; and, intermingling their leafy branches, afford a cooling shade during the greater part of every day throughout the year. The Tavern of Knock-patrick (belonging also to Mr. W—stn—y), the next settlement we come to, stands very commodiously, and enjoys a most excellent climate. The English beans, pease, and other culinary vegetables of Europe, grow here, in most seasons of the year, to the utmost perfection. A gentleman who supped here could not help remarking, that the victuals were literally brought smoaking-hot to table; a phenomenon seldom observed in the low lands, where the air is so much more rarefied. A species of the tarantula spider is said to be often found in this part of the country. The woods abound with paroquets, and pigeons of various sorts. The laghetto, and other useful trees, such as mahogany, cedar, pigeon-wood, &c. This tavern stands in the midst of these woods, and as yet has but a very small tract of cleared ground about it. Every appearance of the road to the Westward of it is similar to what is observed on the approach to it from the Eastward, till the hills begin to decline, and the parish of St. Elizabeth breaks upon the view. From the different parts of this declivity, the prospects are finely variegated, and, from some stations, are extended not only over the champaign-country of this parish, but into great part of Westmoreland many miles: but one of the most pleasing scenes is, the spacious trail of open land, called Labour-in-vain Savannah, which appears partly of a vivid green, and partly of a russet colour. One side of it is girt about with romantic hills and woods; the other, towards the South, is washed by the sea; the middle sweep is graced with scattered clumps of trees and under-wood; which objects all together combine in exhibiting a very picturesque and beautiful appearance.

7 OTHER PLACES of INTEREST & PARISH INFORMATION

7.1 Geographical Features of Note

Round Hill

Round Hill is included as it appears in several grants and deeds and is an imposing landmark on the coast on the eastern extent of Carpenter’s Mountains.
Extracts from Report of a field meeting to south-central Jamaica, 23rd May, 1998[9].
Round Hill is an imposing, roughly oval-shaped limestone massif orientated in an approximately east-west direction. It is bounded to the east and south by the floodplain and mangrove swamps of the Milk River, and to the west by similar wetlands within the lower reaches of the Alligator Hole River. To the north, Round Hill is bordered by conical hills and enclosed depressions forming poorly developed kegelkarst, which gives way in the northwest to collapse dolines around God‟s Well and to small limestone gorges associated with uplands containing some enclosed depressions in the Alligator Hole River area. Much of the southwest margin of Round Hill is skirted by a gently sloping, apron-like footslope covered with scrubland vegetation and comprising limestone conglomeratic debris with many fallen limestone blocks on its surface, which terminates at the coast as an 8-10 m high seacliff, below which is a discontinuous beach containing black sand.

Although Round Hill is composed of limestones of the Newport Formation, there is a general lack of typical, large-scale karst landforms on its surface. For the most part, the slopes of Round Hill are broadly convex to rectilinear, but are occasionally broken by benches and steps, particularly on the north- and south-facing slopes, which can be interpreted as „structural benches‟, probably marking bedding planes or structural trends within the limestones. There are also numerous gullies and possible old landslide scars cut into the flanks of Round Hill, especially on its southwest-facing slopes, whilst many former drainage lines can be traced on its surface on all aspects of the massif. These gullies and drainage lines are predominantly relic phenomena and were presumably cut during periods of more significant rainfall than at present, or, alternatively, secondary permeability of the limestones has now advanced to a stage where all rainfall simply infiltrates below the surface. Many of the gullies which drained to the lower slopes, especially on the colluviated footslopes on the southwest flanks of Round Hill, are associated with fans and talus cones, comprising conglomeratic limestone debris and larger fallen blocks. The distal ends of some of these fans are exposed in the seacliff to the west of Farquhar‟s Beach as Holocene conglomeratic beds containing predominantly limestone boulders and pebbles in a reddish, rendzina-like matrix. The conglomeratic beds contain moderately rare calcified root remains and calcrete horizons, and also are associated with semi-continuous paleosol horizons. This suggests that the mass movement and fluvial processes which formed the fans and talus cones were episodic, and punctuated by periods where the fans were at least temporarily stabilised by a vegetation and soil cover. The gastropods within the conglomerates confirms their terrestrial origin as mass movement and fluvial deposits laid down in a debris fan and talus cone environment. Generally on all aspects, the base of Round Hill is marked by an abrupt break of slope, below which are much gentler slope.....
The coastline from the mouth of the Milk River to Farquhar‟s Beach is a sandy beach backed by mangrove swamps. It is one of several black sand beaches that occur along the south coast of Jamaica (see above). West of Farquhar‟s Beach, the coastline is marked by a low seacliff, which is about 8-10 m high, and exposes the Round Hill beds and overlying distal fans/talus cones. The cliff is generally poorly stabilised, and many fallen blocks of both these units litter the beach below. The more stable sections of the cliff are buttressed by the more resistant components of the Round Hill beds. Uncommonly, the cliff is broken by gullies, whilst slumped sections occur to the extreme west of the cliffline. The slumps could be the product of wave action undermining the base of the cliff, though they may also be related to groundwater movements to the southwest of Round Hill. For the most part, the mass movements within the slumped cliff zones can be classified as small-scale slab and toppling failure, with some rotational components....
“Raised beach‟. Edward Robinson (1967b, p. 46) described this unit as “... a thin deposit of raised beach sand, containing marine molluscs of modern aspect”, that he considered to lie unconformably on the Round Hill beds. We use „raised beach‟ in the broad sense herein, that is, a beach feature elevated above present sea level, whether this position results from either uplift of the land or a drop in sea level (Lowe and Walker, 1997, p. 84). At the time of deposition of the „raised beach‟, the eroded surface which now forms the unconformity on the Round Hill beds presumably formed a wave-cut, rocky shore platform. This was subsequently buried by the “raised beach‟ and overlying distal fans/talus cones.

Note: much of Jamaica has raised beaches on the shore.

7.2 Other Relevant & Surrounding Properties

Fellowship property owned by Jno S. Cooper 1915 HBJ1915

Font Hill,

in St Elizabeth & Westmoreland, named from Font Hill Manor, was owned by Sir William Beckford, Lord Mayor of London, an absentee landlord of sugar plantations in Jamaica in the 18th Century. DPNJ.

This was a big Estate in the SW corner of St Elizabeth owned by the Beckford family until they went bust in 1821, when it passed from the family. Octavius M. described at his burial in 1840 as a Planter, resident at Font Hill. A Samuel M married Camilla Beckford, both of Font Hill, in 1850.
In April 2002, the Font Hill estate is a research forestry plantation owned by Petrol Company of Jamaica: the original greathouse has disappeared.

Fullerswood (Salmon):

"Jamaica Surveyed" by BW Higman describes a plantation called Fullerswood which in 1860 was owned by John Salmon: it is on the East bank of the Estuary of the Black River in St Elizabeth: this John Salmon was probably the Executor of Francis M.'s will.

Seen in April 2002, but now a relatively modern house of little interest: could be seen to have been originally an attractive entrance. Repainted entrance walls 2/2022.

Palisadoes

is a ten mile strip which links Port Royal to the mainland. The peninsula was formed when a group of cays, swept by currents and winds, eventually merged. At first Port Royal could only be reached by a boat from Kingston Harbour, but there is now a road to it which also takes travellers to Norman Manley - originally Palisadoes - Airport, which is situated on a bulging section of Palisadoes and is Jamaica's principle airport. Of interest as this was a major burial ground, where Frederick Lewis Maitland's mulatto mistress was buried.DPNJ.

Port Royal

(extract) ... It became famous as a port at which naval celebrities were stationed. Among these were: George Brydges: Lord Rodney (1739-42) Vice-Admiral John Benbow, who was stationed in Jamaica in 1702 Admiral Edward Vernon (1739-42), C in C West Indies Admiral Sir Peter Parker, Bt (1778-82) and Admiral Horatio Lord Nelson (1779-1805). ..... At that point chiefly a resort for seamen, Port Royal was again nearly demolished, this time by a violent hurricane on the 28th August, 1772. ..... DPNJ.

Roses Valley,

in St Elizabeth, is named after the first owner, William Rose (Jamaica Almanacks, 1811) of this now defunct estate. Roses Valley is now a village in the centre of which is a Baptist Church, There is also Roses Valley Post Office. DPNJ.

Dictionary of Place-Names in Jamaica (extracts) Inez Knibb Sibley (Institute of Jamaica 1978).

Chew Magna,

in St Elizabeth, near Balaclava, was named by the Roberts Family after the place in Keynsham, England from which they came.

Fort William

near Savannah la Mar, was part of an estate owned by William Beckford, an early English settler, and named after him.

Morningside

is in St Elizabeth. The place name originates in Edinburgh, Scotland. Many Scotsmen were early settlers in St Elizabeth.

Greenwich Estate

London Times 25 June 1805:
Greenwich Estate, Jamaica, by Mr Farebrother
At such Place and Time as shall hereafter advertised
The highly valuable estate of Greenwich situate in the Parish of Vere, on the south side of the island of Jamaica consisting of extensive plantations, in the most improved state of cultivation, with the stock of negroes etc. Particulars will be given in due time, and information obtained by application to GJ Robinson, Esq, Lincoln’s Inn New square and at Mr Farebrother’s Office, 7 Beaufort buildings, Strand.

Jamaica Vere 29 (Greenwich)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
2nd Nov 1835 | 107 Enslaved | £2359 2S 0D

CLAIM DETAILS Claim Notes
Parliamentary Papers p. 19.
T71/858: claim from Boddington & Davies, of Vere, as owners. 'Stand over for explanation as to reasons Registry in name of heirs of Ratcliff'. Documents were produced including an assignment from Geo. Ratcliff to Samuel Boddington and Geo. Adam Davies, dated 1822. Awarded to Samuel Boddington as surviving trustee under these deeds [?].
Times 05/10/1864 p. 16: Greenwich estate was auctioned off with Friendship estate by the executors of Samuel Boddington.

The South Australian Advertiser (Adelaide, SA ) Monday 4 July 1859
THE LAST MAIL.

AN ESTATE DESTROYED.-By the West India mail, we learn that the Greenwich estate, at Vere (Jamaica), the property of the Hon. Edward Thompson, had been destroyed by fire, with all the cane pieces, except one, and 200 hogsheads of sugar. (nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1194761)

Harmony Hall

1845: 1337 acres heirs of W McKenzie

Jamaica Vere 37 (Harmony Hall)

Claim Details & Associated Individuals

5th Oct 1835 | 159 Enslaved | £3018 16S 11D

CLAIM DETAILS

Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 19.

T71/858: claim by Mrs Mary McKenzie, as owner in fee (withdrawn). Counterclaim by Joseph Brooks Yates, as 'assignee of certain mortgages for £5000'. Counterclaim included also Rev. (?) George Stevens Byng and his trustees (the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Wiltshire), claiming 1/3rd of the estate and an annuity of £300 per annum charged upon the estate subject to the mortage of £5000 vested in Messrs. Brooks Yates.

Jamaica Almanac: Harmony Hall is shown as owned by the heirs of P. Mackenzie (1815) and by Mary Mackenzie (1833).

T71/1185: counterclaim from the Rt. Hon. George Stevens Byng and his trustees, namely the Duke of Richmond and the Rt. Hon. John Earl of Wilts, in reversion expectant on decease of Mary Mackenzie. Mary Mackenzie, of Twickenham, was the widow of Peter Mackenzie (and grandmother of George Stevens Byng).

Monymusk

Owned by the family of Archibald Grant of Monymusk, Aberdeen, 1696-1778.

The Monymusk Estate in Jamaica came into the Grant family with Elizabeth Clark's daughter, Mary Calender. Elizabeth was the widow of a doctor in Jamaica who married the first Sir Archibald as his 3rd wife. Her daughter Mary married Sir Archibald's son (3rd Bt.) by his 2nd wife in 1755.

GRANT, Archibald (1696-1778), of Monymusk, Aberdeen.
b. 25 Sept. 1696, 1st s. of Sir Francis Grant, 1st Bt., of Cullen of Buchan, Banff, Lord Cullen, S.C.J., by his 1st w. Jean, da. of Rev. William Meldrum of Meldrum, Aberdeen
bro. of William Grant. educ. adv. 1714 L. Inn 1725.
m. (1) 17 Apr. 1717, Anne, da. of James Hamilton of Pencaitland, E. Lothian 2da.
(2) c.1731, Anne (d. bef. 1744), da. of Charles Potts of Castleton, Derbys., 1s.
(3) 18 Aug. 1751, Elizabeth Clark (d. 30 Apr. 1759), wid. of Dr. James Callander of Jamaica, s.p.
(4) 24 May 1770, Jane, wid. of Andrew Millar of Pall Mall, publisher and bookseller, s.p. suc. fa. as 2nd Bt. Mar. 1726.

Surinam Quarters & James Bannister

Major General James Bannister:
Calender of State Papers 1670:
April 6.    169. Warrant to the Duke of York. Whereas Major James Bannister, late Governor of Surinam, having bought a vessel of 80 tons for the removal of his family and estate thence, in attending his Majesty's pleasure has kept the vessel six months at his great charge, it is his Majesty's pleasure that his Royal Highness deliver to said Major Bannister provisions for 15 men for six months, with ropes and a mainsail, to encourage him towards the voyage. 1 p. [Dom. Entry Bk., Chas. II., Vol. 25, p. 154 đ.]
April 6.    170. Warrant to the Commissioners of Ordnance. To deliver to Major James Bannister, late Governor of Surinam, six small guns, each weighing about 7 cwt., with their furniture, six barrels of powder, and a proportionable quantity of shot. 1/2 p. [Dom. Entry Bk., Chas. II., Vol. 25, p. 155.]
Nov. 6.     316. Commission appointing Major James Bannister Major-General of all the forces in the island of Jamaica, under the orders of the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor. Also note of the provisions necessary for victualling his ship. Endorsed, Mr. Ranger's note for provisions and other necessaries for Major Bannister's vessel, and with notes by Williamson. 50l. or 60l.. given to Major Bannister for providing himself with these things. Two papers. 3 1/2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., Nos. 84, 85.]
Nov. ?      317. Draft in Williamson's hand, with corrections, of the above commission to Major James Bannister. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 86.]
Nov. ?      318. Copy of commission to Maj. Bannister, not so full, but to the same effect as the above. [Col. Entry Bk., No. 27, p. 84.]
Nov. 6.     319. Names of the persons agreed unto to be inserted in the commission and instructions for fetching off the English from Surinam, viz., Major James Bannister, Capt. Francis Yates, Thomas Stanter, Lieut. Henry Masey, Capt. James Maxwell, Lieut. Tobias Bateman, Capt. Christopher Reader, Henry Ayler, Master of the America, Richard Colvile, Master of the Dutch Flyboat, and John Ranger, Master of Major Bannister's Flyboat; any three to be a quorum, of whom Bannister, Yates, or Ayler to be one; to whom only the additional instructions (after shipping the English from Surinam) are to be directed, impowering Bannister (and in case of death or absence, Yates and then Ayler) to give orders to the masters of the two merchant ships. Lord Arlington promised to speak to the Duke of York about the instructions to the masters of the hired merchant ships. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 90*.]
Nov. ?      320. Draft commission to Major James Bannister and others [names not given in this copy, see preceding] for removing the English and settling all disputes at Surinam. Refers to the Articles of Surrender of Surinam between Col. Wm. Byam and Admiral Abraham Crynsens, which were confirmed by the Treaty of Breda, and afterwards ratified by said Crynsens and others on 20/30 April 1668; also the orders of the States General of the 4th and 21st August past, to Commander Lichtenberge, Governor of Surinam [see ante, No. 219]. For the better execution whereof, and that all disputes may be fairly settled, his Majesty has appointed the aforesaid Commissioners to demand and treat with Commander Lichtenberge concerning the execution of all that has been agreed upon or granted to his Majesty's subjects in that Colony, particularly as to their liberty of departing thence with their slaves and goods. Draft, with corrections in the handwriting of Williamson, who has endorsed it, Minute, 1670. 4 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV ., No. 87.]
Nov. 6.
Whitehall. 324. Instructions to Major James Bannister, Capt. Francis Yates, Thomas Santer, Lieut. Henry Masey, Capt. James Maxwell, Lieut. Tobias Bateman, Capt. Christopher Reader, Henry Ayler, Richard Colvill, and John Ranger, the King's Commissioners for bringing off from Surinam his Majesty's subjects, their families, and estates. Calendared ante, No. 304. 3 pp. [Col. Entry Bks., No. 77, pp, 29–31, No. 78, pp. 80–84, and No. 93, pp. 11–12.]
Nov. 6.
Whitehall. 325. Additional instructions to Major Jas. Bannister, Capt. Fras. Yates, and Henry Ayler. As soon as they are freed from Surinam to sail for Barbadoes, St. Kitts, or any of the Leeward Isles or Jamaica, and suffer such people as desire it to settle there. To send home an account of their proceedings, and whether the Articles for the first surrender of Surinam made by Col. Byam have been observed. 1 p. [Col. Entry Bks., No. 77, p. 32, No. 78, pp. 85–86, and No. 93, p. 13.]
Nov. 6.
Queen Street.     326. H. Slingesby, Secretary to the Council of Trade, to Joseph Williamson, Secretary to Lord Arlington, at his lodgings in Scotland Yard. Having notice that Sir Philip Frowde's son, one of his clerks, whom he ordered to call upon Williamson for copy of the Articles of Surinam had misbehaved himself, and left a note about said Articles in a slighting way, begs to have a copy of said paper, with an account of his clerk's carriage in the business. Yesterday, upon Major Bannister's motion for leaving out of his commission and instructions some of the English planters at Surinam, who might be unwilling to leave the place, it was ordered by the Council that Thomas Stanter and Lieut. Tobias Bateman be left out, and one Gerrard Marshall, Master Mate of the America, put in; which Williamson will be pleased to have done. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 90.]

7.3 PARISH INFORMATION

Parish Records:

St Elizabeth lists few Base born children before about 1750, the use of the phrase “reputed” (child) of the father did not appear until the later half of the 18thC.

Burials in St Elizabeth only recorded the whites.
Clarendon only has burials from 1805.

Kingston records only from 1722 “since the dreadful storm which happened on the 28^th August 1722”.

Vere records missing from 1720-1730.

7.3.1 Clarendon

Clarendon Capital & Parish Church

The Gleaner, 9 January 2012:

With respect to a story in The Gleaner of Saturday, January 7, titled 'How Clarendon's first capital got its name', your writer, Christopher Serju, referring to Chapelton, begins his story with the statement: "Its claim to being the first capital of Clarendon is undisputed." Chapelton is, in fact, the second capital of Clarendon, and May Pen is the third.

The parish of Clarendon was created in 1664 and named after Sir Edward Hyde (1609-1674), Lord High Chancellor of England (1657-1667), who was made the first Earl of Clarendon in 1661. His family motto was 'The Cross, the Test of Faith', and so the capital of the new parish was named 'The Cross', and its position in the southern part of the parish is noted on old maps of Jamaica on the main road from Old Harbour travelling west, after passing through Colbeck and Rosewell.

The first parish church of Clarendon (The Church of the White Cross) was the third Anglican church built in Jamaica (after Spanish Town and Port Royal). Elections for the first Jamaica House of Assembly were held there in 1664. The church was built of brick in the shape of a cross the Rectors lived there with their slaves who worked the glebe. Its ruins may be seen in the bushes at The Cross (not to be confused with Palmer's Cross, which is nearby) and I recommend that it receive some protection as a heritage site.

In 1774, Edward Long wrote: "The hamlet, or village of the Cross, is situated about six miles from Old Harbour Bay, on the great roads leading, one to leeward, the other to Old Woman's Savannah. It consists of about 10 houses, near the parish church, which is a handsome brick building, of four ailes. Hard-by, likewise, stands the skeleton of the parsonage house, which at present is converted into a cooper's shop a metamorphosis that is not at all wonderful for the inhabitants of this hamlet, being mostly Jews and Mulattoes, afford no very agreeable neighbourhood to a Protestant divine."

Cross church set precedent

Beyond the Cross Church, the main road forked, one branch going towards the north coast (through the Pedro Valley) and the other going along the south coast (around Round Hill).

As cultivation in Clarendon shifted further inland, a chapel of ease (St Paul's) was built by the military barracks in the northern part of the parish at first the settlement around it was called 'Chapel', then 'Chapel Town', and now 'Chapelton'. Later, Chapelton became the parish capital, but 'The Cross Church' remained the parish church, until it was finally destroyed in 1815, whereupon St Paul's became the parish church for Clarendon.

May Pen was a small hamlet until the coming of the railway in 1885, which spurred its development. It became the third capital of Clarendon in 1938, but it is the only parish capital without a cenotaph, as the one for Clarendon was built when Chapelton was the capital.
PETER ESPEUT

7.3.2 CORNWALL - General Information

1784 Almanac:
The County of Cornwall contains 1,522,149 acres, has 5 Parishes, and 10 Towns or Villages.

General state of the County of Cornwall:
388 sugar plantations
561 other settlements
above 93,000 slaves
and the produce in sugar about 67,000 hogsheads,
and about 69,500 cattle

REVIEW OF THE STATE OF THE WHOLE ISLAND
Total
Negroes 255,700
Sugar estates 1061
Produce 105,400 hogsheads of sugar
Other settlements 2018
Cattle 224,500
20 Parishes, in which are 36 Towns and Villages, 18 Churches and Chapels, and about 23,000 white inhabitants.

7.3.3 ST ELIZABETH PARISH INFORMATION

Extracts 1784 Almanac:             ST. ELIZABETH
   The town of Lacovia does not contain more than 20 houses: here the Quarter Sessions and Petty Courts for the parish are held. Black River has about 50 houses, and a fine Bay for shipping. This parish has 39 sugar-works, 190 other settlements, and 16,000 slaves.
   Lacovia, in St Elizabeth, is said to have been the La Caoban of the Spaniards, in the early days referred to by the inhabitants as "Coby". Lacovia was the first capital of St Elizabeth.          DPNJ.
    Middle Quarters is in St Elizabeth. The reason for the name is uncertain. It is claimed in the old days the Quarter Session of the court was held here and that might have something to do with the name. Middle Quarters in now the location of a large-scale shrimp trade conducted by the villagers.
DPNJ.
   Miss Parchments shown between Jack's Holt & White Horse of South coast.

MAP1804.
PRO Jamaica "Blue Book" of Government Statistics, 1823.
Rector of St Elizabeth Rev Williams, appointed 21/5/1821.
Pay: £270 stlg, 378, Currency + fees 326-10-2.5d = £C704-10-2.5d.
1823 population: 697 whites, 1918 free, 18802 slaves.

Downloaded from internet 13/5/2003
Parish Information
Population 148,900 (1999)
Literacy Rate 67.5% (1994)
Educational Institutions 1999/2000 (M.O.E.C)
Public Independent
Tertiary 1
Tertiary - Vocational/Agricultural 1 Vocational/Agricultural 1
- - Business Education -
Technical High 1 - -
Comprehensive High 5 - -
Secondary High 4 Secondary High 1
- - Secondary High
(with preparatory department) 1
Special - Special -
Junior High - - -
Primary and Junior High 5 - -
All Age 35 - -
Primary 35 - -
Infant - Kindergarten/Preparatory 5
Other Agencies providing education and training are Basic Schools and H.E.A.R.T NTA.

BLACK RIVER – Alison Morris

St. Johns Church History

The Early Church

175 years seems like a good long time for this church building to have been in existence. But when you consider that worship has been taking place in this place for 300 years (give or take a few years), then you realize that the 175 is just a mark in the road. The worship journey will continue long after we’re gone. And even 300 years will seem small, as future generations look back on the history of our remarkable church.

From early reports on the state of the Anglican Church in Jamaica, we know that the original church that was on this spot was built after 1679, but before 1723. We find it mentioned in the 1739 will of John Campbell, who left £50 for the purchase of a communion cup for the Black River Church.

The family tradition seems to have been carried on.

Nearly 100 years later, John Campbell’s descendants, the Shakespears, gave the church the silver communion service which is still in use. It bears the date 1838, the year in which the present church was built.

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The church seems to have been reconstructed a number of times. In 1774, Edward Long mentions it in his History of Jamaica, as a “handsome edifice of brick, lately rebuilt”. By 1802, it is described as being “shabby and much neglected” in the diary of Lady Nugent (wife of the then Governor of Jamaica). With Black River’s tendency to get hit by earthquake, hurricane and fire, it’s no wonder that the church had to be reconstructed from time to time!

What was the church like in those early years?

First of all, the Black River Church was in all likelihood not the original Parish Church, since Black River was not always considered the capital of St. Elizabeth. Jamaica had been divided into parishes for political as well as religious reasons, and the parish churches were central to the governance of each parish. Black River and Lacovia both contended for the title of parish capital.

It wasn’t until the 1770s that the issue was settled and the capital fixed in Black River. The Parish Church was responsible for recording Christenings (and thereby births), Marriages and Deaths, as there was no civil registry at that time. From these records, we know that our churchyard is filled with hundreds of graves, although few can be seen above the surface today. Soldiers, sailors, merchants, landowners, mothers and children. Whites, free blacks and coloureds. Residents of Black River as well as people from outside the town. No slaves.

The congregation in the 18^th and early 19th centuries would have looked very different from what it looks like today. Our church was the church of the upper classes, which means that the membership was mainly white, or close to white. Those Ministers who wanted to bring Christ’s message to the slaves were likely to meet with opposition. Many slaveowners, who were often church members, were resistant to attempts to evangelise their slaves.

The church itself owned slaves, who worked on the over 200 acres of land (Glebe lands) in the church’s possession in the Brompton area, where the Rectory was located. The original tract of land had been about 1300 acres, but most of this was sold in the 1750s to buy slaves, who were used to work on the remaining acreage. At the time of emancipation, the Rector received compensation for the slaves who worked on the Glebe. These lands were later sold and a new rectory was built in Black River in 1935.

Why was the church rebuilt in 1838? Some have suggested that was due to a fire in1812, but this is unlikely to have been the reason, as there is evidence of the church having been in heavy use in the intervening years. In 1832, during the Christmas Rebellion, it was used to house the soldiers who had been sent by the Governor to subdue the slave revolt in St. Elizabeth. Duncan Robertson, whose memorial tablet is to be found in the church, is remembered for the lead role he played in helping to contain the rebellion.

Whatever the reason, it seems providential for the Black River Church to have been reconstructed in 1838, the year of emancipation. It was time for the church, which for so long had played a role in supporting slavery, to embrace change. The change was gradual, and in fact had started from even before emancipation.

The church records from the late 1700s indicate that many free non-whites were interred in the church yard. Especially notable are the tombs that we pass over nearly every time we enter the church from the western entrance. Scotsman and Black River merchant Duncan Hook, who died in 1779, had a non-white family. His mulatto mistress, Elizabeth Duncan, as well as their four infant children and one adult daughter are all buried near him.

When Lady Nugent visited in 1802, she was surprised that so few whites were present at Easter Day service. According to her, most of the congregation was either black or brown. This struck her as unusual, suggesting that perhaps the Black River Church was more inclusive than was the norm in the other churches she had visited. Of course it may just have been that the white members didn’t attend Church that day, because it was expected to be a long service - Communion was only given two or three times a year. The Rector at that time was Thomas Warren, an Englishman who served Black River for 33 years.

The tablet on the church tower gives us an insight into the building of St. Johns as we know it today. A section of it reads as follows:

THE first stone of this

CHURCH was laid on the 13

day of July in the year of our

LORD 1837

The man at the helm in 1837 was the Revd. Thomas Pierce Williams. He was born in Jamaica, and educated at Cambridge University. Ordained as priest in 1813, he served as Headmaster of Wolmer’s School from 1813-1814. He had assumed duties as Rector in Black River in 1820, and stayed during the turbulent years of pre and post emancipation, until 1851. A tablet to his memory can be found in the church.

The church bell and clock date from this period. The bell was cast in London in1848 at Whitechapel Foundry, the makers of Big Ben and the American Liberty Bell. The clock is dated 1839.

We do not know when the church began to be called St. John’s, but it was certainly had that name at the time of its consecration in 1843 by Bishop Christopher Lipscombe.

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After emancipation, the church became very involved in education. Munro College and Hampton School were built in the 1850s from bequests left by Robert Hugh Munro and Caleb Dickenson, memorial tablets to whom are mounted near the sanctuary. Contrary to the wishes of their benefactors, these institutions ended up being schools for the elite. But St. Johns was also a leading light in the education of the poor. Church schools were built throughout the Cure, with the Parish Church running their operations. There were church schools in Black River, Pondside, Crawford, Cambridge and Arlington, to name a few. This tradition has continued up to the present day, with the church being the driving force behind the building of Black River High School in 1970.

The church was one of the first buildings in Black River to receive electricity in the early 1890s, thereby making it one of the first churches in Jamaica to be lit by electric current. It had light for a few years until Black River lost electricity in 1899.

The 1890s through to the early 1900s saw a time of major development at St. Johns, under the leadership of Revd.Charles Melville, who became Canon during his incumbency in Black River. Revd. Melville was a skilled craftsman, and in 1902 carved the mahogany reredos which adorns our sanctuary. The three paintings on the reredos were done by Miss Norah Shaw, a local artist.

After being damaged in1907 by the earthquake that destroyed Kingston, major upgrading of the building took place in 1908-1909. Revd. Melville designed a new roof, had choir stalls built, and the external concrete stairs to the gallery added. He tried to institute a medical scheme for poor members, in order to discourage them from resorting to the obeah-man when they couldn’t afford a doctor! He was responsible for the church getting a new organ, the one we use today. This organ was built in England in 1911, and installed in 1915. The organ was pumped by hand by a paid organ blower until an electric blower was bought in the 1950s.

There have been a few alterations to the church building in the last 50 years. The marble font, which was originally at the back of the church, was moved to its present location in 1968. The church was reroofed in 1980. Successive ministers and congregations up to the present time have made it their duty to preserve and maintain this beautiful historical monument whose longevity we lovingly celebrate this year.

Allison Morris

July 2013

GENERAL

POSITION/SIZE/DESCRIPTION

St Elizabeth is in the south-western section of the island. It has an area of 1212.4 square kilometres (468.1 square miles). There are three mountain ranges - the Nassau Mountains to the north-east, the Santa Cruz Mountains which, running south, divide the wide plain to end in a precipitous drop of 1600 feet at Lovers' Leap, and the Lacovia Mountains to the west of the Nassau Mountains.
The Black River is the main river supported by many tributaries including Y.S., Broad, Grass and Horse Savannah. It is the longest river in Jamaica {53.4 kilometres (33 0 miles)} and it is navigable for about 40 kilometres (25 miles). It has its source in the mountains of Manchester near Coleyville where it rises and flows west as the boundary between Manchester and Trelawny then goes underground near Troy. It reappears briefly near Oxford and goes underground again for several miles to reemerge near Balaclava and tumbles down gorges to the plain known as the Savannah, through the Great Morass and to the sea at Black River, the capital of the parish.
Because of the limestone formation there are 44 caves in the parish. They include Mexico, the longest in the island. Yardley Chase Caves near the foot of Lovers' Leap, Wallingford Caves near Balaclava, famous for the fossil remains of large extinct rodents and Peru Cave near Goshen which has impressive stalactites and stalagmites. Preservation areas and wetland sites include:
National Park:                                Cockpit Country
Lower Black River Morass Wetland Sanctuary:   Luana Point Swamp
Lower Black River Morass Wildlife Sanctuary: Luana Font Hill
Scientific/Nature Reserves:                   Holland Swamp Forest.
Much of the land in the parish is dry grassland called savannahs, marsh and swamp, forests and scrub woodlands. The land is used mainly for agriculture and the farmers here who produce a variety of crops are noted for their skilful farm practices. Earlier the land was used to grow sugar cane and for pasture. It still has one sugar factory on Appleton Estate which is noted for its fine blends of rum. To the north of Appleton lies the Cockpit Country which crosses into Trelawny.
Mineral deposits include bauxite, antimony, white limestone, clay, peat and silica sand which is used to manufacture glass.

BRIEF HISTORY

It is believed the parish was named after the wife of Sir Thomas Modyford, the first English Governor of Jamaica. It originally included most of the south-west part of the island but in 1703 Westmoreland was taken from it and in 1814 a part of Manchester.
The Tainos/Arawaks also lived in this part of the island. There is evidence of their occupation in the cave at Pedro Bluff. When the Spaniards came they established ranches on the savannahs. The walls and wells they left are reminders of their presence.
When the English settled on the island after its capture from the Spanish in 1655, they concentrated on planting sugar cane but the ranches had been so well developed that the tradition continued. In some places buildings with 'Spanish wall' (masonry of limestone sand and stone between wooden frames) can still be seen. St Elizabeth became a prosperous parish and Black River an important seaport. In addition to shipping sugar and molasses Black River became the centre of the logging trade. Large quantities of logwood were exported to Europe to make a Prussian-blue dye which was very popular in the 18th and 19th centuries. Synthetic dyes have now replaced natural dyes so although there are still large quantities of logwood growing wild in some areas there is no longer any demand for it. Today, however, it still supports the honey industry as honey made from logwood blossoms is very popular.
Because of its prosperity electric power was first introduced in Jamaica in a house called Waterloo in Black River in 1893. In 1903 the first motor car to come to Jamaica was imported by the owner of Waterloo. In those days the town had a horse-racing track, a gambling house and a mineral spa for the well-to-do at the west end of the town.
St Elizabeth probably has the greatest racial mixture in Jamaica. When the Miskito Indians came from Central America to help track the Maroons in the 18th century they were given land grants in this parish. In the 18th century too, Loyalists from the Carolinas settled in the Great Morass and attempted to grow rice. In the 19th century Scots and Germans migrated to the parish and this accounts for pockets of distinct racial mixtures in the parish. However, in the 20th century there was steady emigration from St Elizabeth and other parts of Jamaica to Panama, Costa Rica, Guatemala and Cuba to work on railway construction and banana plantations.
With the closure of the port in Black River in 1968 the parish could have become a backwater had bauxite not been discovered. More recently efforts are being made to develop a different kind of tourism in which the community is more involved and which can show off the many ecological features of the parish. The parish lends itself to this kind of development and the annual St Bess Homecoming is enticing its sons and daughters to invest there. In addition to a strong farming base, craft is also being revived and the future looks promising.
Munro College for boys and Hampton School for girls were established by the Munro and Dickenson Trust in1856 and 1858 respectively. Several secondary schools have been built in the last 50 years.

POPULATION: 148,900 (1999)

CAPITAL: Black River
MAJOR TOWNS: Santa Cruz, Malvern, Junction, Balaclava

MAJOR INDUSTRIES/SOURCES OF EMPLOYMENT

Sugar: This is one of the oldest industries in the parish. The one remaining factory is the Appleton Estate which has given its name to the fine blends of rum it produces.

Bauxite: When bauxite deposits were discovered in the parish, Kaiser Bauxite company began mining in the early 1950s. Alpart started mining and alumina manufacturing at Nain. This was closed in 1975 but the mining of ore continues.

Fishing: River fishing is unequalled in Jamaica and sea fishing is also very good. Middle Quarters is known as the Shrimp Capital of Jamaica. Vendors sell pickled crayfish to passing motorists and the industry is said to earn $3.000.000.00 a year.

Crafts: St Elizabeth is noted for its straw work - hats, bags, baskets, mats, etc. Sisal and thatch are grown locally to support this.

Agriculture: This is the mainstay of the parish noted for its watermelons, seasoning, tomatoes, onions, cassava, pineapples etc. It is one of Jamaica's 'bread baskets'. Its farmers constantly work against drought conditions in some places.

Food Processing: There is a food processing plant at Bull Savannah for tomatoes, carrots and pineapples which are distributed under the brand name Village Pride. There are pimento leaf oil factories at Giddy Hall. Bogue and Braes River.

Tourism: St Elizabeth has significantly increased its room capacity for tourists and is strongly pushing a tourism package with a difference - community tourism which would include eco-tourism. There are indications that over a half of the estimated 1,000,000 tourists who visit the island each year over a half are interested in what the south coast has to offer.

Other industries: Glass, abrasives, Hodges Ceramic Supplies Ltd and Silica mines.

MAJOR HISTORICAL/CULTURAL/RECREATIONAL/ECOLOGICAL SITES

The Great Morass: This is the island's largest wetland which has an area of 125 square miles. The lower morass extends from the Black River to Lacovia and the upper morass is above Lacovia. It is a complex eco-system and a preserve for more than 100 bird species. It is a refuge for about 300 crocodiles. Fed by the Black River the morass has plenty of crayfish and fish including the God-a-me that can live out of water in mud and moist leaf litter. Sometimes a manatee can be seen near the river estuary. The morass provides a livelihood for the 'shrimp' sellers at Middle Quarters. There is now evidence of pollution and the Black River and Great Morass Environmental Defence Fund is attempting to have the area declared a national park.

YS Falls: These falls are considered by many to be Jamaica's most spectacular waterfalls. Eight cascades separated by pools ideal for swimming fall for120 feet. Limestone cliffs and towering lush vegetation enhance the scene. It is on private property but is open to the public for a fee. There is a picnic ground and transportation to the falls. The estate raises racehorses and Jamaica Red cattle

Bamboo Avenue: This two and a half mile 'avenue' of bamboos on the main road between Lacovia and Middle Quarters was planted by the owners of Holland Estate in the 17th century to provide shade in the heat of the savannah. A former owner was John Gladstone, father of the famous British prime minister. It was a sugar estate and the factory has only recently been closed. Although battered by hurricanes and the occasional fires it is still attractive. It is maintained by the staff of the Hope Botanical Gardens in Kingston.

Font Hill Wildlife Sanctuary: The Petroleum Corporation of Jamaica owns this 3150 acre wildlife reserve. It has two miles of coastline. Scrubby acacia and logwood thickets cover much of the area. Near to the coastline are interconnected lagoons and swamps. It is a haven for birds. Eight endemic species can be seen there including the pea dove, the white-bellied dove and the ground dove, the smallest dove in the world. It used to be a cattle ranch earlier.

St John's Parish Church: Although a tablet on the tower notes the laying of a foundation stone in 1837 it is believed that this yellow brick church is much older. The church has a pair of monuments erected in 1828 to the memory of Robert Hugh Munro and his nephew Caleb Dickenson. Munro bequeathed his estate in trust to his nephew and the church wardens and their successors to form a free school for the poor children of the parish. This bequest formed the Munro and Dickenson Trust which opened the Munro and Dickenson Free School in Black River in 1856, fifty-nine years after Munro's death and eventually Munro School for boys and Hampton School for girls, the oldest public educational institutions in the parish. The tombstones outside the west entrance are for Duncan Hook (1741 -1779) and his four children by a 'free mulatto' who lies beside him. He had to have a special act of Assembly passed to give his mistress and their children the same legal status as white people. Without it they could not have been buried in the churchyard.

Lacovia Tombstones: At the junction of the Lacovia main road and one of the roads to Maggoty lies two tombstones. On one is a large marble slab with the inscription "To Thomas Jordan Spencer". The other is unmarked. The story goes that a duel at a nearby tavern resulted in the death of both men. The engraved coat of arms has been traced to Spencer of Anthrop, an ancestor of the late Sir Winston Spencer Churchill of World War 2 fame.

Appleton Estate: Tucked in the Siloah Valley between the Nassau Mountains and the Cockpit Country lies Jamaica's oldest rum distillery on the Appleton Estate. The rums bear the estate's name and have been produced there since 1749. The estate is now owned by J.Wray & Nephew, Jamaica's largest producers of rum.

Pondside Lake: This is the largest fresh water lake in the island situated about six miles from Black River on the road to Mountainside. It is officially known as the Wally Eash Pond. According to legend this pond was once a district which, like the Yallahs Ponds in St Thomas, mysteriously disappeared leaving a pond in its place. A man and his dog left the district at night and as he was returning to the spot where the house should be he stepped into water. The district had sunken while he was away and he was the only one saved.

Accompong: Situated on the south side of the Cockpit Country, Accompong is the only remaining village in western Jamaica inhabited by the descendants of the Maroons. It was reputedly named after the brother of the great Maroon leader Cudjoe, and it was a common name among the Akan speaking tribes of West Africa. The settlement was formed after the treaty between the Maroons and the English in 1739. When the second war with the English broke out in 1795, the Accompong Maroons remained neutral and were left untroubled at the end of the war when all the other Maroon settlements were destroyed. On the 6thof January each year a traditional ceremony is held to commemorate the signing of the treaty with the English in 1739 which gave them their freedom. Their head of government is the Colonel who is elected by secret ballot every five years. He is assisted by a council which he appoints. Most of the Maroons have gone to other parts of Jamaica to live but they are still proud of their African heritage.

7.4 The History of St. Elizabeth

St. Elizabeth is thought to been named in honor of Lady Elizabeth Modyford, wife of the first Governor of Jamaica (1664-71). Prior to 1703, the parish stretched across the current parishes of Westmoreland, Hanover and Manchester. The size of the parish is 1,212.4km². Originally it included a great section of the western end of the island which officially became Westmoreland in 1703. The final subdivision occurred in 1814 where a part of the southern section was further subdivided into present day Manchester.

When Columbus arrived in Jamaica in the fifteenth century, he reportedly found Tainos along the South coast. To date, evidence of their occupation can be found in Black River and also in a cave on the Pedro Buff. The Spaniards, encouraged by the monarchy soon became occupants of the country including St. Elizabeth. The Spaniards, later enslaved the Tainos, mistreated them and passed on diseases. Many of them died from the treatment from the Spaniards or from the diseases transmitted.

On the plains Spanish heritage is maintained in place names like the town of Santa Cruz. The Spaniards were stockmen, which they preferred to farming. Their choice of stock was cattle which were reared primarily on the Pedro Plains. The Spanish occupation in the area turned out to be for a short period of time as they were ousted by the English. This occurred in the 17 century. The defeated Spanish either fled to neighboring territories or were killed.

When the English came to Jamaica they encountered the Maroons, a community with grew as slavery grew. The Maroons established independent communities in the mountains. One such was Accompong Town. Accompong still exists as a Marron community. The English period of colonisation was marked by extensive sugar production. Some prominent estates were located in Holland, Vineyard and Fullerswood.

Currently, in Southern St. Elizabeth, there are some residents who are descendants of Europeans. One group is those that came to the area in the 17 century from a failed Scottish expedition, known as the Darien expedition.

Outside of sugar there was some diversification for example in 1770 Goshen was a cattle farm which sold livestock to neighboring estates. It is also recorded to have shipped over three thousand mahogany planks.

The Nineteenth Century

In 1893, at the efforts of two merchants the Leyden brothers St. Elizabeth became the first place in Jamaica to acquire electricity. The parish church of 'St. John the Evangelist' was also founded in 1837. The St. Andrews church outside of Gilnock was built in the 1840s by a Duncan Robertson originally a 'chief of the Scottish clan Robertson of Struan.'

The 1800 was a time of manufacturing as during that time the Lacovia Manufacturing Company was engaged in the manufacturing of paper from Bamboo. The Logwood industry gained prominence from the late 1800s to the early 1900s. The value of logwood was in the dye that was extracted from it. The dye was used for in the colouring of textiles. The logwood was harvested and shipped from inland through the waterways. For example in Elim Logwood was shipped by the connecting tributaries to Black River 20 miles away. While there was a steady demand for logwood, Black River remained a prosperous town. In 1893-94 the export value of logwood from Jamaica surpassed that of traditional leading crops of sugar and coffee. However, after some time the industry collapsed as a result of the discovery of synthetic dyes.

The parish was also the scene of a health crisis as there was the outbreak of a cholera epidemic in 1850. It was said to be very devastating and the manpower or coffins were insufficient to bury the fatalities. For fear of transmission the victims from the outbreak were buried in a specific part of the cemetery where penguin plants were planted to cover it.

The Twentieth Century

For Black River the nineteenth hundreds heralded a fire which damaged over half of the town's commercial district. In 1903 the first car to be brought into the island by MR. H. W. Griffiths of Hodges Pen - 'a four cylinder New Orleans' from England, came to St. Elizabeth. It was also in the 1900s that the bauxite industry was developed in the parish. Currently on a lull, it is a part of the mining activities throughout the country since 1943. In the parish it is manufactured by Alumina Partners of Jamaica (ALPART) headquartered at Nain in the parish. In 1980 the target they set was 1.3 million tones. Elsewhere in the parish there was another Bauxite Processing Plant Known as Revere which was closed in 1975.

In 1968 the port of Black River was closed which saw the town losing a commercialization atmosphere that it has not regained since. In the 1980s there was a proposal for a rice project under the Black River Upper Morass Project which was hoped to suit domestic demand of rice. During the 19 century, Southfield cemented itself as a vegetable producing area despite the predisposition for drought. In 1949-50 they recorded a production output of 12 million pounds of tomatoes.

In June 1979, the town of Newmarket was the scene of a flood which resulted in the entire area being flooded for several days. This tragedy resulted in 85 billion gallons of water with area covered in up to 95 inches of water. There were forty one casualties and damage to property was estimated to be millions. It is said that this was not the first incidence of flooding which had occurred on at least four occasions the earliest being in 1899. In 1979 a new town was built a mile from the flood site to replace the old town.

Notable things about St. Elizabeth

• The Black River which is 44 miles is the longest river in the island. The path of the river intermingles with other parishes such as Manchester and Trelawny and re-emerges into what is known as the BlacK River.

• St. Elizabeth has 44 caves most notable are: - the Wallingford Caves where fossil remains have been found and the Peace Cave where Cudjoe on behalf of the Maroons singed Peace Treaty.

• Lacovia is the first capital of the parish. Courts were initially heard alternately in Lacovia and Black River until it was relegated to Black River.

• Uncertainty surrounds the age of the Parish Church of St. John the Evangelist/ The Black River Anglican Church. The church is the site of a monument belonging to Robert Hugh Munro and his nephew Caleb Dickinson the founders of Munro and Hampton College in the parish. The church also has a memorial tablet to Duncan Hook (1741- 1779) and four of his children by a free mulatto Elizabeth Duncan.

• The police station and the hospital are thought to be former sites of an army barracks.

• Black River constitutes the largest remaining crocodile refuge in Jamaica.

• Hampstead Great house ruins was once the site of summer residences of governors of Jamaica.

• The parish had a race track which was a mile long and attracted persons from all over the country; compliments of the Leyden brothers former plantation owners and planners of the town.

• Balaclava has a 70 m 800ft tunnel; the area was a former coffee and ginger trade point..

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Fincham, Alan. Jamaica Underground: The Caves, Sinkholes, and Underground Rivers of the Island. Barbados: Press U of the West Indies, 1997. Print.

Floyd, Barry. Jamaica: An Island Microcosm : [by] Barry Floyd. London: Macmillan, 1979. Print.

Hawkes, Alex D. "Jamaican Places- Lovers Leap. A Sheer Perspective 1700 Feet into Foaming Sea." The Daily Gleaner 6 Aug. 1970: 3. Print.

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Historical Society Bulletin

Insight Guide. Singapore: APA Publications, 1983. Print.

Jacobs, Headley P. The Parish of St. Elizabeth. Kingston: West Indian Publishing Co. Ltd, 1953. Print.

Kirkpatrick, W. The Gleaner Guide to Jamaica: A Complete Handbook for the Use of Tourists. Kingston: Gleaner, n.d. Print.

"Lacovia Had No Share of Glory." Jamaica Daily News 11 Apr. 1980: n. pag. Print. "Legends and Folklore of St.Bess." The Jamaica Daily News [KIngston] 11 Apr. 1980: n. pag. Print.

Mcfarlane, Keeble. "A Romantic Notion, Yes...but Is It Practical." Jamaica Observer 4 June 2011: 9. Print.

"New Market: New Town Officially Open." 12 Dec. 1983: 1. Print.

Notes from National Library

Perkins, Wilmot. "St. Elizabeth: Water Is All We Need." The Sunday Gleaner 14 Apr. 1957: n. pag. Print.

Reynolds, C.Roy. "Where Time Almost Stood Still." Daily Gleaner 6 May 1964: 3. Print.

Salmon, R. D. "The Plight of Balaclava." Daily Gleaner 27 Oct. 1973: n. pag. Print. Senior, Olive. Encyclopedia of Jamaican Heritage. St. Andrew, Jamaica, W.I: Twin Guinep Publishers, 2003. Print.

Shepherd, Verene. Transients to Settlers: The Experience of Indians in Jamaica, 1845-1950. Leeds, England: Peepal Tree, 1994. Print.

"St. Elizabeth." Sunday Gleaner 16 May 1970: n. pag. Print.

"St.Elizabeth Needs a New Lease on Life." Daily News 2 Mar. 1983, Mid Island Spotlight sec.: 5. Print.

Williams, Paul H. "All Roads Leads to Accompong." Jamaica Gleaner4 Jan. 2012, Hospitality sec.: 3. Print.

7.4.1 Savanna-la-Mar

Extracts 1784 Almanac: WESTMORELAND

….is the county town, where the Assize courts are held for the county of Cornwall, the last Tuesday in March, June, September, and December: it has lately been ornamented by an elegant court-house, and contains about 100 other houses. In the parish are 89 sugar estates, 106 other settlements, and 18000 slaves

7.4.2 St Thomas in the Vale

8 JAMAICA ALAMANACS, & HANDBOOKS ETC

4 volumes (1824, 1826, 1840 & 1845) were examined in the Royal Commonwealth Library collection now in the University Library, Cambridge (7/2000). The remainder of the extracts were from a website on Jamaica Genealogy (jamaicanfamilysearch.com)
The local Government in those days, was called the “Justices and Vestry.” It comprised the Custos Rotulorum (Chairman), four senior Magistrates, the Rector of the Anglican Church and the two Church Wardens with ten Freeholders who were to be elected annually as Vestrymen.

8.1 ALMANACS EXTRACTS

1751 Civil List: no sig
1776 Civil List: John Wedderburn, Magistrate, Westmoreland
John de la Roach, magistrate, St E
Dr William Wright, Surgeon General to Navy
Hanover: George Spence
St Elizabeth: John James Swaby

1779 Magistrates:
Hanover: George Spence
Westmoreland: John Wedderburn
St Elizabeth: John James Swaby

1784 Magistrate
Hanover: Custos Hon George Spence
Westmoreland: John Wedderburn, Thomas Thistlewood
St Elizabeth: John James Swaby

Militia
St Elizabeth:
William B Wright, Major Charles Wright, Lt Robert Wright, Lt
Westmoreland:
John & William Tomlinson, Ensigns
Hanover:
Henry Scrymgeour, Lt

1790 Magistrates:
Westmoreland: John Wedderburn, James Robert Tomlinson

Militia
St Elizabeth:
William B Wright, Major Robert B. Wright, Lt
Westmoreland:
William Tomlinson, Lt.
Hanover:
Henry Scrymgeour, Lt

1793: (Royal Gazette)
Andrew Wright Vestreyman, St Elizabeth
CAVEATS entered in the Office

Jan 31 Wright, Alexander by William Hislop

1794, July, died:
In this town, Mr. Charles Wright, lately of Europe

1796:
Westmoreland:
Magistrates:
Also of the Quorum
James Robert Tomlinson
James Wedderburn
Commissioner of Workhouse: James Wedderburn.

St Elizabeth
Coroner: JB Wright
Horse Militia
Hanover Windward: William Sinclair, Lt.
Militia
St Elizabeth:
Robert B. William & Andrew Wright, Capt
JC Wright, Ensign Robert Wright, Lt

1802 Westmoreland:
Magistrates:
Also of the Quorum
James Robert Tomlinson
James Wedderburn
Commissioner of Workhouse: James Wedderburn.

St Elizabeth
Coroner: JB Wright
Horse Militia
Hanover Windward: William Sinclair, Lt.
Militia
St Elizabeth:
Robert B. William & Andrew Wright, Capt
JC Wright, Ensign Robert Wright, Lt

1808 Civil list
               Richard Pusey, attorney at law
               Alexander Rose, JP, St Elizabeth

1811                         (Property/slaves/stock)
St Elizabeth   Brooks, George -Burnt Ground, 40/10
               Barnes, Jonathan, decd - Rosely Hill, 43/31.
               Cerf, Henry - Berlin & Potsdam, 50/176
               Campbell, Peter - Holland, 421/202
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 74/140
               Royal, Joseph - Lower Works 29/323
              Rose, Alexander - Mount Lebanon, 38/42
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 66/12
               Sinclair, Alexander - Prospect, 85/-
               Wright, Andrew, decd - Mitcham, 116/174
               Wright, William B - Cornwall, 79/-
               Wright, John - Meribah, 79/134.
               Wright, Robert B - Southampton, 48/126.
               Williams, Thomas J. - Mount Olivet, 100/28.

Vere           Booth, JG - Farm, 62/13
               Booth, JG Decd - Mount Pleasant, 58/12
               Booth, Samuel - Asia, 41/19
               Edwards, J P, - Pusey Hall, 360/157
               Wint, John P - 50/-
               Wright, James, decd - Streten Hall, 82/56
Westmoreland   Watkins, Hannah - Logwood, 46/6
               Wedderburne John, Spring Garden etc, 1,524/ 1,877
               Wedderburn Sir David & Andrew,
                  Blue Castle and Blackheath 602/ 633
               Leslie Hon. William, Lindores 59/ 41 (cf Margaret
               Dick)
Clarendon:       Wint, Thomas - Bellmont, 75/87

1812:
slaves/stock
Westmoreland: Tomlinson W., deceased, Culloden 31/ 97
              Tomlinson, Thomas, Bluefields 116/123
              Wedderburn, John, Spring Garden etc. etc., 2322/1285
              Wedderburn, Sir D., Black Heath etc. 686/ 353
              Watkins, Hannah, Logwood penn 35/ 5

St Elizabeth: Angel, Sarah, Providence 43/ 11
              Angel, Thomas M., Lookout 33/ 50
              Brooks, George, Burnt Ground 37/ 36
              Brooks, Martha, Rocky Mount 25/ 3
              Cerf, Henry, Berlin etc., 602/ 214
              Campbell, Peter, Holland 409/ 30
              Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall 74/ 142
              Royal, Joseph, Lower Works 29/ 331
              Rose, Alexander, Mount Lebanon 57/ 89
              Sinclair, Alexander, Prospect 41/ 30
              Smith, John, Mount Charles 68/ 15
              Wright, Andrew, deceased, Mitcham 118/ 169
              Wright, John, Meribah 54/ 76
              Wright, Charles, ___ 30/ 30
1815
St E.         Cerf, Henry - Potsdam, Berlin & Malvern Well, 643/-
              Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall & Mitcham, 197/456
              Smith, John - Mount Charles, 22/13
              Sinclair, Alexander - Prospect, 53/60
              Wint, Mary - Caen-Wood, 43/10
              Wright, John - Meribah, 56/42
Vere          Booth, John Gaul, heirs of - Mount Pleasant, 42/20
              Booth, Samuel, - Asia, 24
              Brooks, George - Blenheim
              Edwards, Hon John P, Pusey Hall - 303/232
              Wint, John Pusey, - Ryde, 131/15
              Wright & Glasgow, exec of, - Stratton Hall, 72/112
              Wright, Robert Benstead, - Kensworth, 45/12
              Wright, William Burt, - Enfield, 103/16
Westmoreland   Thompson, Mary - Truro 49
               Wedderburn, John, Spring Garden 467/319 [?]
               .............Jerusalem 273/ 267 [last digit torn]
               ..................Mint 248/ 213
               .................Retreat 368/ 261
               .................Moreland 230/ 232
               .................Paradise 154/ 476
               .................Mount-Edgecumbe 260/ 246
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue-Castle 300/ 385

1816:
St Elizabeth: Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall & Mitcham, 197/450
Delaroche, John, Carisbrook 150/ 250
Sinclair, Alexander, Prospect 53/ 60
Burton, Zechariah, Lucky-Valley 25/ 4
Burton, Elizabeth, Content 65

Vere: Wint, John Pusey, Ryde 131/15
Wright & Glasgow, executors of, Stratton-Hall 72/ 112
Wright, Robert Benstead, Kensworth 45/ 12
Wright, William Burt, Enfield 103/ 16

1817:
St Elizabeth:
Maitland, Francis, Giddy Hall, T(orn) & Mitcham, T
Burton, Zachariah, Lucky Valley, 25/T
Burton, Elizabeth, Content, 70/T
Burton, Francis, 16/30

[Burton, Francis B.] Trahen, 12
[Rose, Alexander], Mount Lebanon, 54/85
Wint, Mary, Caen Wood, 44/10

Health Officer at Black River, Dr. Alexander Rose

1818
St Elizabeth: Maitland, Francis - Mitcham, 114/185
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 75/224
               Smith, John, Mount Charles, 29/14
Burton, Elizabeth, Content, 71
Burton, Francis, 16/30
Burton, Francis B. Trahen, 4/7
Burton, G. William, 8/49
Burton, Hannah, 8/10
Burton, John, junior, 4/1

1820
Manchester:
               Booth, John Gall - Farm, 74/30.
               Booth, John Gall heirs of - Mount Pleasant, 35/4
               Maitland & Roberts - 80 (prob Silver Grove)
               Wint, John Pusey - Ryde, 115/12
               Wint, Mary - Caenwood, 64/31
               Wright, William Burt, - Enfield, 137/17
               Wright, Robert Benstead, Kensworth - 61/8
               Sinclair, Alexander, Prospect 73/ 8
St Elizabeth:
               Cerf, Henry - Berlin, 409/13
                            Corby Castle, 96
                                  Nile, 40
                            Potsdam, 251/28
               Cohen, Abraham S - 2/1
               Cohen, David - 6
               Maitland & Roberts - 42/179 (prob Mitcham)
               Maitland, Frances - Giddy Hall, 71/240
               Nembhard, Ballard B, decd Hounslow      85/440
               Sherman, Judith - 13/9
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 28/5
               Wright John - Meribah 79/4
               Wright, Nathaniel - 24/3
               Wright, Thomas - 2/2
Vere:             White & Levys - Stretton Hall, 81/22.
                  Brooks, George - Blenheim, 118/20
Westmoreland:
               Wedderburn, James, 8/ 1
               Wedderburn, John, Endeavour 15/ 4
               Wedderburn, John, Jerusalem 291/ 213
               ................, Mint 224/ 197
               ........., Moreland 216/ 210
               ........., Mount Edgcumbe 241/ 450
               ........., Paradise 140/ 183
               ........., Spring Garden 418/ 310
               ........., Retreat 354/ 250
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue Castle 263 330
               Wright, Catherine, 5
1821
St Elizabeth: Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham?,38/194
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 70/217
               Smith, John, Mount Charles 30/ 20
1822
Manchester:
               Maitland & Roberts - Silver Grove, 80
               Wint, John Pusey - Ryde 112/11
               Wint, Mary - Caenwood, 71/2
               Wright, Robert B, estate of - Kensworth, 70/20
               Wright, William Burt estate of - Enfield, 174/27
St Elizabeth
               Cohens & Co. - Heathfield 96/4
               Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 41/219
               Maitland, Frances - Giddy Hall, 66/220
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 28/5
               Sherman, Judith - 12/4
               Wright, John - Meribah, 80/76
               Wright, Nathaniel - 12/3
Westmoreland:
               Wright, Catherine - 5.
Vere:          Brooks, George - Blenheim, 134/17

1823:
Manchester:
               Maitland & Roberts – Silver Grove, 79
               Wint, John Pusey – Ryde, 107/17.
               Wint, Mary – Caenwood, 70/26.
St Elizabeth:
               Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 41/266
               Maitland, Frances - Giddy Hall, 67/298
               Smith, John - Mount Charles, 28/5
               Sherman, Judith – Twickenham, 12/4
               Wright, John - Meribah, 81/84
               Wright, Nathaniel - 12/3
               Wright, Rebecca, 5
               Wright, Robert, 10/ 4

               Wright, Robert B., 10/ 4

1824: (Hardcopy & web site)
                  Name                    Property          Slaves/Stock
St Elizabeth: Maitland & Roberts:     Mitcham        43/224
               Maitland Frances        Giddy Hall     68/320
               Burlton James E.        Mount Charles 55/15
               Spence George           Bloomsbury     50/20
               Williams Thomas John    Mount Olivet   103/24
Manchester:    Maitland & Roberts:     Silver Grove   81/0
St Elizabeth: Wright John             Meribah        100/100
               Wright Nathaniel        -----          12/2
               Wright Rebecca          -----          5/0
               Wright Robert           -----          7/0
               Wright Robert B         -----          10/4
Manchester     Brooks, George          Blenheim       33
               Wright Robert B, est of, Kenilworth    85/0
               Wright Wm Burt, est. of, Enfield       190/00

1824:
St Elizabeth   Burlton, James E - Mount Charles 55/15
               Cerf, Henry - Berlin, 457/14
                             Corby Castle, 107
                             Potsdam, 247/9
               Cohens & Co - Heathfield, 96/4
               Maitland & Roberts, - Mitcham, 43/234
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 68/320
               Sherman, Judith - Twickenham, 13/5
               Wright, John - Meribah, 100/100
               Wright, Nathaniel, 12/2
               Wright, Rebecca, 5
               Wright, Robert, 7
               Wright, Robert B, 10/4
Manchester     Maitland & Roberts, - Silver Grove, 81
               Wright, Robert B estate of - Kensworth 85
               Wright, William Burt, est of - Enfield 190
               Wint, John Pusey - Ryde 99
               Wint, Mary - Caenwood, 73/2
               Booth, John Gall - Farm, 115/23

Vere           Booth, Robert W - 3/19
               Booth, Samuel - Rest 25/4
Westmoreland   Wright, Catherine, 7

1825
St Elizabeth: Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 42/274
               Maitland, Francis - Giddy Hall, 76/300

1826:
St Elizabeth: Maitland & Roberts:      Mitcham        42/245
               Maitland Frances         Giddy Hall     72/231
               Burlton James E.         Mount Charles 48/32
               Sherman Judith           Twickenham     9/4
               Earl John                -----          3/0
               Nembhard, Ballard B, decd Hounslow      81/442
               Spence George            Bloomsbury     45/6
               Rose Alexander dcr          Mount Lebanon 48/26
Manchester: Maitland & Roberts:            Silver Grove     85/0
St Elizabeth: Wright Ezekiel           -----        30/0
               Wright John              Meribah      70/23
               Wright Rebecca           -----        10/0
               Wright Robert            -----        11/0
               Wright Robert E          -----        20/10
Manchester     Wright Robert B, est of, Kenilworth   85/3
               Wright Wm Burt, est. of, Enfield      167/21

1827:
St Elizabeth:
Burlton, James E., Mount Charles, 50/50
Maitland, Frances, Giddy Hall, 74/228
Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 41/264

1828:
St Elizabeth: Maitland, Ann, 72/226
               Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 40/241
               Burlton, James E., Mount Charles, 41/36
               Rose, Alexander, deceased, Mount Lebanon, 36/37
               Wright, Ezekiel, 2/1
               Wright, John, Meribah, 69/23
               Wright, Rebecca, Friendship, 5
               Wright, Robert B., 7/2
Manchester:    Roberts, George, Silver Grove, 86
Westmoreland: Wedderburn, James, Mint, 335/37
               ..ditto, Moreland, 316/27
               ..ditto, Mount Edgecumbe, 251/380
               ..ditto, Paradise, 115/670
               ..ditto, Retreat, 326/38
               ..ditto, Spring Garden, 374/49
               Wedderburn, James, 10/5
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue Castle, 217/112

1829:
St Elizabeth:
            Burlton, James E., - Mount Charles, 77/55
            Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 37/244
            Maitland, Ann - Giddy Hall 78/197

1830:
St Elizabeth:
            Maitland & Roberts - Mitcham, 39/247
            Maitland, Ann - Giddy Hall 77/145

1831:
St Elizabeth: Burlton, James Edward, Mount Charles, 79/118
               Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 39/247
               Maitland, Ann, Giddy Hall, 77/145
               Wright, Charles, 13
              Wright, John, deceased, Meribah, 67
               Wright, Nathaniel, 13/4
               Wright, Rebecca, Friendship, 5
               Wright, Robert B., Friendship, 7/2
Manchester:    Roberts, George, Silver Grove, 90
               Wint, Mary, Cowick Park, 82
               ..ditto, Look Out, 56/48
               Wright, Mrs., Kensworth, 86/4
Westmoreland: Wedderburn, James, Mint, 323/42
               ..ditto, Moreland, 296/17
               ..ditto, Mount Edgecumbe, 258/358
               ..ditto, Paradise, 106/557
               ..ditto, Retreat, 327/47
               Wedderburn, James, 43/8
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Blue Castle, 221/114

1832:
St Elizabeth:
Burton, Bonilla, 4
Burton, Elizabeth, Content, 100
Burton, Frances, Spanish Quarters, 21
Burton, John, Lorn Hill, 10/ 10
Facey, William, 7
Maitland and Roberts, Mitcham, 50/ 300
Maitland, Ann, Giddy Hall, 77/ 216
Rose, Alexander, deceased, Mount Lebanon, 72/ 70
Rose, Mary, 4/ 4
Rose, William A., Fort Rose, 20/ 20
Sherman, Judith, Twickenham, 8/ 5
Manchester:
Sinclair, Alexander, estate of, 100
Sinclair, James, Prospect, 14
Sinclair, Sarah, 16
Sinclair, Susanna, 18

1833:
St Elizabeth (slaves/stock)
Burlton, James Edward -       Mount Charles, 92/225
Campbell,               Holland, 322/200
Cohen, Judah -          Potsdam 317/40 - Corby Castle, 117
Cohen, Hyman -          Berlin 452/35 - Heathfield, 21
Earl, John -                  6
Maitland & Robert -     Mitcham, 60/350
Maitland, Ann -         Giddy Hall 100/300
Nembhard, William -     Kensington, 77
Rose, Alexander, decd, Mount Lebanon, 72/70
Sherman, Judith -             Twickenham 10/10
Wright, John decd -     Meribah 53
Wright, Rebecca -             Friendship 5
Wright, Robert B -            Friendship 7
Wright, Nathaniel -     12/5
Wright, Charles -             50.

Westmoreland
               Wright, Elizabeth, 4
               Wedderburn, James, Mint 332/ 53
               ...................Moreland 279/ 15
               ...................Mount Edgecombe 263/ 319
               ...................Retreat 311/ 37
               ...................Spring Garden 346/ 41
               Wedderburn, James, Paradise 99/ 558
               Wedderburn, Sir David, Bluecastle 222/ 121
Manchester     Roberts, George - Silver Grove 180
               Wint, Mary - Look-Out 55/61
               Wright, N - Kensworth 89/3

1838: (with numbers of "apprentices")
Manchester     Wint, Mary - Cow Park etc, 119
               Wright, N - Kinworth 91
               Wright, WB, decd - Enfield 154
               Cohen, Hyman - Apropos 39 - Albion 227
               Cohen, H&J - Isle 53
               Cohen, Judah - New Heathfield, 53
                            - Chatham & Bath, 79
                            - Berwick, 50
St Elizabeth (apprentices)
               Maitland, Ann decd - Giddy Hall, 76
               Sherman, Samuel - Mitcham 44
               Burlton, James E - Mount Charles, 88
               Cohen, Judah - Potsdam 271 - Corby Castle - 101
               Cohen, Hyman - Berlin 332
               Gladstone, John, Holland, 250
               Nembhard, Eliza P - Kensington, 62

1838
Civil Lists:
St Elizabeth Vestrymen: James E Burlton, James Mullings, Matthew
Farquharson, John Maitland, Theodore Stone, F Hendricks, Edward
F Coke, John Earl, Alexander Cowan, Michael Myers
Militia: St Elizabeth,
Quartermaster Samuel Sherman
Asst Surgeon AW Maitland

1839:
St Elizabeth Vestreymen: John Maitland

1840: (hard copy & website)
St Elizabeth: Maitland Andrew dcr        Giddy Hall   2000 acres
               Sherman Samuel             Mitcham      807 acres
               Burlton James E            Ashton & Mount 1002a
                                                 Charles
               Wright Nathaniel           South Valley 115 acres
               Spence Joan Lean           Bloomsbury   226
               Spence George B            Upland          82 acres
               Cohen, Judah               Potsdam, 1710a
               Cohen, Judah               Colby Castle, 328a
               Cohen, Hymen               Berlin, 1412a
               Earl, John                 Chelsea, 180a
               Earl, John                 Mount Olivet, 502a
               Earl & Muirhead            Roseberry, 802a
               Nembhard, Eliza P          Kensington, 202a
               Gladstone, John,           Lacovia estate 2212 &

Holland, 4548.

               Cooper, David,             Lyndesaye-Lodge, 118
               McClymont, John,           Unity, 1000
               Wallace, Jane,             Mount Unity, 188
               Solomons, Eve,             Mount Lebanon, 1500

Manchester -   Cohen, H & J - Isle, 397a
               Cohen, Judah - Heathfield, 348a
               Cohen, Hymen - Apropos, 60a
               Cohen, Judah - Maidstone, Bath & Chatham, 1058a
               Cohen, Hymen - Albion 1350a
               Cohen, Judah - Berwick, 700a
               Roberts, George - Silver Grove, 1200a
               Sweetman - Pusey Hill 403a
               Wint, Mary - Lookout, Caen Wood & New Hall, 951a
                            Cowick Park, 400a
               Wint, Diana - Content, 10a
               Wint, James - Mahogany Grove, 1000a
               Wright, Nicola - Kensworth, 500a
               Wright, Robert J, - Halsham, 50a
Vere           Booth, R.W. Estate of, 300a
               Burrwell, Geo P, exor of Booth, 137a.

Westmoreland:
               Wedderburn, --, heirs of, 3453
               ---Same, 1800
               ---Same, 2767
               ---Same, 1825
               ---Same, 1742
               ---Same, 1841
               Wedderburn, Daniel, 2131
               Wedderburn, James, 340
               Wedderburn, Eliza, 36
               Wright, F, 16a
St Elizabeth Civil List:
       Vestreymen: John Earl, Jno Maitland, Frederick Hendricks
       Militia Assistant Surgeon: AW Maitland.
Also in this volume was a description of a new electric rotating machine, demonstrated in New York in 1837.

1845:
St Elizabeth: Maitland J Kensington          300 acres
                           Giddy Hall          1150 acres
                           Rosehill            130 acres
               Sherman S   Mitcham             843 acres
               Sherman J   Mahogany House      10 acres
               Burlton James E, est of, Ashton & M/C 1209 acres
                       Black River &c          250 acres
               Earl J heirs of Mount Olivet    497 acres
                           Wiltshire           600 acres
               Cooper J.   Sportsman Hall      10 acres
               Cooper B & Co   Newport & Black River 13 acres
               Cooper F    Pleasant Hill       50 acres
               Spence Joan L    Bloomsbury     226 acres
               Swaby JJ    Montpellier         3000 acres
               Swaby Ann   Spice Grove         26 acres
               Gladstone A, Holland, Maybole & Stonehenge, 5185.

Hewitt, W. K.                Fellowship, 700
Barnes, N. A.                Middlesex, 15
Bent, J.                     Middlesex, 117
Rickard, J.                  Watt’s Middlesex, 530
Salmon, J.                   Magotty and Middlesex, 1440
Solomon, Eve,                Mount Lebanon, 750
Finlay, W.                   Mount Unity and Good Intent, 38
Parchment, W.                Mount Unity, 41
Swaby, Ann,                  Brownshill, 100
_Same,                       Mount Unity, 25
Segre, J.              Mount Unity, 25
Wallace, Jane,         Mount Unity, 180

Manchester:   Roberts George heirs of Silver Grove 1400 acres
Westmoreland: Maitland R. Carpenter Hall      11 acres
St Davids:     Maitland C Claugh na Cate      10 acres
St Elizabeth Civil List:
Assistant Justices & Magistrates: John Maitland
Militia Quartern Samuel Sherman
Militia Assistant Surgeon: AW Maitland
District Prison (Black River) Surgeon: AW Maitland.

1846:
This issue did not contain any returns of properties.
College of Physicians and Surgeons, Qualified Practitioners,
being fellows, Manchester:
            Maitland, Andrew Wright, Lic Ap. Cy. London
Militia St Elizabeth Assistant Surgeon: AW Maitland.

1851:
Magistrate: St Elizabeth John Maitland
Surgeon: A Maitland also physician to the poor.

1860 Voters:
St Elizabeth, Cooper, John M.
1861:
Magistrates St E, John Myers Cooper, Black River

1878 Trade Directory.
St Elizabeth,
     Black River, Maitland AK, propr Mt Charles Pen.
              Wedderburn, AA Inspector of Constabulary.
     Goshen, Cooper Wright, postmaster and planter of Santa Cruz.
            Wright JC prop Friendship Pen.
   Lacovia, Tomlinson, WJ, propr Cornwall Pen.

1878 Directory of Properties:
Ashton, J. W. Earle proprietor, Black River
Mount Charles, A. K. Maitland proprietor, Black River
Farm, J. M. Cooper proprietor, Middle Quarters
Giddy Hall, J. M. Cooper proprietor, Middle Quarters
New Shaftson, A. N. Sinclair proprietor and manager, Bluefields

1891: St Elizabeth,
Middle Quarters, Cooper J & WS, Giddy Hall Pen
Balaclava: Sherman & Roberts, storekeepers

Handbook of Jamaica, 1881: (OP 38520.972.01)
This was checked , but contained nothing of detailed interest.

Search of Jamaica Site:
William Rhodes Petgrave Wright listed with descendants, b abt 1835
Wint, Mary met Mr John Webb, she b abt 1773
Militia 1808: Westmoreland Artillery Lt M Wright.
                St Elizabeth Regt Ensign C Wright.
Seaman deaths:
1775, John Maitland, St Elizabeth, master of the "Atlantic".

9 Royal Gazettes

1782: PDF copy held.

Findmypast has the Jamaica Mercury & Kingston Weekle Advertiser

PRO, CO 141
/1 1794
   1809 BNA 1 issue.
   1811 – BNA                          1812 BNA
/2 1813 1^st done                    /3 1813 2^nddone
/4 1814
/5 1815 1^st /6 1815 2^nd
/7 1816 1^st                          /8 1816 done
/9 1817 done                        /10 1817 done
/11 1818 done                       /12 1818 done
/13 1819 done                       /14 1819 done
/15 1820 ist                       /16 1820 2^nd
/17 1821                            /18 1821 2^nd
/19 1822 all done                   /20 1823 all done
/21 1824 May Dec done              /22 1825 all done
/23 1826 Feb-Dec done              /24 1829 all done
/25 1830 all done                   /26 1831 all
/27 1832 all done                   /28 1833 all done
/29 1834-35                         /30 1836 all (BNA 4 early ones)
BNA British Newspapers Archive (British Library Collection).

9.1.1 JG 28/8/1779 Re Supply of Cattle

AT a Meeting of the principal PENN-KEEPERS of the Parish of St, Elizabeth at Lacovia on the 23^rd August 1779, Calib Dickenson, Esquire, was desired to take the Chair.

Resolved, That there are in this Parish about 10,000 head of Breeding Cattle.

Resolved, That we will supply the Forces now embodied, with the Fat Cattle we have, or may have fit for sale, upon the credit of this island, agreeable, to a vote of the Honourable House of Assembly of the 19th August 1779.

Resolved, That we will not take advantage of the necessities of the public, but agree to sell our Fat Cattle at the usual rates they have sold at.

Resolved, That in case any dispute shall arise between the agents appointed by William Harvie, Esq. commissary for supplying cattle, and the proprietors, respecting the value of any cattle to be sold, we do hereby agree, to leave the price to be settled by William Smaking, John Delaroch, James Cooper Wright, John Freebairn, and Alexander Walker, Esqs. or any, or either of them.

Resolved, That the Penn keepers of this parish can immediately supply the contractor with 200 head of cattle.

Resolved, That, at the expiration of four weeks, we Will supply 200 head of Cattle, at the rate of 50 head per week.

Resolved, That, should the troops continue embodied so long at to consume the whole of the fat cattle in this country, we will in that case contribute to supply the troops from our Breeding Penns, in proportion with the rest of the island

(Signed) C. Dickinson*.

C. Dickenson, for J Vanheelen: Eleanor Vassell.
Robert Brown. John Delaroch.

Alexander Walter..         Jos. James Swaby.
Zach Benj Dockery          Francis Geo Smyth
James Cooper Wright        William Reeve
William But Wright         Thomas S Salmon
Humphrey Colhoun           William Sm???
William Salmon             John Harriers
Simon Facey                Thomas Smith
Thomas S Salmon               ) Mathew Smith
for the Rev Mr Tho Warren) Charles Farquarson

From Jamaica Family Search:
5/1/1793-27/4/1793

12/1/1793:
St Elizabeth Vestreyman: Andrew Wright
3/3/1793:
Hanover vestreyman: William Sinclair.
23/3/1793
On Tuesday the 22nd a subscription purse, for two years old, two mile heats, was run for over the Race course at Lacovia, by Mr. Andrew Wright’s Bay Colt, and Mr. Salmon’s Pepper Filly, Brunettes. The first heat was won by the Colt, but in the second he ran out of the course and was distanced
April 6, 1793
Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies
PERSONS LEAVING THE ISLAND:
Mar 20 Joseph Cameron, Trelawny
“ Charles Murray, St. Thomas in the East
“ Archibald Sinclair, ditto
“ John Synes, St. Mary
Apr 3 Robert Boyd, Westmorland
Alexander Burton, Kingston
May 4, 1793
Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies
PERSONS LEAVING THE ISLAND:
William Sinclair, Hanover
13/4/1793:
The following is a copy of an Address from the Grand Inquest of the county of Cornwall, at the Assize Court, held in and for the said county, on Tuesday the second day of April, 1793, before the Honourable George Murray, Esq., one of the Assistant Judges of the Supreme Court, and one of the Justices of the Cornwall Assize , and his Associates, then sitting in the said Court of Assize, presented by them to the Court, previous to their being discharged:
Jamaica - Westmoreland
WE, the Grand Jurors for the County of Cornwall, having had presented to us, by the Honourable the Custos, a letter from the Right Honourable Henry Dundas, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, announcing that war had been declared by the supreme authority of France against his Majesty's kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and its dependencies, beg leave to return our thanks for the communication, and to express our perfect attachment to our King and happy Constitution, and readiness to exert our utmost abilities in the defence of the same and that we will collectively, as well as individually, use every endeavour to detect and apprehend all suspicious and seditious incendiaries who may attempt to disturb the peace and unanimity of this island, or this county in particular. -
James Wedderburn, Foreman. J. Hering, Wm Brown, D. Connell, Hugh Fraser, Robt. Minto, John Simpson, Henry John Wisdom, Joseph Hardy, James Stewart, Robert Boswell, Thomas Minto, G.F. Clarke, Sam. Cuninghame, Matthew Henegan, David Innes, James Berry, F. R. Tomlinson, Archibald Duthie, Thomas Robertson, James Jack, John Graham, Andrew Black.
At the same Court, Thomas Bullman was indicted for speaking seditious words against the King and Constitution, and, after a most impartial hearing, he was found guilty, and sentenced to lie three months in jail, and on the King's birthday, to stand one hour in the pillory.

June 29, 1793
Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies
PASSENGERS ARRIVED:
On the Alexandre, Mr. D'Aguilar, Mr. Cuthbert, Mr. and Mrs. Brodie, Mr. Dasseray[?], Mr. Brown, Mr. Alves, Mr. McIntosh, and Master Ballin.
On the Jupiter, the Hon. Major Maitland of the 62nd regiment, Major McLachlan of the 10th regiment, Captain Ramsay of the Royal Artillery, Mr. James Maitland, Mr. Charles Fuhr, Mr. John Kelly, Mr. M. Geohagan, and Mr. Hugh O'Connor.

1794 Died
At Martha Brae, on the 18th last, Captain Benjamin Wright, of Rhode Island. He was for a number of years a reputable Merchant at Savanna la Mar
9/9/94 promotions:, Hon. Thomas Maitland, 62nd foot

Jamaica Royal Gazette Extracts:

1782:

Center for Research Libraries - Global Resources Network,
6050 S. Kenwood Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637-2804 USA
2/2014: downloaded most issues as PDF.
http://dds.crl.edu/CRLdelivery.asp?tid=8921

Extracts from Jamaica Family Search (1793).

Notices etc:

Notices were inserted for a number of weeks, so appear often.

Runaway slaves: 28/11/1781: Titus to Old Hope Estate, MW
13/3/1781: John Vassall dcd sells 840 acres near YS in St E.
8/6/1780: inter alia Burtons wanted slaves to rent, St TiV (V142-5, P24).

Votes of the House of Assembly

30/1/1800:
The sum of 100/. to the order of Thomas Anderson, John Pusey Edwardes, Robert Porter, Francis Badley, and Andrew Wright, or any three of them, towards repairing the road from the King's road, at Cocoa-Walk, to Calabash-Bay, in the district of Carpenter's Mountains, in the parish of Vere.
Cocoa Walk is about 8 miles East of Alligator Pond and the road is shown on Liddell 1888 map. It leads direct towards Andrew Wright’s Single Rock property on the old leeward road.

17/11/1802:
The sum of 250/. to the order of John Pusey Edwards, Alexander Schaw, Caffillis Schaw, Robert Porter, David Hutchinson, and John Pusey Wint, or any three of them, towards repairing the road from the King's road at Cocoa- Walk, to Calabash-Bay, in the district of Carpenter's Mountains, in the parish of Vere.

3/12/1802:
The sum of 150/. to the order of Alexander Schaw, John Pusey Edwardes, Robert Porter, John Pusey Wint, and Andrew Wright, or any three of them, towards repairing the road from Calabash-Bay to the interior of Carpenter's mountains.

6 March 1801:
The sum of £100 to the order of James Stewart, John Chamber, William

Kellit Hewitt, Robert Muschett, Andrew Wright, and Richard Boucher, or any

three of them, towards making a new road from Mitcham pasture in the parish of St. Elizabeth, through sundry new settlements, to Mr. Hewitt's Wilderness, in said pariah.

Wilderness is East of Silver Grove, Liddell shows a road up the side of the hill from Mitcham in the direction of Wilderness. It is shown on the modern maps as a dotted line.

3/12/1801:
The sum of £5. to the order of James Stewart, Matthew Smith, John Chambers William Kellit Hewitt, Robert Muschett, Andrew Wright, and Richard Boucher, or any three of them, towards carrying on the road from Mitcham pasture, in St Elizabeth, through sundry settlements to Mr Hewitt's Wilderness, in said parish.

17/11/1802:
A petition of sundry coffee-settlers in St. Elizabeth was presented to the house, and read, setting forth, "That the sum granted by the house last year, on the road from Mitcham pastures to the Wilderness, has been duly and economically worked out; but the same is insufficient for completing said road."

This looks as though it passes through Silver Grove to Mitcham, the remains of which are on the 1:50K 1950’s map as dotted.

The Columbian 1796/7

Columbian 1 Jan 1797:
Yesterday was killed by Mr Robert Benstead Wright, at his butchery near Goshen, a six year old Ox, of the Bakewell Breed, bred at Long Hill, and fattened on Goshen Pen, in St Elizabeth’s, the properties of Francis George Smyth esq, the four quarters weighed 1251 lbs. Goshen bounds northerly on Mitcham.

July 8 1826:

180R PUBLIC SALE, at Goshen Pen, St, Elizabeth’s, on Monday tbe 21 st day of August, if not previously sold, of which (in such case) timely Public Notice will be given, the whole of

THE BREEDING STUD,

consisting of Twenty-Five or Thirty Mares, of the best Strain of Blood, being descended from those well-known Horses Charlemont, Shovel, Drumater, the Knox Arabian, Omen, Hannibal, Barbarossa, and others, together with their Followers Of the present Year, got by Phantom and Hephaestion, to whom the Mares are again supposed to be stinted; also the two last - named Stallions; and Twenty to Twenty-Five Fillies, of the same Blood.

Terms of Sale—Cash, or approved Orders or Acceptances, previous to removal of the Stock, which is not to be delayed beyond four weeks, and a Deposit of Twenty per Cent. will be expected at the Sale.

To commence at the Hour of Ten in the fore-noon precisely.

J. GRIFFITH.

SUGAR ESTATES IN CULTIVATION IN JAMAICA:

WESTMORELAND

Albany , Charlottenburg and Masemure - Anthony Charley
Belleisle - Heirs of Wm. Vickers (S. H. Morris)
Blue Castle - Samuel H. Morris

10 Hurricanes

10.1 Jamaica Hurricane of 3 October 1780

(NB there was another, almost as devastating on 1 August 1781, when John Maitland lost his ship – see below).

(found in PRO CO142?)

It is said, a mighty wave rose out of the boiling sea and swept over the coast for a mile.
   The morning of October 3, 1780, dawned crisp and clear - a typical Jamaican day. In the southwestern part there was a slight wind and a few intermittent showers, but all in all things were calm and looking to remain so. By midday, all that changed. Here is how the Governor, Colonel John Dalling described this change of events in his official report to London:

"The sky on a sudden became very much overcast, and an uncommon elevation of the sea immediately followed. Whilst the unhappy settlers at Savanna-la-Mar were observing this extraordinary Phenomenon, the sea broke suddenly in upon the town, and on its retreat swept every thing away with it, so as not to leave the smallest vestige of Man, Beast, or House behind." (Black, 1965, p. 109).
    That was only the beginning of the destruction. The catastrophe Dalling described above was followed by what many called the most devastating hurricane to have hit the island up to that point in its history. By midday buildings on the southwest coast of the island began to sway back and forth as if they were balancing on a tightrope. Fires broke out and spread. By 4 p.m. the full force of the hurricane had arrived and the town of Savanna-la-Mar lay directly in its path. It is said, a mighty wave rose out of the boiling sea and swept over the coast for a mile. Along with the debris of the homes and businesses, two ships and a schooner were carried along and left stranded among mango trees.
     By nightfall, not one building was left standing in the town or for 30-40 miles on either side. In addition, all building in the parishes of Westmoreland , Hanover, and some in parts of St. James and St. Elizabeth, were demolished.
     Property owners were unable to identify their estate boundaries. Slave provision grounds were demolished. Trees and plants were blown away and flattened, mountains and valleys, denuded, the majority of its population, drowned or crushed to death.
     Rivers were running through new channels large lakes were seen in districts which a day before had been covered in cane fields huge rocks were hurled down from the highest mountains deep ravines formed across the roads, which were everywhere impassable (Gardner, History of Jamaica).
     In the days that followed, husbands looked for wives, mothers for sons, sisters for brothers, to no avail. It is impossible to tell just how many lives were lost. The dead lay unburied and disease began to spread.
     The destruction of the food crops resulted in a famine, and because the American War of Independence was being waged, none could be imported from the nearby colonies. Thousands of slaves starved to death.
    In Kingston citizens raised 10,000 pounds to help their countrymen in the west. The British government sent an additional 40,000 pounds. The damage, however, was estimated at 700,000 pounds.

Plato the Wizard

FOLKLORE PINS the devastation of this western town as the work of the runaway slave known as Plato the Wizard, from beyond the grave. Just before his 1780 execution, the renowned obeahman pronounced a curse on Jamaica - predicting that his death would be avenged by a terrible storm set to befall the island before the end of that same year.
It is said that Plato and his band of other runaways kept the parish of Westmoreland in a state of perpetual alarm from his stronghold in the Moreland Mountains. Plato warned that whoever dared lay a finger on him would suffer spiritual torments. It is not surprising that no slave would set traps for Plato even though the reward for his capture was great.
Plato, who like Tacky was an example of the type of spirit slavery could not hold, did have one weakness - rum, and it was to prove his downfall. During a time when his usual supplies were curtailed as a result of a massive hunt on for his arrest, he arranged with a watchman he knew well, to go out and get him some rum. The watchman decided to use the rum as bait. It was easier than he expected. Soon after he handed Plato the rum, he fell into a drunken stupor and right into the watchman's trap. Plato was captured, tried and immediately sentenced to death. In response, he coolly cursed any and everything in sight as a dreadful power is said to have descended on him. Plato terrified the jailer who tied him to the stake by announcing that he had cast an obeah spell on him and he did not have long to live. Soon after Plato's death, the jailer fell ill and died. Before the year was over, Plato's other curse came true - the island was hit by what was described as the "most terrible hurricane that ever spread death and destruction even in West Indian Seas." The region where Plato the Wizard had roamed free and died in betrayal was hardest hit.

Wrath of Plato's Spirit

Jamaica was not the only island to suffer the effects of the hurricane of 1780. Martinique lost 7,000 people and Barbados, 4,300. Jamaica was ravaged again by another massive hurricane in the following year. Over a hundred ships were driven ashore, and all newly-planted provision grounds, destroyed.
More hurricanes followed in that decade alone - 1784, 1785, 1786. Could it be that Plato's spirit continued to hover over the island?
Hurricanes also swept Jamaica in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the following years:
1804, 1815, 1818, 1830, 1832, 1844, 1874, 1879, 1880, 1903, 1916, 1917, 1944, 1951 (Charlie which damaged Kingston, Port Royal and Morant Bay) 1963, (Flora) and 1988 (Gilbert)
Sources: Gardner, W. J. (1971). A History of Jamaica. London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd. Robertson, C. (1987) Fight for Freedom. Kingston: Kingston Publishers Ltd. Black, C.V. (1965) The Story of Jamaica. London: Collins.

From Colonial Office files, CO137/79:

I am sorry to be under the disagreeable necessity of informing your Lordships of one of the most dreadful calamities that has happened to this colony within the memory of the oldest inhabitant.
On the morning of the 2 instant, the weather being very close, the sky sudden became very much overcast, and an uncommon elevation of the sea
.........
Then the quotation given above
......
This most dreadful catastrophe was succeeded by the most terrible hurricane that ever was felt in this country, with repeated shocks of an Earthquake which has almost totally demolished every building in the Parishes of Westmoreland, Hanover Part of St James and some parts of St Elizabeth's and killed, members of the white Inhabitants as well as of the negroes. The wretched inhabitants are in a truly wretched situation not a house standing to shelter them from the inclement weather not clothes to cover them, every thing being lost in the general wreck. And what is still more dreadful Famine staring them in the face.
Kingston merchants £10000 value of different kinds of provisions etc.
W/mland £950000 loss. Hanover 1/4 property lost.

from Governor Dalling to Lord George Germaine.
Letter dated 8 Oct to General Dalling (extract).
.... The weather had appeared very indifferent for some days before, but that morning the wind became more violent than usual, with a most terrible swell of the sea, which by after noon, increased to such a degree, that it has not left the wreck of six houses on both the bay & Savanna and not less than 300 people of all colours were drowned or buried in the ruins,....
Line of destruction, from Bluefields northwards.
Signed by inter ALIA, Thos Thistlewood, Thos & John Tomlinson.

Letter from John Campbell of Salt Spring, Hanover.
Letter from Montego Bay re destruction.
From the PRO, Kew, CO137/79 Page 41 on:
A report on the October 3 1780 Hurricane, Jamaica.

Extract from the Supp. to the Kingston Gazette, 14 Oct 1780.

St Jago de la Nega, Oct 12.
     At Savanna la Mar on the afternoon of Tuesday the 3rd Instant, about 3 o'clock, the wind began to blow very hard from the South-east, accompanied with heavy rain and by four had acquired such strength as to tear the trees up by the roots and strip houses of their shingles. Between five and six the sea began to rise and continued for near an hour to swell to a most amazing height, over flowing the ill fated town of Savanna la Mar and the low lands adjacent. From this time until eight o'clock, the force of the wind and the impetuosity of the waves, overthrew and demolished every house in that unfortunate place, and buried most of the inhabitants in the ruins. A little after eight it began to abate, but never the less continued to blow very hard until midnight, when the wind veered round to the westward. No pen can describe the horrors of the scene which morning presented to the sight of the few who survived to lament the fate of their wretched neighbours the earth strewed with the mangled bodes of the dead and dying, some with broken limbs, who, in that situation, had been tossed about during the storm, and afterwards left on the wet, naked earth to languish out the night in agonies with nor hand to help, or even pity them. Humanity recoils at the contemplation of such unheard of calamities and every feeling heart must melt at the dear recital.
    The names of the unhappy sufferers which we have yet been able to learn are: The Comptroller of that Port, Mr McDowal, Dr King, his wife and two assistants, Misses Forbes and Dallas, and four children, Mr Nesbit a carpenter, Mrs Allwood and three children, Mrs Gibson and two children, Mr John Fotzgerald, Dr Lightfoot, Mr William Antrobus junr, Messrs Aaron Touro and Moses Nunes, and the nephew of the latter, Miss Pesoa, a child of Mr Payne, Mr W McLean, his wife and children, Mr Slap, Mr Little, three quadroon children, and a great number of negroes. We are informed by Gentlemen who are just arrived from that quarter, that bodies of eighty white persons have already been found, and many more are expected to be dug out of the ruins, and it is thought not less than 400 whites and negroes must have perished in and about Savanna-la-Mar.
    The ships Henry, Princess Royal and Austin Hall, then at Anchor in the harbour, with two or three Doggers, were driven from their moorings, and carried a considerable way up into the Morass from whence it will be impossible to get them off. The Princess Royal had four anchors out, and the crew were attempting to get out a fifth, when the wind carried it fairly off the deck some distance into the sea. One of the ships went over the Fort, the parapet of which, at other times is about fifteen feet above the level of the water. The Trimmer, a packet from Rattan, which lay at Bluefields, was likewise sent ashore, but all hands were saved, though some belonging to the other vessels were lost.
    Throughout the whole Parish of Westmoreland, from the best information we can obtain, there is not a dwelling house, outhouse or a set of works on any of the estates left standing. The Canes, Corn, Plantain trees and every production of the earth destroyed. At one estate, Blue Castle, report says, that 200 negroes were killed in a boiling house whither they had fled for shelter: along the sea coast many dead bodies scattered about, probably driven ashore from some wreck, meet the eye of the passenger and one uniform scene of desolation and devastation overspreads the face of that part of the country.
    From St Elizabeth, our accounts are much more favourable. Some estates there have suffered, but in a far less degree than those in Westmoreland, Hanover and St James, over which the greatest force of the hurricane seems to have passed. At Black River, a few houses are overthrown, but none of any consequence. Some plantain walks, cane and corn pieces are likewise destroyed.
    A letter from Lucea says that upwards of 400 persons, white and black, perished in that Town and neighbourhood.
    A Gentleman from Savanna-la-Mar gives the following relation of the fatal catastrophe of that devoted town.
    On Tuesday the 3rd Instant about one o'clock in the afternoon, the gale began from the S.E. and continued increasing with accumulated violence until four when it veered to the South and became a perfect tempest, which lasted in full force till near eight it then abated. The sea, during the last period, exhibited a most awful scene the waves swelled to an amazing height, rushed with an impetuosity not to be described, on the land, and in a few minutes determined the fate of all houses on the bay. Those whose strength or presence of mind enabled them to safety in the Savanna took refuge in the miserable remains of the habitations there, most of which were blown down, or much damaged by the storm, as to be hardly capable of affording a comfortable shelter to the wretched sufferers. In the Court House, forty persons, whites and of colour, sought an asylum, but miserable perished by the pressure of the roof and sides, which fell upon them. Number were saved in that part of the House of Mr Finlayson, that luckily withstood the violence of the tempest, - himself and another Gentleman, had by it (?), when the wind forced open the door, and carried away the whole of the lee side of it, and sought safety under the wall of an old kitchen, but finding they must inevitably perish in the situation, they returned to the house, determined to submit to their fate. About ten, the water began to abate, and at that time a smart shock of an earthquake was felt. All the small vessels in the bay were drove on shore and dashed to pieces. The ships Princess Royal, Captain Ruthwin, Henry Richardson and Austin Hall, Austin were forced from their anchors, and carried so far into the morass, that they will never be got off. The earthquake lifted the Princess Royal from her beam ends, righted her, and fixed her in a firm bed this circumstance has been of great use to the surviving inhabitants for whose accommodation she now serves as a house.
    The morning ushered in a scene too shocking for description - Bodies of the dead and dying scattered about the watry plains where the town stood, presented themselves to the agonizing view of the son of humanity whose charity lead him in quest of the remains of his unhappy fellow creatures! The number who have perished, is not yet precisely ascertained, but it is imagined 50 whites and 150 persons of colour are lost. Among them are numbered Dr King his wife and four children, his partner, an assistant, Mr Nesbit, a Carpenter and 24 negroes, all in one house. Dr Lightfoot, an Mr Antrobus were found dead in the streets. In the whole parish, it is said, there are not five dwelling houses, and not one set of works remaining the plantain walks all destroyed every canepiece levelled several white people, and some hundreds of negroes killed.
    In the adjoining parish of St Elizabeth, altho' the face of the country wore a less horrible aspect than at Westmoreland, much damage was done and several lives lost.
     Our accounts from Lucea, though not particular, are terrible indeed - the Town, except two houses, those of Messrs A & D Campbell and the adjoining tenement of Mr Lyons, levelled to the ground many lives lost, and in the whole parish of Hanover, but three houses standing - not a tree, bush or cane to be seen - universal desolation prevails! Of the wretched victims to this violation of the course of nature, we can only as yet name Messrs Aaron & Salmon Dias Fernandez, two ancient Gentlemen of the Jewish nation, one aged 81, the other 80, of respectable and venerable characters. Three young ladies, Misses Samuels, at Green Island - The elegant house of John Campbell Esquire at Salt Spring Kendall and Campbell town and of that of Mr Chambers, at Batchelors Hall, no longer adorn that rich and fertile parish - Captain Darling, Mrs Darling, and Mr Maxham, were dragged out, barely alive, from the ruins of an arch that supported a flight of steps, under which they had sheltered themselves - Fourteen or fifteen people of colour were buried in a store that fell in upon them.

From the Cornwall Chronicle. Montego-Bay-, Oct. 7.

ON Monday night the 2d instant, about 12 o'clock, there came on a storm of wind and rain, which continued with unremitted- perseverance and violence from the S.E. until 12 o'clock on Tuesday; the weather appeared to be then a little moderated, and continued so much abated until between 3 and 4 o'clock in the evening, as to furnish no immediate indications of an approaching storm About 4 o'clock, the wind seemed to be quite southerly, but increased (accompanied with incessant rain) to such an amazing degree, as about dark to threaten general ruin, and destruction: The darkness of the night added now fresh horrors to the general apprehensions; and, a circumstance which on ordinary occasions would have been considered as peculiarly terrifying, the immense and prodigious flashes of lightning, which, regularly succeeded each other, was an alleviation to the general consternation, and the only security to the very few, whose particular situations permitted or inclined them to venture through the streets to afford comfort and relief to the distressea of their neighbours.

About 12 o’clock, from the best of our information, and our own recollection, the storm began to abate; but the many instances of devastation and distress which even then presented itself to our view, and which we began to be apprised of from different quarters of the town, afforded suggestions to the mind, which rendered the approach of morn truly terrible. Our descriptive powers, we acknowledge, are inadequate to the task of impressing our readers with proper ides of the many and variegated scenes of calamity and distress, which the new day presented to our view; the face of Nature seemed totally changed! the mountains, as if weary of their load, and drooping under the pressure of a superior influence, which they could neither support nor resist, had adopted a new form, and appeared dismantled of theft lofty verdant trees, which constituted their grandeur and excellence, and formerly had rendered them beautiful and agreeable to the sight.

It is importable, at present, to recount the particular losses of every individual: many houses in this town have been destroyed: among the principal sufferers are, Mr. Vincent, Dr. Mottershed, the estate of James Lugg, Mr.Whitaker, Mr. Stothert, and the barracks at Port Frederick.—The darkness ’ of the night rendered it impossible to attend to the fate of the ships Ladies Adventure and Lenox, which were in the harbour when the storm commenced; the most probable and favourable conjecture which could be made, upon their being missed in the morning, was their having put to sea in the night; and no symptoms of wreck having yet appeared to discredit this conjecture, we are in hourly and impatient expectation of seeing them, or hearing of their safety. Alt the smaller craft in the harbour, together with the ship Petersfield, which had been preserved and repaired after the shipwreck of last February, are totally lost; and the brigantine Jane, which had gone down a few days before to Great River, a place of apparent safety, had been drove a shore, but we are informed will he got off with very little damage.

Our informations from the country are truly alarming; few estates in this parish have escaped without some damage; many sets of works and dwelling, houses are thrown down, the canes in general have suffered much, but the loss of all the Plantain Walks without exception, is an aggravation of the general calamity, which cannot fail of exciting sentiments of compassion and regret for the condition of our fellow creatures, who may suffer for the loss of the most essential part of their support.

What we have yet received, falls far short of the accounts which we hourly receive of the damage done in Hanover and Westmoreland. On Lucea Bay only two houses remain standing, and his Majesty’s sloop Badger, which happened to be in the harbour, notwithstanding her being held by three anchors a-head, was drove ashore by the violence of the storm, with the loss of her masts, but we are informed will be got off. An universal devastation and ruin has prevailed in the country, all the estates and works are almost totally destroyed ; the dwelling houses of Batchelor’s Hall, Salt Spring, Campbelton, Kendal, and of the whole parish in general, are thrown down and in ruins; numbers of Negroes, and many white people, are said to be lost; those of the latter description, who have yet come to our knowledge, are Messrs. M. and S. Dias, Gentlemen of the Jewish nation, much respected and regretted by all their acquaintenances, and a carpenter at Haughton Tower estate.
Our accounts from Westmoreland are not authentic; from some gentlemen however, who are arrived from the Assizes held there, we learn, that Savanna la Mar is entirely demolished, not a single house having resisted the violence of the storm. but Mr. Lopez’s, and that all the shipping in the harbour are drove ashore. We nave no authority for saying any thing of the situation of the estates in that parish, but there is too much reason we fear, to apprehend that they have suffered equally with those in Hanover.

In alleviation to these accumulated scenes of disaster and distresses, we are nevertheless happy to inform our readers, that our information from Windward is much more favourable than we expected; few estates in Trelawney having sustained any other toss, than that of some Plantain Walks thrown down, and cane pieces lodged, and that the damage done in St. Ann’s is still left considerable.

On Saturday last sailed for Port-Royal, his Majesty’s ship Phoenix, of 44 guns, Sir Hyde Parker, Commander. —On Monday sailed for Fort St. Juan, his Majesty’s ship Scarborough, Charles. Hood Walker, Esq; Commander.—The same day arrived at Martha Brae a brigantine flag of truce from New Orleans.

St. Jago de la Vega, Oct 12. At Savanna la Mar on the afternoon of Tuesday the 3d instant, about three o’clock, the wind began to blow very hard from the south-east, accompanied with heavy rains, and by four had acquired such strength as to tear the trees up by the roots, and strip the houses of their shingles. Between five and six, the sea began to rise, and continued for near an hour to swell to a most amazing height, overflowing the ill-fated town of Savanna- la Mar. and the low lands adjacent. From this time until eight o’clock, the force of the Winds and the impetuosity of the waves, overthrew and demolished every house in that unfortunate place, and buried most of the inhabitants in the ruins. A little after eight, it began to abate, but nevertheless continued to blow very hard until midnight, when the wind veered round to the Westward.—No pen can describe the horrors of the scene which the morning presented to earth strewed with the mangled bodies of the dead and dying, some. with broken limbs, who, in that situation, had been tossed about during the storm, and afterwards left on the wet, naked earth, to languish out the night in agonies, with no hand to help, or eye to pity them. Humanity recoils at the contemplation of such unheard of calamities; and every feeling heart must melt at the bare recital!

The names of the unhappy sufferers which we have vet been able to learn are The Comptroller of that port Mr. McDowal, Dr. King, his wife, and two assistants, Messrs. Forbes and Dallas, and four children, Mr. Niscet, a carpenter, Mrs. Allwood and three children, Mrs. Gibson and two children, Mr. John Fitzgerald, Dr. Lightfoot, Mr. William Antrobus, jun. Messrs. Aaron Touro and Moses Nunes, and the nephew of the latter, Miss Pesos, a child of Mr. Payne, Mr. McLean, his wife and children, Mrs. Slap, Mrs. Little, three Quadroon children, and a great number of Negroes. —We are informed by gentlemen who are just arrived from that quarter, that the bodies of eighty white persons have already been found, and many more are expected to be dug out of the ruins, and that it is thought not less than 400 whites and negroes must have perished in and about Savanna-la-Mar.

The ships Henry, Princess Royal, and Austin Hall, then at anchor in the harbour, with two or three droggers, were driven from their moorings, and carried a considerable way up into the morass from whence it will be impossible to get them off. The Princess-Royal had 4 four anchors out, and the crew were attempting to get out a fifth, when the wind carried it fairly off the deck some distance into the sea. One of the ships went over the fort, the parapet of which, at other times, is about fifteen feet above the level of the water. The Trimmer, a Packet from Rattan, which lay at Bluefields, was likewise sent ashore, but all the hands were saved, tho’ some belonging to the other vessels were lost.

Throughout the whole parish of Westmoreland, from the best information we can obtain, there is not a dwelling-house, out- house, or a set of works on any of theestates left standing. The canes, corn, plantain-trees, and every production of the earth destroyed. At one estate, Blue Cattle, report says, that 200 negroes were killed in a boiling-house, whither they had fled for shelter: Along the sea coast, many dead bodies scattered about, probably driven ashore from some Wreck, meet the eye of the passenger, end one uniform scene of defoliation and devastation overspreads the face of that part of the country.

From St. Elizabeth, our accounts are much more favourable. Some estates there have suffered, but in a far less degree than those in Westmoreland, Hanover and Saint James, over which the greatest force of the hurricane seems to have passed, At Black-River, a few houses are over thrown, but none of any consequence. Some plantain, walks, cane and corn pieces are likewise destroyed.

A letter from Lucea says, that upwards of 400 persons, white and black, perished in that town and neighbourhood.

A gentleman from Savanna la Mar, gives the following relation of the fatal catastrophe of that devoted town.

On Tuesday the 2d instant, about one o’clock in the afternoon, the gale began from the S. E. and continued increasing with accumulated violence, until four, when it veered to the South and became a perfect tempest, which lasted in full force till near eight, it then abated. — The sea during the last period, exhibited a most awful scene; the waves, swelled to an amazing height, rushed with an impetuosity not to be described, on the land, and in a few minutes determined the fate of all the houses on the bay. Those whose strength, or presence of mind, enabled them to seek their safety in the Savanna, took refuge in the miserable remains of the habitations there, most of which were blown down, or so much damaged by the storm, as to be hardly capable or affording a comfortable shelter to the wretched sufferers.—In the Court-house, forty persons, whites and of colour, sought an asylum, but miserably perished by the pressure of the roof and sides which fell upon them. Numbers were saved in that part of the House of Mr. Finlayson, that luckily withstood the violence of the tempest,—himself and another gentleman had left it when the wind forced open the door and carried away the whole lee side of it, and sought their safety under the wall of an old kitchen, but finding they must inevitably perish in that situation, they returned to the house, determined to submit to their fate. .About ten, the waters began to abate, and at that time, a smart shock of an Earthquake was felt. All the small vessels in the bay, were drove on shore and dashed to pieces. The ships Princess-Royal, Capt. Ruthwin, Henry, Richardson, and Austin-Hall, Austin, were forced from their anchors, and carried far into the morass that they will never be got off. The earthquake lifted the Princess-Royal from her beam-ends, righted her, and fixed her in a firm bed; this circumstance has been of great use to the surviving inhabitants, for whose accommodation she now serves as a house.

The morning ushered in a scene too shocking for description-—Bodies of the dead and dying scattered about the watery plain where the town stood, presented themselves to the agonizing view of the son of humanity, whose charity led him in quest of the remains of his unhappy fellow creatures!—The number who have perished, is not yet precisely ascertained, but it, is imagined 50 whites and 150 persons of colour are lost. – Amongst them are numbered Doctor King, his wife and four children, his partner, an assistant, Mr. Nesbit, a Carpenter, and 24 negroes, all in one house. — Dr. Lightfoot and Nr. Antrobus were found dead in the streets. In the whole parish, it is said, there are not five dwelling houses, and not one set of works remaining; the plantain walks all destroyed; every cane piece levelled; several white people, and some hundreds of negroes killed.

In the adjoining parish of St. Elizabeth, although the face of the country wore a less horrible aspect than Westmoreland, much damage was done and several lives lost.

Our accounts from Lucca, though not particular, are terrible indeed -—The town, except two houses, those of Messrs. A. & D. Campbell and the adjoining Tenement of Mr. Lyons, levelled to the ground; many lives lost, and in the whole parish of Hanover but three houses standing—not a tree, bush, or cane to be seen—universal defoliation prevails! Of the wretched victims to this violation of the course of nature, we can only, at yet, name Messrs. Aaron and Solomon Dias Fernandes, two ancient gentlemen of the Jewish nation, one aged 81, and the other 80, of respectable and venerable characters. Three young ladies, Misses Samuels, at Green-Island.-- -The elegant house of John Campbell, Esq. at Salt Spring, Kendall and Campbell Town; and that of Mr. Chambers at Batchelor’s Hall; no longer adorn that rich and fertile parish.---Capt. Darling, Mrs. Darling, and Mr. Moxham, were dragged out, barely alive from the ruins of an arch that supported a flight of steps, under which they had sheltered themselves. —Fourteen or fifteen people of colour were buried in a store that fell in upon them.

Extract of a Letter from Black-River, October 10^th 1780.

“On Tuesday last the storm began at this place, and was very violent till three o’clock P. M. when it increased to such a degree that it is beyond all description, the sea was 5 feet deep all over the Bay, it carried away every out-house on the Bay, and greatly damaged all the dwelling houses by making a passage through them; luckily no lives were lost.—The ship Active that lay in the harbour was drove on the shore, but is on a bank. of sand, and the Captain expects to get her off again—A Schooner from Lucea, loaded with salt was dashed to pieces, and every thing lost, the crew, very fortunately got ashore.—The Trimmer pacquet-boat from Rattan is cast away to leeward of Bluefields, but the mails and crew are saved”

Extract of a Letter from Mr Nicholas To???am, Montego-Bay, October 9.

“A Lieutenant and a few men belonging to his Majesty’s ship Phoenix, arrived here yesterday, arriving in a boat, and brought an account, that, some days ago, in a gale of wind, the ship sprung a leak and filled to the lower gun deck; fortunately for the ship’s company, who must otherwise have all perished she struck almost immediately and Sir Hyde Parker, with^- all his people (except about thirty, who were lost by the mainmast going over board) got on shore and found themselves three leagues to the eastwards of Cape Quiz in Cuba, that they had got their guns, ammunition, previsions, &c on shore and had fortified themselves ’tifl relief could be sent them from this island.”

Extract of a Letter from Capt. Harvey, of the sloop Hazard, dated October 9, seven miles below Savanna-la-Mar.

When the gale came on I had three anchors out, but finding it likely to increase, cut away the mast at two o’clock; at four drove and struck on a reef, cut away our cables and drove over it, lost our rudder and boat, and were then forced on a sand bank about three times the sloop’s length from the shore, in a cluster of bushes; had not a large tree stopped us, we should probably have been carried half a mile higher.—The gale was the most extraordinary I have ever met with; imagination is too confined to paint it. -The day before it came on, although it blowed very hard, I got eleven boat loads of goods on shore; happy for the proprietors if I had not been so active, as what I have on board is safe; I need not tell you the fate of what was landed. j

Four days after, I got to town, and; beheld a, sight that made me forget my own fatigues and danger —Numbers of people lying in the streets dead, unburied, and so intolerable a stench, that there is no approaching them with safety; if some immediate assistance is not sent, a pestilence will probably ensue.—I have, for very obvious reasons, fortified my vessel in the best manner I could, until I can get her off, of which I have no doubt.

Petition from the Inhabitants of Westmoreland to the Governor

October 1780

Sir,
The remaining distressed inhabitants of the place where Savanna –la – Mar once stood beg leave to acquaint your Excellency of a most dreadful disaster which befell that unhappy town on Tuesday the 3rd inst. The weather had appeared very indifferent for some days before, but that morning the wind became more violent than usual with a most terrible swell of the sea which by afternoon increased to such a degree that it has not left the wreck of six houses in both the Bay and Savanna and not less that 300 people of all colours were drowned or buried in the ruins – such havoc never was seen in the memory of the oldest person living , nor can words or writing convey an idea suitable to the dismal scene.

Our account from the country and also from Hanover are equally melancholy, scare a house standing or any estate, and all the provisions destroyed. It is some comfort however to understand that the violence has not extended very far and that a line may perhaps be drawn from Bluefields directly northwards. What claims us most at present is the dread of famine, which stares us in the face, and it we have not some speedy relief of bread kind, the few that have survived that unfortunate day will most probably fall victim to the more terrible fate of perishing with hunger.

In this distress we must look to the town of Kingston for relief – their humanity it is to be hoped will not suffer us to perish for want nor take any advantage of our misery and wretchedness which God knows is nearly as bad as it can be. For the calamity has been so general this way that no one can help his neighbour, nor have many of us shelter for our heads from the inclemency of the weather or cloaths to cover us, even fire, dreadful as it is, is nothing to what we have so lately experienced.

We have likewise addressed the Admiral on this occasion, which we enclose, open to your Excellency and have no doubt you will back it with all your influence. As one instance of the destruction of the Inhabitants, we mention that of Doctor King’s house, in which were ten whites and about forty negroes, not one of whom escaped drowning, and the sea flowed up for more than half a mile beyond its usual bounds, even to the height of ten feet.

Signed by 30 Persons
Reference: Jamaica Archives 1B/5/18

10.2 John Maitland’s Hurricane 1 August 1781

This was the hurricane that wrecked John Maitland’s ship, the Hope off Black River, and probably resulted in his remaining in Jamaica.

Ten months later, on 1 August 1781, another hurricane struck Jamaica[10]. Governor Dalling reported that the effects were not so dreadful as those of the hurricanes of the previous year, “yet in several parishes and more particularly those of Westmoreland and Hanover, the damage is very great, in the destruction of the Plantain Trees and Corn by which the Negroes are chiefly subsisted - nor have the Shipping escaped.”
Jamaica 1 Aug 1781

Over 120 vessels were driven ashore, a large number of which are destroyed. Of the vessels lost, 30 are British men of war.

Political Magazine, November 1st, 1781

[John Bew (active-1774-90; d 12 April 1793) was a bookseller and publisher at 28–29 Paternoster Row in London. He was the publisher of The Political Magazine from 1780 to March 1785, when it was taken over by John Murray. The Magazine was a journal written for an audience of informed gentlemen and often included supplementary maps engraved by John Lodge. Bew eventually went bankrupt on 27 November 1790.]

Kingston.

ABOUT eight o'clock on Wednesday evening, August 1st, a hard gale of wind came up from the southward, but soon after veered to different points of the compass; before nine it increased to a perfect hurricane, and continued to rage with unabating fury, till near eleven, the greatest of the time blowing from the South East, accompanied by a heavy and incessant rain; nor did the fury of the storm altogether subside, till about two o'clock in the morning;— the distressed situation of the shipping in the harbour, may be better conceived than described; 73 sail of vessels, including sloops, schooners, and shallops, were on shore between Russell's hulk and the wharf of John Vernon, Esq; and Co. and several others to the westward of the town; but being mostly light vessels, the greatest part of them either have been or will be got off, though not without considerable damage. The water in the harbour is supposed to have risen between four and five feet perpendicular; the planking of the wharfs in general being torn up, and many heavy articles that were upon them entirely carried away; of Messrs. Law and Hargrave's wharf, scarce the vestiges remain.

The greatest part of the returned fleet being, at Port Royal, the account from thence is still more deplorable, two loaded vessels being either sunk or overset, and 24 run ashore between Salt Ponds and the Mosquito point.

Many houses and piazzas in this town were blown down, and two negroes found drowned in the streets, in which torrents of water for several hours ran down with great rapidity.

The number of lives that have been lost cannot at present be ascertained, but doubtless must be very great; in one plantain boat only, nine persons perished; as did the crew of the Ruby's boat at Port Royal, in endeavouring to assist a vessel in distress soon after the storm came on.

Montego Bay, Aug. 11. Impressed with the most solicitous desire to believe and hope, thatch effects of the last storm had not been attended with all those dreadful consequences which we afterwards found bad attended it; and drawing our conclusions from the situation of things in and about this place, which have escaped much better than the severity of the weather gave us any reason to expect; our last Chronicle, we are now sorry to acknowledge, gave but an imperfect account of what we have since learnt to have been the unhappy fate of the neighbouring parishes.--

A correspondent in Westmoreland has favored us with the following account:

" I am sorry to acquaint you that the storm of Wednesday August 1st, has done so much damage to our shipping; it has drove ashore two ships, the Christiana and Juno, a small vessel of Neil's, and a brig belonging to Capt. Alex. Hamilton is totally lost, and himself and mate drowned; M'Ray's wharf is carried away; Doctors Pinkney and Ruecastle, Mess. Blake and Inglis's new houses and stores are thrown down; all the provision and fine crops of corn are destroyed; the canes are all laid flat, and there is hardly an estate in Westmoreland but has suffered in buildings; and through the whole parish of St. Elizabeth, the provisions in general are destroyed, and the canes greatly damaged."

The accounts from Hanover are equally unfavorable; at Saxham estate, in that parish, the overseer and Cooper were killed in a house which had been thrown down by the violence of the storm.

St. Mary's, St. Ann's, and Trelawney, have all suffered very considerably in their provisions and canes; and though we would not incline to aggravate the damage done in this parish, it is nevertheless certain, that many of the planters apprehend themselves in equally as bad a situation, in the article of provisions, as after the hurricane of the 3d of October last year.

Advices from Savannah la Mar say, that two houses are blown down on the Bay, and most of the plantain walks and corn destroyed. In the parishes of St. George, St. Ann, and St. Mary, the sugar estates have suffered considerably, and the plantain trees all blown down.

Jamaica Gazette 11/8/1781: By a gentleman from Savanna la Mar, we learn that the gale was felt very severely at that place. Three houses are destroyed, and several very much damaged. His Majesty's ship Ulysses, having on board 20,000 sterling, of the parliamentary grant to the unhappy sufferers in Westmoreland and Hanover by the hurricane in October last, fought her safety by putting to sea, from Bluefields at 4 P. M. on Wednesday, and was not heard of when our informant came away on Saturday morning (she reappeared a week later in Port Royal). The brig Sir William Erskine, Capt. Hamilton, is lost; the Captain, Mr. Bartlett, (a passenger) and four sea- men perished.—The Christiana, Captain Bain, drove on shore, and not likely to get off; two lives lost.—The Juno, Capt. Cuzneaw,. is on shore near Smithfield, no lives lost, and there is a probability of getting the vessel off.——The canes, Corn, and plantains in Westmoreland, are totally destroyed.—From St. Elizabeth upwards, the storm was but little felt.

From St. Mary and St. Ann, we hear that the canes have suffered considerably, but that the plantains are all destroyed.
JG 18/8/1781: Between Fort-Aucusta and Green-Bay.

Drove on shore.—29 topsail vessels, and a great number of small craft.—By the very extraordinary and indefatigable exertions at Port-Henderson, in unloading the distressed ships, 19 sail have got off; six of which, driven down the Port-Henderson channel, received but little damage ; many of the others have suffered greatly, and must be hove down.—Ten (ail were at first thought to. be totally lost, and that a very small part of their cargoes would be saved, viz. the ships Clarendon, Fame, Orange-Bay, and brigt- Montgomerie & they were driven on the rocks near The Twelve Apostles.—The ships Carnatic, Kingston, George St John, and two brigs, sugar loaded, and the ship.....loaded with wine, drove on the St. Andrew's shoal .and coral rocks towards Fort Augusta—-The Orange-Bay, contrary to expectation, was on the 15 th got off, by the care and activity of John Henderson esq. and most of the cargo will be saved; only one life was lost in that neighbourhood, viz. Mr. Allan, mate of the Orange-Bay^—A number of other vessels which did not yield to the force of the tempest, have been dismasted.

28th June, 1782. – Jamaica Gazette

THE unfortunate Sufferers by the Hurricane in Westmoreland (the real Objects of the Parliamentary Benefaction), who were so shamefully precluded from any Benefit of that benevolent Donation, will please meet at Savanna-la- Mar on the Wednesday of the next Cornwall Assize, to consult on some Mode of obtaining Redress, and to lay the Particulars of -their Wrongs and Grievances (by Petition) before the Governor-, Council, and Assembly, at their next Meetings to shew, that instead of the Money having been distributed according to the true Intent of that truly humane and charitable Act of the Mother Country, the greatest Part was divided (in a Manner shameful to the Trust reposed, and repugnant to every Sentiment of Humanity) among some of the least Sufferers, and most opulent People: in the Parish.

Those poor, distressed, and much insulted people of both sexes, who, having lost their all, and were dismissed with a few guineas, are likewise desired to attend the above meeting.

T0 show the gentlemen who acted in that business, the real and humane intentions of the benevolent people of England, the following advertisement, extracted from an English paper (the London Courant of the 22d June 1781), is inserted for their serious perusal.

In order to obviate some groundless objections that have been urged against subscribing to the Weft-India sufferers, the public may be assured, that though the sufferers are of several classes, yet those intended to be assisted, are only those of the lower, and distressed, in either Jamaica or Barbadoes :—the number of them are so great, that the Committee beg leave to assure the Public, that the grants made by Parliament, with the addition of any sums of money that can be expected to be ^,raised by voluntary donations, must fall infinitely short of their real losses.

The writer of the above, a considerable sufferer by the Hurricane, has left his name with the printers which any gentleman may learn, on application to them.

JG 4 Aug 1781
On Wednesday forenoon a severe storm of wind, accompanied with heavy and incessant rains, came on here, and continued all that night, and a great part of the following day; the wind during that time veering from North- East to South-East,-—It blew with such violence during the night that numbers of the shipping and small craft in this harbour and that of Port Royal were driven ashore, and some of them irrecoverably lost.—From the hulks at the East end of this town to Passage Fort, not left than ninety vessels of different sizes are on shore, many of which have sustained very considerable damage; but we have not been able to collect their names, much less to ascertain the hurt received by each.
------------------ Of the fleet at Port-Royal, about thirty are on shore from Passage-Fort to the Twelve Apostles: amongst them are the Green Island, Watt; Carnatic, Gibbon; Mary, Frizwell; John, Watson; Thetis, Hardy; Jamaica, late Grimsby; Mentor, Whitesides; Kingston, Hurst; Orange Bay, Ross; London, Peck; Henry, Logan; Montague, Casey; Arundel, Mann; George & John, Dears; Chambers, Langley; Hope, Simes; Dispatch, Towers; Friendship, Ronaldson; Nanny, Brown; Fame, Eaton; True Briton, Stewart; Clarendon, Jordan; Lark, Backhouse; and Ransom, Bagnold; some of them, it is feared, will never be got off, and others not without much trouble and damage.— We have not learnt what number of lives have been lost, but in so general a devastation it must be considerable: upwards of twenty dead bodies have been found, and buried on the Palisadoes, supposed to have perished in a flag of truce which sailed from Port-Royal on Wednesday morning, in company with two others, of whose fate we have also reason to be apprehensive.

His Majesty’s ship Southampton returned on Thursday morning in the storm from a cruise, wit the loss of some of her masts and spars, and other damage.

11 MONEY

11.1 Handbook of World Exchange Rates, 1590-1914

By Markus A. Denzel
(Extracts from Google)

Currency: Similarly to the several British colonics on the North American continent (see pp. 399f.) the relation between the colonial currency - here the pound of 20 shillings at 12 pence Jamaica currency - and sterling resulted from the fact that the most important circulating coin, the so-called 'piece of eight’ (peso de ocho reales) or the Spanish dollar, was valued differently in the two currencies. In 1669 the Spanish dollar was still equally valued in Jamaica currency and in sterling (4 shillings 2 pence) - so 100 pounds Jamaica currency were equal to 100 pounds sterling - but in 1672 it had already a value of 5 shillings Jamaica currency (111.11 pounds Jamaica currency for 100 pounds sterling), keeping it legitimately until the end of the 18th century. Unauthorized acts in 1688 and in 1758 as well as mercantile customs raised the value of the Spanish dollar up to 6 2/3 shillings Jamaica currency, so that the par of exchange (by custom) was 133.33 pounds Jamaica currency to 100 pounds sterling from the mid-1680s, 138.89:100 (in practice: 140:100) from the early 1720s and 148.15:100 from 1758. But also after 1758 "bills of exchange negotiated on the island maintained the old level of exchange” (MCCUSKER (1978], p. 247). i.e. 140 pounds Jamaica currency for 100 pounds sterling, based on the internal rate of 6 ¼ shillings per Spanish dollar. The exchange rate quotations available since 1822 as premium quotations on the relation of 140 pounds Jamaica currency for 100 pounds sterling are a late reference to this kind of reckoning. Bills of exchange of this period were payable in Mexican or Colombian doubloons, the following ratio being common practice in trade: 1 doubloon = 64 shillings sterling or 106.67 shillings Jamaica currency (as officially fixed in 1838). Therefore 166.67 pounds Jamaica currency corresponded to 100 pounds sterling. From December 31^st 1840 sterling currency was in force on Jamaica as in the mother country that is the pound sterling of 20 shillings at 12 pence (see pp. 3-5). However, it still look some time until the coins introduced from the American mainland finally lost their function as legal tender and basic medium of circulation in 1876 and "the shilling (sterling] was finally established as the practical standard of value in Jamaica" (CHALMERS (I893). p. 113). The circulating notes - initially called "island cheques” - issued by the Colonial Bank and the Jamaica Bank from 1828. were exclusively reserved for the "commercial and well to do classes” at least until the turn of the century while the coloured population only was using coins.

......Jamaica, a British domain since 1655 and crown colony since 1866, was probably the most important possession of the British Empire in the Caribbean and, at the same time, the bullion centre of the British possessions in the New World until the outbreak of the Mexican Wars of Independence in the 1810s. Exchange transactions had already been important for Jamaica since the second half of the 17th century, but "we know little ... about the drawing of bills on Jamaica" (McCUSKER [1978], p. 249): "Jamaicans drew bills of exchange on credit balances in London at rates of exchange that remained incredibly stable over much of the century ... What did vary was the usance ... Jamaica regularly drew bills payable well beyond the usual thirty- to forty-day period. Fifty, sixty, ninety days, and even longer, was not unusual. And such bills sold at a disadvantage" (ibid., pp. 248s.). From the early 1720s to the end of the 1830s the customary par of exchange at Jamaica was in practice 140 pounds Jamaica currency to 100 pounds sterling (from 1672 to the mid-1680s: 111.11, from then to the early 1720s: 133.33) (cf. ibid., p. 247 CHALMERS [1893], p. 103 cf. KELLY [1835]. vol. I. p. 361). According to the data collected by McCuskcr (until 1775), Jamaica quoted London primarily on or with slight fluctuations around this 'par of exchange' from the mid-1730s. For the period from 1776 to 1821 no data have been available until now.
From 1822 rates for Treasury bills on London were listed in the Blue Books. These Treasury bills were payable in Mexican and Colombian doubloons. In 1823 quotations for bills, payable in dollars of the same provenance (nominally equal to 1/16 doubloon), were added, being understood as commercial bills of the merchants of Kingston, the biggest town and financial centre of the island (founded in 1692) (cf. Blue Book. Island of Jamaica. 1836). The additional remark "payable in ..." had become necessary, because the assembly of the island issued unsecured paper money (the so-called 'island cheques') on a large scale after 1822 in order to compensate for the ceasing inflow of precious metals (doubloons and dollars) since the outbreak of the Mexican War of Independence and to maintain internal payment transactions. The exchange rates were not meant for this paper money, largely useless in foreign trade, but precisely for the doubloons and dollars that were highly sought after because of their international acceptance, although they were no longer in circulation. For this reason a considerable variable premium expressed as a percentage was put on the ‘par of exchange’ of 140 pounds Jamaica currency = 100 pounds sterling from 1822. This appeared as the actual quotation in the Blue Books of these years: "Bills have been sometimes at a premium of 20 percent, above the legal exchange [i.e. the 'par of exchange*], and they are seldom under 10" (KELLY [1835], vol. I, p. 361). The quotations for these two sorts of bills ended in the 1840s.

In 1834, £100 stlg = £140 Jamaican, but:
• As regards Jamaica, this is the nominal par of exchange. In real transactions of buying or selling bills, the exchange is thus adjusted:— if bills bear a premium, say twenty per cent, then a bill for £100 sterling is said to be equal to J£120 sterling this latter sum, turned into Jamaica currency at 40 per cent. makes a bill for £ 100 sterling require about J£168 currency. The relative value of the currencies of the mother country and colony varies, of course, from this ratio, as bills may at the time bear a higher or lower premium. In Barbadoes or the other colonics the currency, as compared with sterling, varies according to the demand for bills. In Jamaica £100 sterling is altcvt/s equal to £140 currency.

SUPPLEMENT TO THE ROYAL GAZETTE; September 1832

Vol. 1-1V.

FROM SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, TO SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1832.

No. 36.

THE QUARTERLY REVIEW AND THE CURRENCY.

The Quarterly Review, No. 94, published on Saturday, contains an article written with considerable ability, and deserving particular 'attention, “Upon the Rights of Industry and the Banking System.” The subject which this article elucidates, and the views which it develops, are of peculiar importance, as being applicable to circumstances of immediate and practical interest. The writer appears to be well acquainted with the principles and the details of the currency question, and in the following passage he has well explained the character of that question, and its intimate connection with the welfare of the productive interests of the country.
“This subject is considered by many as intricate, difficult, and abstruse, and avoided by all those who dislike the trouble of thinking, with the same shyness which they would exhibit on being questioned as to the construction of the pons asinorum, or the mysteries of vulgar fractions. But this indolence and apathy must be shaken off if we are to be saved from the destruction which is rapidly enveloping the most valuable interests of this community. Our country gentlemen must learn to penetrate the arcana of the exchanges, and fathom the depths of the banking system, if they mean to preserve their broad acres from the grasp of the mortgagee, and their title-deeds and mansions from the blaze of revolutionary fires. Difficult and abstruse, indeed! yes, the subject is difficult; just as difficult to the public comprehension as is a juggler’s trick, by which, with a “hey presto,”, he conjures the half-crown we thought we had safe in our pocket, into his own. How the money vanished it is not easy to say; but it is nevertheless certain that we had it, and ought still to have it, while he has got it. So it was exactly with the currency juggle. Few of the sufferers can explain or understand how it happened, but the fact is very plain to them, that they have some how lost a great deal of money, and other persons have got hold of it. A little consideration, however, may, we think, render the nature of the trick intelligible to the simplest. It is very clear that those who are in business pay nearly the same sum in taxes at present, as when the goods they deal in sold for double their present prices; so that they really pay two cwt. of wool or of cheese or of sugar, or two pieces , of cloth, linen, or calico, or two tons of iron or hardware, to the tax-gatherer, for one that they formerly paid; and the taxes, reckoned in goods, which is the only sure way of knowing their cost to the producers of goods by whom they are paid, are nearly twice as high at the end of sixteen years of peace, as they were at the close of as long a war! Is it wonderful then that the productive classes are labouring under severe distress? That peace, which usually brings plenty, has thrown away her emblematic horn, and selected hunger for her motto?’ And can there he any doubt that the fall in prices which has wrought this fearful evil, is the necessary result, foretold by ourselves and many others at the time, of the legislation of 1819 and 1826, which by crippling the banking system of England, and attempting to substitute a currency of dear metal for one of cheap paper, has caused a continually Increasing scarcity of money and contraction of credit? Pleasant no doubt it has all been to the tax-receivers, to the monied men and the placemen, to discover that, while their income remained nominally the same, they could purchase with it a much larger quantity of good things; and the very richest branches of the agricultural tree, the Devonshires, the Spencers, the Fitzwilliams, &c. may have dropt without missing, a large portion of an enormous superfluity. But sad and ruinous have been the same times to the great body of the tax-payers, the producers of those same, good things, to the country .gentlemen of not over-grown estate, to the farmer, the tradesman, the merchant, the manufacturer, and the labourer, who found that while they were obliged to pay the same nominal sum to the tax-gatherer, they were every year receiving less and less, for their goods, until at last scarcely any thing is left for themselves.
He then proceeds to state the general causes which occasion, variations in the value of money, and, consequently, variations in prices. He shows the manner in which the constant increase of those metals employed as money, by the increasing productiveness of the mines, encouraged the industry and augmented the wealth of every civilized, country. The working of the mines of Spanish America was stopped in 1810, by the revolutionary, troubles. According to the calculation made by Mr. Jacob, and quoted by the Quarterly Review, the consumption of the precious metals from 1810 to 1830, has exceeded the production, by 66,611,440L. This amount is estimated to form one-sixth part of the coin of Europe and America, and consequently the whole amount of the precious metals in existence is less by that proportion than, it was in 1809. Upon, the currency, of this country alone the effect of this disproportion between the production and consumption of gold and silver has been, according to. Mr. Jacob’s calculation, to enhance the value of 13 per cent. This enhancement of 13 per cent is superadded, we must remember, to the effect, of the operation, of similar character but greater extent, which was performed in this country by substituting a metallic circulation for a circulation of depreciated paper. The practical effect of these combined operations, enhancing the value of the currency above 50 per cent. is accurately described in the following passage:-

“If we reflect on the enormous mass of out-standing pecuniary engagements at all times due from the classes engaged in production to those who are not directly, producers, consisting of obligations to the public creditor, to the Government for the annual national expenditure, private debts of every kind, annuities, mortgages, rates, salaries, &c. all of which have to be paid out of the sums annually realised by sale of the produce of the nation’s industry, we shall form some faint and imperfect idea of the pressure thrown on the productive classes by any continued rise in the value of money, and consequently, of all their money engagements. The entire revenue of the non-producing classes of those persons, that is, who are not directly concerned in production, but derive their incomes from mortgages, funded property, annuities, salaries, interest of borrowed money, &c, is proportionally advanced in value by every advance in the value of money; but the difference is taken entirely out of the profits and wages, one or both, of the class of producers! The fall in the prices of the commodities employers bring to market, is so much abstracted from the expected net returns of their industry and capital, and, if considerable, must be made good out of the capital itself. In their next venture they are obliged to reduce their expenditure to meet the reduced prices; and since it is impossible for them, to diminish many of their fixed money obligations, such as taxes and rates, and difficult to reduce others, as interest on borrowed capital, &c., their principal and almost only resource is, to lower the wages of their workmen, who thus, become, inevitably sharers in the loss.— Prices continuing to fall, the same operation is repeated; and thus both profits and wages become further and further reduced; the distress extends itself generally through all gradations of producers, masters as well as men, manufacturers, agriculturists, wholesale and retail dealers, in the home or the foreign market—and progressively augments in the intensity so long as prices continue on the average to decline. If, making abstraction of all the other pecuniary engagements to which industry is ever liable, we fix our attention on the public taxes alone, we see at once that the fall of 50 per cent, in prices since the war has actually doubled the weight of the taxes by doubling their value in commodities.

“When, for example, sugar sold at 50s. the cwt. the duty of 27s. was little more than fifty per cent. Now that the hundred weight of sugar sells at 23s. the same duty is much above a hundred per cent. Fifty millions in the present day are, indeed, equivalent, in the sacrifice required from the productive class to pay them, to one hundred millions in 1818! Certainly the close of the war left us saddled with a heavy debt and expenditure, enough, it might have been thought, to cripple the resources of any nation, however wealthy and industrious, but if this was the effect of the levy of fifty millions, out of the prices of 1818, what must be the pressure of the same nominal account of taxation taken out of the prices of 1832? What the necessary result of that pressure, but the losses and beggary we perceive around us, which threaten to annihilate the productive industry of the Empire, to drive its remaining moveable capital abroad, and leave its labouring classes, starving in idleness at home, a load of misery upon the soil, which cannot by law, shake them off?”

This passage well portrays the immediate action of a rise in the value of money, and the consequent fall in prices, upon individual transactions, and the writer then proceeds, with equal accuracy, to explain, the effect produced upon the general state of the country.

“This constant and continued fall in prices, unprecedented in the history of nations, inexplicable on any ordinary principles of trade, and only to be accounted for by the rise in value of money, caused by the increasing scarcity of the precious metals—unperceptible because the use of these metals as a measure of the value of all other valuable things kept their value to all appearance stationary (inasmuch as the law declares their value shall be invariable when fixed quantities of metal are assumed by it as the unit of value); this cruel and relentless fall of prices it is which, day by day, and year after year, has mulcted the industrious of the reward due to their toil, robbed the employer of his expected profit, and driven him either to desert his farm, shut up his mills, renounce all the capita1 he has embarked in them, and discharge his workmen, or at the best, to struggle on at a loss, by exacting from his men yet harder labour for a still scanter remuneration. When, indeed, the master is pinched, it is impossible but that the labourer should suffer with him. What effects hare followed to the English peasant from the general decline in the fortunes of the ordinary country Gentleman and farmer during the last sixteen years? Diminished wages, coarser, scantier fare, gradually accumulated wretchedness! Have not the same results been experienced by our manufacturing operatives, owing to the reduced profits and great comparative distress of the capitalists who had hitherto employed them?

But this is not all; for, besides the actual evils endured, and the dangers incurred, a great and certain mass of future suffering is in course of preparation through the vast destruction of the national capital which the depreciation of produce is rapidly effecting. A large proportion of the loss sustained by the industrious classes is taken from productive and added unproductive consumption, and must, therefore, be a direct abstraction from the capital of the country. Any one acquainted with the manufacturing districts, and aware of the number of factories that remain unoccupied and fast going to decay, and the abundance of machinery unused and unsalable in the same state—those too who have witnessed the imperfect and slovenly cultivation and management of land, the neglect of drains, roads, buildings, and fences, which has prevailed among farmers of late years, through the want of money, as they themselves declare, will be able to form some judgment of the annihilation of capital which has been going on for a considerable period.”

The foregoing extracts will show that the author of this article is well informed upon the subject which he has undertaken to discuss. He has, indeed, accomplished the object which he proposed, and has succeeded in proving—

“ That the unjust restrictions kept up by the present laws on the circulating medium of exchange, have had the effect, within a few years past, of silently but forcibly transferring a vast amount of property from the possession of one class to that of another, who had no just right or title to it,—of covertly despoiling, in short, one portion of the community, namely, the persons engaged in industry, for the benefit of another portion, the owners of fixed money obligations payable out of the labour and capital of the former,—it will be acknowledged that, until the laws which have perpetrated and continue to sanction this wholesale swindling are repealed, there is no safety for property; nor can there be any reliance on the stability of those other institutions, of which a confidence in the security of property is the indispensable foundation.”

Well would it have been for those who swayed so long the destinies of the country, if they had given to this subject the consideration which it deserved.

The conclusion to which these statements naturally and irresistibly leads, is plain and undeniable—

“ The knowledge of the fact,’ says the Quarterly Review, " that the main cause of the general distress lies in the comparative scarcity and consequent rise in value in the circulating medium, points out the nature of the remedy width eau alone correct the mischief— the extension namely, of that medium.”

Money and exchange rates in 1632

By Francis Turner

"There are two fundamental causes of madness amongst students: sexual frustration and the study of coinage."

Professor Karl Helleiner, quoting what is purportedly an old Austrian proverb

In 1632 Europe was filled with coins of varying values, issued by governments of varying degrees of trustworthiness. To make it worse each system had different ratios of the numbers of coins of one denomination that made up the next. About the only sure thing was that no one used a decimal system. For a modern reader all this is compounded by the changes in the relative costs of different things. Together it means that it is very hard to work out how much Grantville things should be sold for downtime and how much uptimers should expect to pay for things made by downtimers. This article is an attempt to shine some light on the issue but I would be the first to admit it does little more than outline the problem.

National Currencies

Money in the 17th century was primarily based on silver coins with gold used for larger transactions and smaller coins minted from copper, brass or tin. One of the reasons why there was considerable inflation in the 16th century was the vast influx of gold and silver from the Spanish looting of the new world. To add to this the rough ratio of gold:silver by weight gradually changed. In the medieval period the ratio was approximately 12:1 (i.e one unit of gold was worth 12 units of silver) but thanks to the vast discoveries of Latin American silver this ratio increased so that by the time Sir Isaac Newton was in charge of the Royal Mint in 1717 it was over 15:1. Needless to say this caused significant dislocation as cunning traders were able to take advantage of the mismatch in pricing but fortunately for 17th century Europeans the majority of this dislocation had occurred during the previous century and the ratio of ~15:1 was more or less fixed. However the disruptions to trade of the 30 years war meant that in different places the relative abundance of gold and silver as well as copper and other metals often varied thus altering the price and in some cases the value of the coins used. There were times when older coins especially were melted down to retrieve their metal as the metal was more valuable than the face value of the coin.

To step back a bit: in medieval Europe the standard silver penny was defined as being 1/240th of a pound of silver (by weight) and the soldus/shilling/sou was the weight of 12 pennies. This ratio was first applied by Charlemagne and was common across much of early 2nd millennium Europe. In England the familiar 1:12:240 ratio was made official by Henry II in 1158 who also defined the weight and purity of the penny and it lasted until 1971. Initially most realms only minted pennies or very small multiples of a penny (such as the English groat worth 4 pennies) however due to inflation, debasement of the coinage and so on the pound weight, penny based currencies gradually added additional coins and in different realms their values changed even though the ratios usually remained constant. This meant that an Englishman used to Shillings and Pence (20 Shillings to a pound, 12 pence to a shilling) would find it easy when he traveled to other places with the same ratios such as France (20 sou to a livre, 12 denier to a sou) or Italy (1 Lire = 20 Soldi or 240 Denari) but not so easy elsewhere. Although the pound (livre, lire etc.) and shilling(soldus,sou) were defined and used as a unit of account, for a long while there were no shilling or pound coins. However this did not stop kings, princes and other rulers issuing coins with names like "crown" or "angel", which had a value of some number of pennies or shillings (or their equivalent) but generally a different number in different places. These coins added to the confusion since they would be referred to in casual usage ("I lost 3 crowns at cards last night"), but would not be used in bills or accounts which stuck with three columns: L (pounds/livre/lire), s(shillings,sous,soldi) and d(pence, denari). Another unit of account which, in medieval times, was rarely if ever a coin was the mark. Unfortunately despite the general agreement about the theoretical weight of the penny, the number pennies to a mark varied being 144 in some parts of Germany, 160 in Britain and either 192 or 384 in Scandinavia.

Money of Account

Because of the gradual debasement and change of the actual coins used for every day transactions accounting was frequently done using some nominal coin. These nominal coins typically had known properties (e.g. 240x1.555g of sterling silver (92.5% pure) or 3.55g of 24 carat gold). As and when a ruler kindly debased his coinage by 20% merchants simply ignored the change in their internal accounts and just required 20% more from those paying in the new coin (and to other merchants at least they would also pay out 20% more). Most money of account was based on a silver measure - in French influenced Europe typically the livre de gros tournois: 970.56 grams of pure silver or 1012.76g of 23/24 pure silver - though some used a gold measure such as the Venetian ducat or the 1337 French écu à la chaise. In some cases (e.g. the Venetian Ducat) the reference coin remained current as well, in other cases (such as the gros tournois) it didn't. Money of Account was most often used in places where currency was frequently debased and/or where it changed radically as one ruler conquered another, more stable countries such as England typically did not use it. England and English merchants generally used the accounting measure we use today based on the actual coin (pound, dollar, penny) although during the wars of the roses and the early Tudor period this was not the case. In much of Germany the unit of account was based on either the gold Rhenish florin or the silver Reichsthaler which was generally considered to be worth 1.5 Rhenish florins.

International Currencies

In addition to the mish mash of national currencies, there were two international currencies, a gold one and a silver one with a fairly well defined rate of exchange between them. These were struck to a generally consistent weight by numerous states and coins from different states were thus generally interchangeable. The gold coin was the Venetian ducat, introduced in 1284, contained just over 3.5 grams of gold and was the first international coin. It was so successful that it was minted under different names by many European nations. In northern Europe it was called the Guilder or Gulden and it had a variety of other names such as the Florentine or Rhenish Florin, the Forint (Hungary) or the Scudo (Milan). The silver one was the Thaler (tallero, dollar, daler etc.) which was (supposed to be) a fixed weight of silver and was the equivalent in value to two of the golden ducats. The name thaler (from thal, "valley") originally came from the coins minted from the silver from a rich mine at Joachimsthal (St. Joachim's Valley, Czech: Jáchymov) in Bohemia, then part of the Habsburg Empire. It was also the equivalent of the Spanish peso ("heavy"), also known as the piece of eight because it was worth 8 reales, which was a silver coin minted by Spain since 1497.

The 2 gulden to a thaler rule was usually correct but both the gulden and the thaler of the time suffered from clipping and debasement so actual physical coins had to be weighed and ones with an unusual design would need to be assayed to check for lack of debasement. The amount of pure silver in a thaler was approximately an ounce (28 grams) but varied between 25 and 30 grams. For example the Swedish Riksdaler was 25.5 grams, whereas pesos nominally contained 27 grams. If it were that simple we could relax, but to make things worse countries also introduced thaler-like coins (some of which were called an something thaler) of varying weights. For example the Dutch had various daalders including the Rijksdaalder (Rix dollar) and the Leeuwendaalder (Lion dollar). The Lion dollar had 27.7g of silver was the equivalent of 40 stuiver/2 guilders, whereas the Rix dollar was 25% bigger (50 stuiver or 2.5 guilders). However since the lion dollar was the equivalent of the peso etc etc it was thus was more popular than the rix dollar or the other ones.

A Country by Country Survey

One of the more complicated tasks is to convert from one currency to another. Apart from England and France most places preferred to work with the guilder/florin/ducat and the thaler/daalder/dollar and the aforementioned fixed ratio between the two. Thus anything quoted in reals, pesos, ducats, florins, guilders or thalers is going to be easy to convert. Unfortunately while the ducat/thaler rule was good for cross border trade most states also had an internal currency that they frequently debased against these international standards. For example although Venice was a model of fiscal probity, a number of other Italian states were not hence the difference in the value of the Lira as stated in terms of a Ducat. This survey starts with the simpler countries and then goes on to the nightmare ones. German coinage of the era is described by one source as a "bottomless pit", thus, despite Germany being of great interest to the 163x reader or writer, it has been left to the last.

England (also Ireland and Scotland)

Although England did not directly use either guilders or thalers England's shilling was stable in the 1630s since parliament refused King Charles' efforts to debase the currency. In 1630 the conversion rate between English Shillings and Dutch Guilders was 2:1 that is to say one guilder was 2 shillings and hence one lion dollar was 4 shillings and one rix dollar worth 5 shillings or a crown. This means that for larger sums an English pound is worth 5 thalers or 10 guilders which makes for easy conversion. Astoundingly this ratio remained pretty much constant from the last currency revision of 1601 until the wheels fell off the gold standard in the twentieth century despite the fact that the thaler (dollar) changed from being a European reference currency to the currency of the United States of America. Irish coins were worth about 75% of their English equivalent (i.e. 1 Irish shilling was worth an English 9d). Scotland, despite the modern reputation of its inhabitants as canny businesspeople, had a severely debased currency which got worse and worse over time. The first indigenous currency in Scotland was the silver penny, coined by David I. In theory each pound weight of silver yielded 240 pennies (that is, 1 pound equaled 20 shillings, and 1 shilling equaled 12 pennies). However, the crown coined 252 pennies to the pound to make a profit. From the fourteenth century until the end of the sixteenth century debasement of the coinage resulted in the further divergence of the Scottish and English currencies. In the reign of James III (1460-1488) the pound sterling was worth 4 pounds Scots. In 1560, 5 pounds Scots equaled 1 pound sterling. From the time James VI of Scotland assumed the English throne until 1707 the exchange rate between the Scottish and English pound was fixed at 12:1, that is to say £1(English)=£12(Scots) or 1 Scottish shilling was equal to one English penny.

The English used the term mark to refer to two thirds of a pound (i.e. 160d or 13s 4d). There was no mark coin but some things were priced in marks, just as today some things are still priced in guineas. Common coins were the angel (10s) the crown (5s) in gold; the half crown (2s 6d), the shilling, the groat (4d) and the penny in silver; and the copper farthing (1/4d). There was also the golden unite (20s) and the silver sixpence, threepence, the ha'penny and half-groat or tuppence.

The Low Countries

The low countries suffered from being effectively split between the Spanish controlled part and the independant part however both used the same currency elements and because both were important trading powers they did not usually debase their currency, although some Dutch provinces did produce some very odd low-weight daalders. The currency was based on the guilder (i.e. ducat) with 20 stuivers to a guilder and 16 pennings to a stuiver. As mentioned above there were two important daalders - the Rijksdaalder (Rix dollar) worth 50 stuiver or 2.5 guilders and the Leeuwendaalder (Lion dollar) worth 40 stuiver or 2 guilders. Other coins included the groot (1/2 stuiver) duit (1/8 stuiver), the dubbeltje (2 stuiver), the kwartje (5 stuivers) schelling (6 stuivers), the 3-guilder coin and the monster Gouden dukaat worth 15 guilders.

Spain

Spain had a completely different currency system; consisting of maravedis, reals and pesos. There were 34 maravedis to a real and 8 reals to a peso. Fortunately the peso was equivalent to the thaler and thus it was easy to convert other values. A real was worth 6 English pence or 5 Dutch stuivers. Spain had suffered sufficient inflation that previously valuable coins such as the maravedi or the blanca were now essentially worthless. The real was divided into quarters (a coin called a quartillo) and the smallest coin was 2 maravedi (a 17th of a real). Other coins included escudos (=2 peso) and dubloons(=16 peso).

Italy

The Italian states had the standard Ducat (Venice) or Florin (Florence) as well as a system similar to the English and French one of 1 Lire = 20 Soldi, 60 Quattrini or 240 Denari. The problem was relating the Lira to the Ducat as a Lira was frequently debased (and hence so were soldi and denari) and thus a rather indeterminate thing. Typically in the 1630s there were about 6-7 lire to a Ducat or Florin. In Venice there was a fixed exchange of 6L 4s to a ducat but this only applied to Venetian lire.

Sweden

Sweden had the solid riksdaler as well as marks, öre, örtugar and penningar, with 1 mark = 8 öre = 24 örtugar = 192 penningar (usually). Although the Riksdaler remained constant (at 2 guilders or 1 peso) it was only used for external trade and the conversion between it and the more normal copper marks and öre used for internal trade varied after 1620. In 1604 a riksdaler was 4 marks (4 mark = 32 öre), but it steadily increased in value afer 1620. In 1632 I estimate that a riksdaler was worth about 2 copper dalar (i.e. 8 marks or 64 öre). To add to the confusion in the past in different parts of Sweden the ratio between marks and penningar varied: in Götaland a mark was worth 384 penningar, double the usual 192. This was supposed to be outdated but there is some evidence that the 384 ratio was still used by some people.

Poland

Polish controlled areas, that is to say Poland, Lithuania and parts of Prussia, used the zloty as follows: 1 zloty = 30 grosz = 90 Szelags = 540 Denars. Nominally the grosz was the same as the Bohemian groschen (24 to a thaler) and thus a Zloty should be the equivalent of the Dutch Rix Dollar. I do not believe it really was the same in the 1630s as Poland was as busy as its neighbours in debasing its currency, in fact there is evidence that there were 3 zloty to a thaler in the 1630s. It is unclear whether this thaler was the standard 2 guilder one, the 2½ guilder one or the german Reichstaler which was worth 1½ guilders.

France

The French currency was both impure being generally made of "billon", an alloy of copper and silver, and highly inflationary. France had Livres, Sous and (theoretically) Deniers although the smallest coin was the copper gros (4 denier) and also had the Ecu worth 3 livres. A French livre was worth approximately the same as a guilder in the early 1630s but the actual amount decreased steadily over time. English sources report that in 1625 a quarter écu (3/4 livre) was worth 1s 7½d implying that 1 livre was 2 Shillings and 2 Pence but in 1645 1 Livre bought just 1 Shilling and 6½ Pence and in 1653 1 Livre was equal to 1 Shilling and 3 Pence.

Denmark

Traditionally Denmark had marks, skillings and penninge with 16 skillings to a mark and 12 penninge to a skilling. This made the mark the same as the Svealand swedish mark (192 penningar = 1 mark). Danish coins were notorious for their lack of silver, and steadily decreased in value compared to their German neighbours during the 16th century. Given that the German coins were also getting worse this was quite a feat. However a decree of May 4, 1625 brought to an end an unsettled period in Danish monetary history and fixed the ratio of the rigsdaler to the mark and skilling: 1 rigsdalar was to equal 6 marks or 96 skillings. A Rigsdaler was the same as a Dutch lion dollar, that is to say 2 guilders.

Danish coins included the Rigsdaler or 6 mark coin, the crown (4 marks), the mark coin and coins for 1,2,4 and 8 skillings

The Ottoman Empire

The Ottoman empire also used the Ducat for trade as well as local coins called the Akche, the Para and the Kurush. One Kurush or Piastre was the equivalent of 40 Para or 120 Akche but as with many other currencies value of these to a fixed currency such as the Ducat varied. There ware 200 Akche to a Ducat in 1584 (a few years earlier there had been 60) and it is not clear whether this had changed by 1630.

Germany and Bohemia

As noted above, German currency has been described as a bottomless pit by one of my sources. In Germany and nearby countries there were multiple currencies such as 60 kreuzer to the Gulden, 4 denar(pfennig/penny) to a Kreuzer 12 to a Groschen and 16 to a Batzen or 1 Gulden = 4 Mark = 24 Albus = 48 Schilling = 288 Heller depending on where you were. Not only were there a large number of coins the reformation wars had encouraged every mint to debase its currency thus coins were of widely varying quality. Because there were so many currencies that there is no hope of giving a conversion to any native unit of currency (Albus, Batzen, Mark, Groschen...) in most cases. In Bohemia the Thaler was the equivalent of 24 groschen and each groschen was (theoretically) 12 pfennigs however the 30 years war severely impacted the relationships since some coins were copper and others silver and silver became rather scarce. The Bohemian (Prague) groschen however generally seem to have been reliable since the rulers of Bohemia had access to the Joachim valley and thus the same silver mine that gave its name to the thaler. From the 1620s Ferdinand II issued the ducat, thaler, half, quarter, groschen (3 kreuzer), kreuzer, half kreuzer, and quarter kreuzers. Much of Germany used the Reichsthaler as a nominal unit of account to deal with the variations in coinage. A German Reichsthaler was 1½ guilders or three-quarters of a peso. Many German mints also produced "Reichsthalers" but the thalers produced frequently varied in weight and hence value.

Summary table

Country Currency Value in Guilders

Holland 1 Guilder = 20 Stuiver = 320 Penning N/A

1 Leeuwendaalder = 2 Guilder

1 Rijksdaalder = 2.5 Guilder

Venice 1 Ducat = 6L4s 1 Ducat = 1 Guilder

1 Lire = 20 Soldi, 60 Quattrini or 240 Denari

Italy As with Venice but the Lire/Ducat rate varied 1 Ducat = 1 Guilder

Spain 34 Maravedi = 1 Real, 8 Real = 1 Peso 1 Peso = 2 Guilders

France 1/3rd Ecu = 1 Livre = 20 sous = 240 Denier 1 Livre ~= 1 Guilder

England 1 pound = 20 Shillings = 240 pence 2 Shillings = 1 Guilder

Scotland As England 24 Scots Shillings = 1 Guilder

Denmark 1 rigsdalar = 6 marks = 96 skillings 1 Rigsdaler = 2 Guilders

Sweden 1 mark = 8 öre = 24 örtugar = 192 penningar 1 Riksdaler = 2 Guilders

1 riksdaler =~8 marks (variable)

Poland 1 zloty = 30 grosz = 90 Szelags = 540 Denars 1 Zloty = 2/3 Guilder (?)

Turkey One Kurush/Piastre = 40 Para = 120 Akche 200 Akche = 1 Guilder (in 1584)

Bohemia 1 thaler = 24 groschen = 72 kreuzer = 288 pfennig 1 Thaler = 2 Guilders

Germany 1 gulden = 4 mark = 24 albus = 48 schilling = 288 heller 1 Gulden = 1 Guilder

Also 1 groschen = 3 kreuzer = 24 pfennig = 48 heller

many other coins. Unit of account the Reichsthaler 1 Reichsthaler = 1½ Guilders

The cost of living

Now that we know what a thalar or a ducat is worth in terms of other currencies how much did people need to live on? And how does it compare to prices today? A general guide is that in the early 17th century 1 English pence was roughly the equivalent of one English pound 400 years later. This means that 1 guilder is worth about £24 or US$36. This is only approximate and it is important to note that in the 17th century manufactured goods were much more expensive in relative terms than they are today. Due to the lack of mechanization clothing was expensive because it was such a labour intensive task. On the other hand taxation was more on imports, exports and farm production (tithes) than on general income. A lot of people could escape taxation altogether which means that their wages go further than you might expect.

Given the complexity of German currencies I am unsure how to relate such wages as I have found but it seems unlikely that they would differ too much from the clearly documented English wages of the period. A good English daily wage was 1s/day, assuming 50 weeks at 6 days a week that works out at 300s or £15/year. An unskilled labourer could expect less (perhaps 8d/day) and of course a highly skilled craftsman could expect more. However it is also worth noting that many wages for craftsmen were actually based on production (i.e. piecework) so the more you produced the more you got. One other point to note is that in many cases labourers were paid in kind, agreements to provide 1 suit of clothes/year or to supply food and lodging were by no means uncommon. The important thing to remember is that very few people had significant disposable income. For non-farmers purchasing food (and fuel both to cook and to keep warm) could easily be 4d a day or sometimes more. If you compare this with the wage rate this means that a 17th century worker could spend between a quarter and half of his daily wage on food. Adding in requirements to buy clothing and to pay rent and the amount left over for discretionary spending be it a friendly drink at the inn, to gamble with or to save up to buy a book, was under 10% of his wage.

Trade and debts between neighbours were quite often settled by barter, this included rents which could be a proportion of the harvest crop. This was a holdover of the feudal tithing regime but it was used because, despite the influx of South American silver, coins were still comparatively rare. Agricultural rents, when they were paid in coin to an absentee landlord, were of the order of a guilder/acre/year, less for pasture and more for arable land and often much more for prime meadows or orchards.

Sources

Google was invaluable during the cration of this document. However I found a lot of mutually incompatible documents so google on its own will lead to problems. The following seem to be correct and were mined for most of the above:

http://www.economics.utoronto.ca/munro5/MONEYLEC.htm

http://www.algonet.se/~hogman/slmynt_eng.htm

http://www.portsdown.demon.co.uk/coin.htm and http://www.portsdown.demon.co.uk/mark.htm

http://www.helmer-c.dk/Econhist/dk-money.htm

http://home.golden.net/~medals/staremoneta.html

http://www.anythinganywhere.com/info/a2z.htm and especially http://www.anythinganywhere.com/info/a2z/azgermany.htm

http://users.crocker.com/~jcamp/coins.html

12 MAPS, CENSUS & LANDHOLDERS

12.1 Jamaica Maps

Slaney 1678

http://jcb.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/detail/JCBMAPS~1~1~1608~102050002:Tabula-Iamaicae-Insulae#

COLLECTION NAME:

JCB Map Collection

Record

Accession Number:

8189

File Name:

8189-34

Call number:

Cabinet Blathwayt 34

Map title:

Tabula Iamaicae Insulae

Place of Publication:

[London]

Publisher:

Sold by Will: Berry at the Globe betwixt Chering Cross & White Hall

Publication date:

1678

Map size height:

43.4 cm.

Map size width:

61 cm.

Item description:

engraving

Geographical description:

Map of Jamaica. Cartographic elements include locations of settlements, bays, and rivers, degrees of latitude and longitude, sea banks, some topographical details, compass rose, and a scale. Decorative cartouche with a dedication to James, duke of York, includes military matériel such as drums, cannons, flags, and the royal coat of arms of England; scale cartouche shows coat of arms and motto of Jamaica.

Cartobibliographic notes:

One of four maps of Jamaica in the Blathwayt Atlas. The map, last in chronological order of the maps, is believed to have been made using information from surveyors John Vassall and Mordecai Rogers and is a considerable advance over John Man's second map (8189-35). James Stuart, duke of York, was the second son of Charles I and succeeded to the crown in 1685 on the death of his brother who died without heirs.The Blathwayt Atlas is a collection of 48 maps assembled between 1680 and 1685 as a reference atlas for the Office of Trade and Plantations, compiled by William Blathwayt, Secretary to the Lords of Trade and Plantations.

References:

Black, J.D., ed. Blathwayt Atlas, vol. II, p. 186-196

Geographic Area:

Caribbean

Normalized date:

1678

Creator:

Edward Slaney

Tabula Iamaicae Insulae

EXPORT

Active Media Group:

Active Media Group:

Barbados Map

COLLECTION NAME:

JCB Map Collection

Record

Accession Number:

8189

File Name:

8189-32

Call number:

Cabinet Blathwayt 32

Map title:

A New Map of the Island of Barbadoes wherein every Parish, Plantation, Watermill, Windmill & Cattlemill, is described ...

Place of Publication:

[London]

Publisher:

Sold by Mr. Overton at the White Horse without Newgate Mr. Morden at the Atlas in Cornhill Mr. Berry at the Globe at Charing Cross And Mr. Pask at ye Stationers Arms & Inkbottle on the North Side the Royal Exchange

Publication date:

[1675-76]

Map size height:

47.9 cm.

Map size width:

56.2 cm.

Item description:

Engraving

Geographical description:

Map of Barbados showing location of roads, individual farms, mills used for the grinding of sugar cane, and towns. Cartographic details include some topographical details, compass rose, and scale. Decorative elements include ships, fish, angels with navigational tools such as dividers. Decorative cartouche includes English royal coat of arms of Charles II, allegorical figures of a river goddess and god with oar and water vessel, a woman in armor [Britannia?], and a personification of plenty with cornucopia.

Cartobibliographic notes:

This is the first printed economic map of an English American colony and represents Barbardos at the height of its early sugar production.The map was drawn by Richard Ford, a Quaker, whose religious principles caused him to omit the names of many forts and to avoid the word, "church."The Blathwayt Atlas is a collection of 48 maps assembled between 1680 and 1685 as a reference atlas for the Office of Trade and Plantations, compiled by William Blathwayt, Secretary to the Lords of Trade and Plantations.

References:

Black, J.D., ed. Blathwayt Atlas, vol. II, p. 180-185

Geographic Area:

Caribbean

Normalized date:

1675

Creator:

Richard Ford

12.2 Jamaica 1670 census

http://genealogy-quest.com/collections/jamcens.html

Census of Jamaica

Abstract of the Whole: 23 September 1670

Parishes Acres Patented Familes Persons

St. Thomas' Parish 14,825½ 59 590

St. David's Parish 11,946¾ 80 960

St. Andrew's Parish 29,199¾ 194 1,552

St. Katherine's Parish 68,590 158 2,370

St. John's Parish 25,197¾ 83 996

Clarendon Parish 39,260¾ 143 1,430

Note 1 2,500

Note 2 20,000 1,500

209,020½ 717 11,898

More: We calculate of Persons in the Towns of Port Royal

and St. Jago to be no less than, men, women and children 3,300

15,198

Note 1: We likewise calculate the Privateers, Hunters, Sloop, and Boatmen which ply this Island, and are not reckoned in any of the above Parishes, to be at least 2,500 lusty able men.

Note 2: The four Parishes on the North Side, vizt., St. George's, St. Marie's, St. Anne's, and St. James, and the Leewardmost parish, St. Elizabeth, hath not been yet collected, as not worth it, by reason of its distance and new settlements, where we find about 20,000 acres patented, and calculate there cannot be less than 1,500 people

Sainsbury, W. Noel, ed., Calender of State Papers, Colonial Series (Volume 7), America and West Indies, 1669-1674, Preserved in Her Majesty's Public Record Office (Vaduz: Kraus Reprint Ltd., 1964) First Published London: HMSO, 1889. pp. 98-104.

http://www.genealogy-quest.com/collections/clarendon.html

Census of Jamaica
1670
Clarendon Parish
Sainsbury, W. Noel, ed., Calender of State Papers, Colonial Series (Volume 7), America and West Indies, 1669-1674, Preserved in Her Majesty's Public Record Office (Vaduz: Kraus Reprint Ltd., 1964) First Published London: HMSO, 1889. pp. 98-104.

THE SURVEY OF THE ISLAND OF JAMAICA (1670).
ST. THOMAS'S PARISH.
	---		Acres	---		Acres	---		Acres
	Thomas Amor -	-	10	Robt. Fargasson	-	24	Rice Prosser -	-	38
	Southwell Atkins	-	1,070	James Gosling -	-	800	John Putnam -	-	200
	Charles Barnett	-	90	Thomas Groves	-	238	Dearmon Regaine	-	145
	John Bassett -	-	78	John Hooper -	-	140	More -	-	40
	Thomas Booth -	-	12	John Hunt -	-	180	George Robbins	-	12
	William Basnett	-	60	Thomas Hudson	-	390	Thomas Reese -	-	60
	Capt. Thomas Browne	-	1,060	More -	-	120	Clement Richardson	-	846
	Joseph Barger -	-	11	David Jones -	-	70	William Richardson	-	10
	Francis Butterfield	-	30	Thomas Johnson	-	350	John Stokes -	-	25
	Samuel Backs, Esq.	-	200	Widow Lawrence	-	73	John Stevenson	-	211
	Christopher Cooper	-	690	Henry Lupton	-	400	Edmond Sweet	-	140
	Cæsar Carter -	-	60	John Lucy -	-	92	Thomas Stacey -	-	120
	Gawell Crouch -	-	100	Richard Layton	-	90	James Scott -	-	17
	Thomas Carpenter	-	6	Nicholas License	-	264	Thomas Steward	-	60
	John Clarke -	-	90	Samuel Lewis, Esq.	-	880	John Stephens -	-	60
	Josiah Child and Mate	-	1,330	Edward Madox	-	30	John Salisbury	-	150
	John Davenport	-	340	Thomas Manning	-	125	Walter Tresias -	-	120
	Francis Davis -	-	120	Daniel Pearse -	-	8	Tobias Wilson -	-	50
	Thomas Evans -	-	215	Charles Probert	-	64	Thomas Wiltshire	-	122
	Stephen Evans -	-	300	Thomas Paulhill	-	700	John Wallis and Boucher	-	150
	Col. Thomas Freeman	-	1,309 1/2
	In this parish are families -			- 59		And by estimation people -		- 590
	ST. DAVID'S PARISH.
	---		Acres	---		Acres	---		Acres
	Nicholas Alexander	-	760	Thomas Griffin -	-	15	Luke Phillips -	-	150
	Robert Avery -	-	30	Matthew Halpin	-	60	Henry Poores -	-	40
	Thomas Bend -	-	80	John Harris -	-	60	John Price -	-	140
	Edmund Bates -	-	49	Thomas Harry -	-	120	Francis Powell	-	17
	John Barton -	-	150	George Hooke -	-	90	Richard Pearce and Elliott -	-	90
	John Banfield -	-	60	Henry Henderson	-	30	Matthew Price -	-	60
	John Campion -	-	90	John Hobby and Alexander -	-	82	William Powell	-	30
	More -	-	13	John Hobby -	-	126	Robert Puncher	-	60
	Cornelius Cole -	-	90	George Hunt -	-	45	William Ring -	-	70 1/2
	Henry Cole -	-	30	John Hutchins -	-	30	William Rives, Esq.	-	210
	William Davis -	-	150	Samuel Hancock	-	60	Walter Roles -	-	40
	Thomas Evans and Mate -	-	160	John James and Mate	-	70	Richard Richardson, Esq. -	-	1,034
	George Elkin and Petty	-	563	Edward Jackson	-	30	Richard Richardson and Mate -	-	152
	Edward Elliot and Pearse -	-	80	Peter Jacob -	-	30	Edward Reid -	-	30
	Francis Fouracers	-	160	John Gerrard and Jourden -	-	30	Thomas Reid -	-	150
	Lieut.-Col. Robert Freeman -	-	1,338 3/4	John Lamstead	-	30	James Rogers -	-	30
	Col. Thomas Freeman	-	440	Major Richard Lloyd	-	1,370	Clement Richardson	-	50
	Edward Fox -	-	90	Major Lloyd and Burton -	-	294	Thomas Ransdon	-	130
	Thomas Fargar	-	345	Bryan Mascall, and Sylvester -	-	54	Robert Stubbs and Mate	-	66
	Richard Gwinnell	-	140	Matthew Oliver	-	30	Jacob Stokes -	-	640
	Morgan George	-	30	Robert Thompson	-	30	Jacob Stokes and Smith	-	1
	William Sheldrake	-	35	Stephen Valley	-	55	Robert Woddard	-	60
	Benjamin Smith	-	60	Thomas Whittle	-	60	William Witch	-	30
	Robert Smith -	-	374	William Wolfe	-	30	John Wilson and William Parker -	-	30
	Major John Saunderson	-	44	Henry Winkes and Mate -	-	65	John White and Elkins	-	30
	Thomas Swaine	-	60	James Wallis -	-	30	John Wimble and Seamore -	-	152
	John Terry -	-	58
	Jenkin Thomas	-	18 1/2
	Charles Thomas	-	30
	In this parish are families -			80.		And by estimation persons -		- 960
	ST. ANDREW'S PARISH.
	---		Acres	---		Acres	---		Acres
	John Andrewes	-	4	John Cahaune and Mate	-	11	George Home -	-	218
	Henry Archboule, Esq.	-	2,030	George Campe -	-	91	Francis Hope -	-	12
	Thomas Aldworth	-	5	William Capon	-	6	John Hattevill -	-	20
	John Akin -	-	7 1/2	John Clove -	-	20	William Jones -	-	60
	John Bonnett -	-	5	Edmond de la Crez	-	660	Walter Jenkins	-	34
	Edward Bussell	-	11	William Davison	-	240	John Johnson -	-	12
	Robert Bull -	-	34	Nicholas de la Roch	-	6	Andrew Jewell -	-	30
	Charles Benway	-	30	Richard Dunn -	-	60	John Jefferies -	-	24
	Doctor Richard Brian	-	351	Henry Dawkins	-	15	Thomas Joyce -	-	30
	John Barrett and Mates	-	90	Robert Davis and Morgan -	-	200	Samuel Keamor	-	30
	Nicholas Barrett and Mate -	-	20	Francis Daniell	-	33 1/2	Abraham Keeling	-	60
	Edward Berry -	-	279	Edward Exceceune	-	17	William Kilgress	-	8
	Capt. Samuel Barry	-	400	John Edwards and Mate	-	56	William Cane -	-	13
	Major William Buston	-	878	George Ecclestone	-	14	Nicholas Keine	-	643
	Titus Boreman -	-	78	William Elder -	-	96	Jane Leader -	-	19
	John Browning	-	22	Thomas Edmonds	-	70	Widow Lane	-	5
	Widow Backhouse	-	28	Richard Feilder	-	100	Francis Larow -	-	48
	James Barry -	-	27	Jeremiah Fowler	-	63	John Lewis -	-	600
	James Boney -	-	50	Morris Fleyne -	-	42	Nicholas Leford	-	40
	More -	-	12	Henry Ford -	-	100	Jacob Lucy and Company -	-	34
	William Burt -	-	110	Thomas Flood -	-	3	William Launce	-	336
	George Bennett	-	234	William Ford -	-	210	John Maverley	-	130
	Nicholas Butler and Mate -	-	34	Jenkin Lloyd	-	7	William Mayo -	-	40
	John Baugh -	-	11	Mary Fisher	-	7 1/2	Sir James Modyford	-	530
	Francis Bussell and Smith -	-	60	William Groves	-	15	James Manderson	-	34
	Henry Bowen and Mate	-	84	Luke Grose -	-	28	Owen Macarta -	-	56
	Thomas Butler	-	31	Charles Griffin -	-	9	Alexander Mills	-	41
	Phillip Botterill	-	22	James Grimes -	-	7 1/2	John Murrow -	-	14
	Henry Banfield	-	21	Sampson George	-	40	Christopher Mayam	-	30
	John Burdis and Mate	-	23	Robert Galloway	-	9 3/4	Robert Moody -	-	50
	William Bent and Henry Bonner -	-	800	Widow Gay -	-	74	Richard Mapeley	-	28
	George Blundall	-	15	John Garrett -	-	8 1/2	William Parker	-	10
	John Belfield -	-	369	Daniel Garvin -	-	2 1/2	Wm. St. Onyon	-	10
	Jasper Blanch -	-	6	Nathaniell Guy	-	190	John Priest -	-	80 1/2
	John Cooper -	-	512	Morgan Hopkins	-	19	John Pond -	-	6
	Samuel Conyers	-	216	William Hazard	-	11	Janes Pinnuck -	-	802
	Thomas Cater -	-	100	Charles Hudson	-	44	John Potter -	-	142 1/2
	Matthew Cotton	-	40 1/2	Lieut. - Coll. Richard Hope and ye Inhabitants -	-	970	Joseph Phypes -	-	84
	Joseph Casteele	-	217 1/2	Lieut. - Coll. Richard Hope -	-	1,497	John Pitts	-	7 1/2
	Richard Collinwood	-	50	Gowen Hill -	-	80	John Pearse -	-	80
	Ancill Cole -	-	20	James Howell -	-	1,233	Capt. William Parker	-	1,534
	John Cooke -	-	107	Richard Hussett	-	8	Robert Pyatt -	-	62
	Capt. Thomas Clarke	-	605	James Hunt -	-	8	Capt. William Rivers	-	60
	John Cape and Westbury -	-	22	John Hendy -	-	47	Ralph Rippon -	-	20
	Markham Clouds	-	7 1/2	Nicholas Hancock	-	50	John Robinson	-	46
	Anthony Collier	-	44	John Hone -	-	21	James Russell -	-	9
	Thomas Brewer	-	211	Henry Hammot	-	6	Francis Russell and Mates -	-	53
	Edward Stanton and Henry Bonner -	-	500	Gregory Hubbart	-	48	Moses Raco -	-	18
	Edward Manton (sic)	-	374	Thomas Todd and Mate	-	49	Francis Scarlett, Esq.	-	1,000
	John Spread -	-	9 1/2	Peter Tarragon	-	16	Thomas Taylor	-	18
	Lieut. John Stanley	-	90	Anne Thorne -	-	156	Richard Thorne	-	16
	Morris Sheham	-	4	William Tanton	-	24	William Wilson	-	80
	David Spence -	-	7 1/2	Thomas Trinado	-	38	Hugh Weekes	-	44
	John Stiles and Mate	-	67	Peter Turpin -	-	622	Charles Whitfield	-	950
	Cornelius Struys	-	122	Thomas Tuttle -	-	40	William Warren	-	707
	Thomas South -	-	60	William Terrill	-	15	Edward Wooden	-	7 1/2
	Richard Seaward	-	7	Thomas Tothill	-	1,300	Thomas Watson	-	9
	John Stephens -	-	20	Richard Teage	-	88	Richard Wood	-	70
	William Sparkes	-	75	Capt. William Vallett	-	220	John Wilson	-	20
	Samuell Sawyer	-	14	Thomas Vaughan	-	37	Anthony Woodhouse	-	4
	Richard Smith -	-	16	Richard Wilson	-	54	George Wattle	-	56
	Thomas Sampson	-	120	William Waters	-	8	James Woodall	-	8 1/2
	James Thompson	-	18	Capt. Saul Wanner	-	60	Richard Valley	-	200
				John Williams -	-	30	John Walker	-	308
				William Warrington	-	270	Charles Whitefield	-	51
							Henry Wastell and Mate	-	16
	In this parish are families			- 194.		People by estimation		- 1,552
	ST. KATHERINE'S PARISH.
	---		Acres	---		Acres	---		Acres
	John Archer -	-	560	Thomas Davis -	-	440	William Herbert	-	120
	Capt. John Bourden	-	2,255	William Deane -	-	597	John Hillier and Perrot	-	320
	Richard Beckford	-	578	George Dunkin and Mate -	-	60	Francis Hull -	-	100
	John Bonner -	-	82	Timothy Dodd -	-	300	Alice Howell -	-	15
	William Bunn and Mate	-	64	Oliver Dust -	-	60	William Harker	-	164
	Robert Bedford	-	30	John Drinkewater	-	27	George Holyday	-	33
	John Berry	-	40	John Ellis	-	150	Simon Huse -	-	3
	Lieut.-Colonel Robert Bindlos -	-	1,935	Henry Edey -	-	30	Cary Hellgar -	-	146
	Edward Blackman	-	62	George Elkin -	-	3,286	Wm. Hobbleton	-	120
	Coll. Thomas Ballard	-	2,391	Dorothy Eaton	-	220	Francis Inians -	-	453
	More -	-	1,000	Augustine Evans	-	401	John Jackson -	-	30
	Peter Burton	-	78	Capt. William Freeman	-	40	Wm. Knowles -	-	760
	Richard Boyse -	-	148	Bartholomew Fant -	-	1,130	George Knight -	-	63
	Susanna Barker	-	160	Angelina Fant -	-	210	Thomas Lyon -	-	96
	Anthony Burroughs	-	40	William Floyd -	-	60	Samuel Long -	-	18
	Thomas Burden	-	67	Widow Farefield	-	385	Thomas Lilly -	-	782
	Francis Barnes -	-	60	Major Thomas Fuller	-	1,309	Samuel Lewis and Francis Man	-	1,555
	Hersey Bawett -	-	32 1/2	Humphrey Freeman, Esq. -	-	627	William Mullins Esq. -	-	522
	William Benton	-	44	Tobias Foot -	-	120	Capt. Hender Molesworth -	-	2,480
	Edward Burt -	-	27	Roger Fugas -	-	30	Wm. Matthews	-	520
	Christopher Butler	-	9	John Flemming	-	34	John Moore	-	19
	Nicholas Collins	-	60	Robert Ford -	-	100	Charles Morgan	-	910
	John Casteele -	-	210	John Gimball -	-	618	William Mosely	-	1,242
	John Collett -	-	120	Andrew Groves	-	38	William Morris	-	40
	John Colebeck	-	812	William Gray -	-	720	Bryan Macue -	-	30
	Capt. Colebeck and Inhabitants -	-	1,340	John Gillingham	-	120	Thomas Modyford, Esq. and Company	-	6,090
	Josua Cooper -	-	60	William Gibson	-	45	Phillip Masters	-	411 1/2
	William Cussaus	-	551	Richard Guy -	-	270	Thomas Martin	-	130
	John Cater -	-	252	Joachim Hane -	-	420	Hugh Mighty -	-	140
	James Casement	-	190	William Hebb, Esq.	-	437	William Mathewes	-	170
	James Crookshanke	-	90	Henry Hilliard	-	100	Sir James Modyford	-	3,500
	Matthew Crew -	-	800	Wm. Hill and Mate	-	190	William Markham	-	33
	Thomas Cox -	-	300	Nicholas Homes	-	100	Lucas Martin -	-	30
	Bryan Clackey -	-	100	William Hubblethorne and Mate -	-	160	Sir Thomas Modyford	-	109
	Derby Cecill -	-	110	Anthony Hopper	-	70	George Newell -	-	475
	Francis Crookshanke	-	40	George Hollowfield	-	140	George Needham, Esq.	-	1,764
	Major Anthony Collier and Mates -	-	2,600	George Hanborow	-	450	Capt. John Noye	-	5,868
	Coll. John Cope	-	144	Edward Hans and Mate	-	123	William Oakes -	-	19
	John Doughty and Mate	-	80	Richard Hemmings	-	1,600	John Parsons and Mate	-	30
	Francis Phillips	-	33	John Hatkins and Mate	-	1,190	Joseph Peters -	-	30
	Alexander Pitts and Mate -	-	90	John Ridgway -	-	340	Thomas Webb -	-	250
	Francis Price and Mate	-	150	Royall Company	-	470	Michael Whaley and Mate	-	163
	Thomas Parnell	-	120	Henry Rimes -	-	530	Henry Weston -	-	61
	William Perkins	-	88	Thomas Raby -	-	398	John Went -	-	81 1/2
	Thomas Pitts -	-	500	Fulke Rose -	-	380	More -	-	150
	James Parsons -	-	34	Jos. Char. Stevenson	-	30	John Welting -	-	150
	John Parish -	-	175	John Slicker -	-	90	Robert Willias and Mates -	-	120
	More -	-	120	James Sharpington	-	60	John Wooley and Mates	-	201
	Joseph Peters -	-	55	Henry Saw -	-	400	George Woodger and Parris -	-	100
	George Reekstead	-	60	George Tirlow -	-	42	Isaac Wells -	-	9
	George Russell	-	160	John Thomas and Mate	-	153	William White -	-	15 1/2
	Bartholomew Roe	-	33	Thomas Tyler -	-	210	John Whiting -	-	30
	Evan Rice -	-	120	John Vine -	-	45
				Henry Veasy -	-	90
				More -	-	33
	In this parish, families are			- 158.		People by estimation		- 2,370.
	ST. JOHN'S PARISH.
	---		Acres	---		Acres	---		Acres
	Capt. Whitigift Aylmor	-	294	Timothy Dodd -	-	108	Capt. Richard Oldfield	-	370
	Major Thomas Ascough	-	880	John Davis and Mate	-	119	Aaron Peterson	-	250
	William Aldridge and Mate -	-	60	John Davenport Esq.	-	220	Francis Price -	-	175
	Edward Allen -	-	155	Bartholomew Dowse	-	10	Thomas Perry -	-	180
	Edward Arthur	-	250	Lieut. John Dowler	-	9	Robert Paine -	-	4
	Robert Bennet -	-	30	Robert Evans -	-	18	Francis Palmer	-	200
	Thomas Burgan	-	62	John Frizell -	-	300	Edmund Roe -	-	215
	John Bagnoll -	-	36	John Frizell and Mate -	-	300	Elizabeth Reid -	-	927
	Francis Bostock	-	8 1/4	Capt. Richard Guy	-	758	Capt. George Reid	-	1,403
	Stephen Bassett	-	276	William Gaywood	-	64	Edward Rawlins	-	120
	Edward Barfield and Mate -	-	100	Thomas Griffin and Mate	-	171	Roger Reynolds	-	4
	Charles Buckley and Mate -	-	205	Richard Garland and Mate -	-	60	John Steele and Mate	-	800
	Wm. Bragg -	-	950	Joseph Gunn -	-	90	Thomas Small -	-	15
	Thomas Bland -	-	8	William Gillman	-	43	Edmund Sykes -	-	150
	Hersy Barrett -	-	300	Lieut. Richard Hysam	-	984	John Styles -	-	3,200
	Thomas Butler -	-	510	Daniell Harris -	-	7 1/2	William Sams -	-	400
	Elizabeth Bagnoll	-	7	Robert Hazell -	-	270	John Stubbs -	-	320
	Lieut.-Col. John Cope	-	683	Thomas Jones -	-	370	Wm. Thorpe	-	68
	Laurence Charnock and Mate -	-	740	Richard Jenkins	-	108	James Tuckey and Mate	-	50
	Gilbert Cope -	-	80	To the Inhabitants of the Parish -	-	500	John Trigg	-	90
	Robert Cote and Mate	-	23	Thomas Johnson	-	250	Richard Vildy -	-	60
	John Cantrill -	-	21	Doctor Thomas Jones	-	20	John Weaver and Mate	-	200
	Nicholas Clarke	-	210	Robert Kilby -	-	300	John Wright -	-	60
	Jonathan Cock	-	1,000	Capt. John Laugher	-	204	John Wilson and Mate	-	66
	William Collier	-	120	Owen Mason -	-	150	Ellis Ward and Mates	-	233
	Theo. Cary -	-	83	Alexander Martin	-	206	William Wright and Company -	-	418
				Sir James Modyford	-	1,000	Samuel Warren	-	360
				Capt. Robert Nelson	-	1,300	Edmund Willett	-	72
							John White -	-	259
	In this parish, families			- 83		People by estimation		996
	CLARENDON PARISH.
	---		Acres.	---		Acres.	---		Acres.
	Lewis Anderson	-	58	Michaell Garrett	-	91	John Newman -	-	112
	John Ashley -	-	156	James Griffin -	-	60	Richard Ollife -	-	66
	The Widow Allwinckle	-	600	Edward Garret and Mate	-	30	Richard Phelps	-	320
	Cornelius Adams	-	50	Richard Greene	-	260	Jasper Pickerine	-	550
	Eleanor Barrett	-	55	Edward Gerrard	-	25	John Powell -	-	60
	Richard Barrett	-	149	Hugh Ginge -	-	20	Roger Phypes -	-	80
	John Butcher and Mates	-	297 1/2	John Gage -	-	10	Wm. Pritchett -	-	30
	George Booth	-	1,200	Martin Goldin -	-	20	George Pattison	-	122
	Robert Barriffe	-	100	William Gunter	-	200	Wm. Pearse -	-	42
	Widow Bolton -	-	100	Capt. Christopher Horner	-	1,083	Ralph Rippon -	-	140
	Robert Brownlow	-	190	John Hill	-	275	George Rickets	-	40
	Edward Bramfield	-	100	Henry Hilliard	-	1,668	Edward Ray and Mate	-	109
	John Bankes and Street	-	60	John Hewitt -	-	890	Thomas Roden -	-	243
	Ezraell Baldwin	-	400	George Holsworth	-	186	Edmund Rule and Mate	-	330
	Nicholas Bolton	-	500	George Hammond	-	65	Phillip Roberts	-	405
	Anthony Boroughs	-	30	John Hunt -	-	120	Roger Ramsy and Mate	-	41 1/4
	Peter Beckford	-	2,238	Richard Hooton and Gunter -	-	100	Thos. Robinson and Mate	-	50
	Lieut.-Col. Robert Bindlos	-	250	Richard Haymas	-	100	George Ragg -	-	36
	Edward Bull -	-	61	Thomas Halse -	-	466	Elias Sedgwick	-	10
	Joseph Bathurst	-	1,200	Capt. Joachim Hane	-	1,500	Francis Starkey	-	227
	Major Anthony Collier	-	1,261	Harman Jacob -	-	305	Francis Sperry -	-	349
	Jane Clarke -	-	240	Lt.-Coll. William Ivy	-	1,075	More -	-	240
	Thomas Casnell	-	270	John Jonson -	-	220	John Smith -	-	76
	Richard Carr -	-	30	Edward Isles -	-	30	Robert Smith -	-	180
	Edmund Cross -	-	90	Ralph Johnson	-	40	Robert Stone -	-	75
	William Courtman	-	65	Ruth Kilby -	-	90	John Stiles -	-	90
	Thomas Cole -	-	136	Hugh Kinn -	-	81	John Shewin -	-	30
	William Coxhead	-	54	William Lord -	-	435	Nathaniell Shin and Mate	-	84
	George Child -	-	120	John Lock -	-	35	Robert Smart -	-	60
	Edward Cock -	-	136	Robert Little -	-	106	Michaell Saunders	-	120
	Lord Clarendon	-	3,000	Capt. Samuel Long	-	2,200	John Shaw -	-	450
	Barbara Call -	-	70	Jane Lumbard -	-	150	Amos Stevens -	-	10
	Peter Cockup -	-	60	Robert Leonard	-	100	John Sheppard	-	185
	Robert Cooper -	-	90	John Loyd and Frankling -	-	379	John Skellin -	-	210
	Capt. Edward Collier	-	1,020	John Lory -	-	50	John Thompson	-	300
	Peter Copake -	-	160	Originall Lewis	-	70	Joseph Taylor	-	12
	Henry Dunnell	-	30	Richard Mugg and Mates	-	770	John Taylor -	-	190
	John Downer -	-	210	John Marshall -	-	186	John Townsend	-	210
	John Durant -	-	432	John Magill and Mate	-	60	Benjamin Tillinghurst	-	300
	Henry Douch -	-	20	Adam More -	-	90	Robert Varney, Esq.	-	701
	Henry Davis -	-	41 1/4	John Morant -	-	30	John Vizard	-	120
	John Fisher -	-	138	Valentine Munby	-	105	Priscilla Willoughby	-	600
	William Frogg	-	90	Francis Man -	-	285	John Warren -	-	188
	William Frame	-	120	Wm. Mason -	-	185	Robert Warner and Mate	-	350
	William Follar -	-	30	Richard Masey -	-	50	Robert Wright	-	100
	Hugh Gilbert -	-	93 3/4	Daniell Morris -	-	30	Tobias Winsor	-	60
	Joseph Gardner	-	570	Widow Netherland	-	120	Thomas Waite -	-	88
	Richard Gray -	-	180				Thomas Wills -	-	32
	William Gent -	-	240
	In this parish are, families			- 143		People by estimation		- 1,430

12.3 1754 Landholders

This list complied from the Quit Rent Books is referred to in

Journals of the Board of Trade and Plantations, Volume 10, January 1754 - December 1758, Journal, April 1755: Volume 62:
Read the following letters and papers received from Mr. Knowles, Governor of Jamaica, viz.:—

Letter from Mr. Knowles, dated the 31st of December, 1754, giving the Board an account of the present state and condition of that Island and transmitting the following publick papers, viz.:—

List of landholders with the number of acres each possess,
Etc.

Booth, George, St. Elizabeth 600, Clarendon 376, Vere 294, Total 1270
Booth, George Junr., Vere 297
Booth, Kemble, St. James 40
Booth, Peter Gravette, Vere 6
Booth, Simon, Vere 812
Booth, Henry estate of, Vere 280
Booth, Samuel, Vere 129

Booth, Simon Senr., Vere 316

Booth, Simon Junr., Vere 135
Booth, Thomas, Vere 6, St. Dorothy 80, St. Thomas in the Vale 166, Total 252

Burton, Benjamin, St. Elizabeth 155
Burton, Thomas, St. Elizabeth 158, Clarendon 271, St. John 25, Total 454

Cargill, Richard, St. James 600, Clarendon 150, Vere 636, Total 1386
Cargill, Thomas and John, Clarendon 1327
Cargill, John, Vere 243

Chambers, Ephraim, Westmoreland 525

Chambers & Pinto, Hanover 500

Chambers, Edward Senr., Hanover 920
Chambers, William, Hanover 400
Chambers, Edward, Hanover 200
Chambers, John, St. Catherine 582, Westmoreland 888, St. Thomas in the Vale 790, Total 2260
Chambers, Jacob, Westmoreland 158

Downer, John, Portland 1000
Downer, George, St. James 170, Vere 11, Total 181
Downer, Jeremiah, St. James 437
Downer, John Senr., Portland 216
Downer, George, St. James 270, Vere 11, St. Dorothy 23, Total 304

Golding, John Junr, Vere 211
Golding, Thomas, St. Elizabeth 67, Clarendon 2794, Vere 1450, Total 4311
Golding, John Senr., St. Elizabeth 380, Clarendon 120, Vere 3055, Total 3555
Gravett, Peter Caswell estate of, Clarendon 38, Vere 181, Total 219

Hayle, William, St. Andrew 53, St. Thomas in the East 1500, Portland 500, St. George 880, Total 2933
Hayle, Henry, Vere 200
Hayle, George, Vere 40

Hayle, Ann, Clarendon 151
Hayle, Richard deceased, Clarendon 354
Hayle, Samuel, Clarendon 1185
Hayle, Thomas, Vere 20

Parker, Francis, St. Catherine 25, St. Dorothy 301, St. John 544, St. Thomas in the Vale 66, Tot 936
Parker, Mary, 16
Parker, William Senr., St. Catherine 161, St. John 797, St. Thomas in the Vale 203, Tot 1161

Parker, William Junr., St. Catherine 40

Sinclair, John Hayle, St. Elizabeth 437
Sinclair, John Hayle, Vere 1580
Sinclair, Peter, Vere 300
Sinclair, Priscilla, St. Catherine 25, Vere 200, St. John 20, Tot 245

Smith, Catharine, St. Elizabeth 294
Smith, Edward, St. Catherine 3, St. Elizabeth 300, St. John 690, Tot 993
Smith, Francis, St. Elizabeth 200, Clarendon 84, Vere 255, Tot 539
Smith, Francis guardian to Ashley Boswell & Smith, minors, Clarendon 395, Vere 150, Tot 545
Smith, Francis, St. Elizabeth 200, Clarendon 84, Vere 255, Tot 539
Smith, Francis and Edward, Vere 155

Smith, James, St. Elizabeth 600, Vere 30, Tot 630
Smith, Mounson, Clarendon 486, Vere 218, Tot 704
Smith, William, St. Elizabeth 360

Wright, Mary, Vere 88
Wright, John, St. Mary 700
Wright, Barzilla, Westmoreland 75
Wright, James Cooper, St. Elizabeth 776
Wright, Joseph, St. Elizabeth 550, Vere 27, Tot 577
Wright, Francis, Vere 26
Wright, Robert, St. Elizabeth 550, Clarendon 100, Vere 44, Tot 694

12.4 BROWNE & ROBERTSON MAP COPIES

Two map series of Jamaica have been scanned from copies of ones held b the PRO in Kew, England. They were published in 1755 and 1804.

BROWNE 1755 MAP

The map is at a large scale (1:300,000 approx) and shows geographical features and properties, usually with the owners name. Different symbols are used to differentiate between the different types of property. In comparison with later charts, the coast is reasonably accurate, but inland features are not as accurately shown.

It is in 2 parts, split east/west.

Also shown is a map of Port Royal.

Folders "East" and "West" contain scanned copies of a map of Jamaica, published in 1755, but based on information gathered between 1730 and 1740.

The Title is as follows (although rather more ornate!):

New Map of

Jamaica

In which the several Towns Forts and Settlements are accurately laid down as well as y situations and depts of y most noted Harbours & Anchoring Places with the limits and boundarys of the different Parishes and they have been regulated by the law or settled by custom; the greatest part Drawn or Corrected from actual surveys made by Mr Sheffield and others from the year 1730 to the year 1740.

Inscribed to the Gentlemen of the Island
By their humble servant
Patk Browne

Printed for and sold by John Bowles in Cornhill and Carrington Bowles St Paul's Church Yard, London Price 5 shillings

Neatly fitted up on cloth Eight shillings and sixpence

Also shown:

Scale of Miles
69 to a degree

Below lower border:

Footnote: I Bayly Sculp.

Footnote: published according to Act of Parliament 1755.

File Layout

The 2 sheets were scanned in sections (4 east west and 3 north south) and then the 12 original images stitched together.

The file names are in the form 1755pqrs.tif

where: p = e or w (east sheet or west sheet)

q = a - 1 (original scan sections, from w. to e.)
r = - for original sections.

S = resolution: 4(00), 2(00) 1(00) dpi.

qr = nw, ne, sw, se: 4 main views of mapped area (north and
central groups of 4)

= ws, es: 2 lower views.

= ss: bottom view of sheet.

= n-: northern half of sheet.

= sc: central group of 4: ie southern half of mapped area of sheet

= s-: southern portion of sheet.

= —: complete sheet.

ROBERTSON 1804 MAP

The 1804 survey of Jamaica by James Robertson was the basis of later maps. It seems to have been reasonably accurate. As with the 1755 map, properties are usually shown by owners' name. It is drawn at a scale of 1" = 1 statute mile.

The map were published in three parts, one for each County, each "inscribed" to a different Royal Duke. Each part was copied in 6 sheets (each about 22" x 30"): these 6 sheets were scanned in 2 rows of 4 images and then stitched together.

A typical Title is transcribed below:

His Royal Highness THE PRINCE OF WALES This Map of

THE COUNTY of CORNWALL

in the

ISLAND of JAMAICA

Constructed from Actual Surveys under the Authority of

THE HON HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY

By whom it hath been

Examined and universally Approved

Is, with permission Most humbly inscribed By

HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS’S

Most faithful and devoted servant

James Robertson, A.M.

1804.

Published November 1st 1804 by James Robertson, A.M., late of Jamaica

Engraved by SJ Neele, 352, Strand, London.

The three counties are inscribed to three of the Royal Dukes:

Cornwall: inscribed to the Prince of Wales
Middlsex: inscribed to the Duke of York
Surrey: inscribed to the Duke of Clarence.

File Layout:

****wxyz.tif

**** = County (Corn = Cornwall, midx = Middlesex, sury = Surrey).

w = Sheet number

z = resolution, 4(00), 2(00), 1(00) dpi.

For complete copies of each sheet: xy = —.

For original scanned parts: x — a-h, scan part number

y = -

or:

xy = ne, nw, se, sw: scanned copies into quarters of each sheet, xy = w-: west half of each sheet.

= ea: east half of each sheet.

13 ESTATE MAPS

     Many of these maps have been redrawn on CAD and overlain onto the 1950’s 1:50,000 map series of Jamaica. Whilst the maps were oriented relative to a north heading, they all needed rotating about 6° clockwise to align with map (true) north, using suitable reference points. This agrees with the magnetic variation at the time. The map sheets were all scaled to match each other and to my standard of 10 chains to a unit: this is the same scale to which the plats have been drawn. Where possible, the plats/patents have also been overlaid: their orientation is also relative to magnetic north, but not as reliably.
    Scaling of the estate maps has been carried out using probable unchanging geographic features first, followed by obvious roads: where these features are not available, they have been scaled using areas quoted. Estate maps do not seem to have had scales drawn, although some have a mention of a scale of N chains per inch: the scanned copies of the maps do not carry a scale factor through the process.
    Plats and patents have also been drawn on CAD. Mostly, they have a scale bar shown, where that is not available, they have been scaled to fit the areas. There is often a difference in the quoted area and the measured area where a scale bar is present. Some estate maps refer back to the plats and several have a note that a resurvey shows a different area to the one quoted in the original patent.
    The import process into EasyCad is to import the map/plat as a bitmap, draw over it and insert the text. The original bitmap is not included in the CAD file, only its reference. On this software, bitmap images can be scaled, but not rotated, so once a significant rotation has been made, the correlation between the map and drawing is lost.

13.1 Clarendon

143, 7/1799: Shows John Hayle 1700 plat at Smokey Hole.
Copy Held.
Shows John Hayles 1700, John Hunt 1684, Richard Dawkins 1688, Thomas Hals 1684 et al.
The above scheme represents the fixings of several plats of land at and near Smoky Hole in the parish of Clarendon laid down by actual traverses and fixed to their natural boundaries and old lines of Earth. The yellow lines circumscribe all the different plats claimed by Teak Savanna Plantation the property of James Chisholm esq. The red, green and yellow colouring represents the intrusions of Junior plats on Cornelius Struys as per reference. The red lines distinguish the claim of the right honourable Richard Lord Penrhyn, patented by Edward Pennant, John Waldren & Robert Smith for nine hundred and fourteen acres but we find by this survey the whole including part of John Floral’s 90 acres to contain only eight hundred and forty one acres undisputed the remainder being covered by the said Cornelius Struys and William Dickman. The Blue lines show the out bounds of two runs of land patented by Richard Dawkins and John Peak for four hundred and thirty two acres claimed by Henry Dawkins esq, but we find all that is left uncovered by the above Cornelius Struys contains only one hundred and ninety five acres. The green lines represent 270 acres patented by William Dickman now claimed by Rowland William Fearon.
Performed by desire of Alexander Falconer esquire in July 1799 by Fraser Fullarton, surveyor.
NB we found old lines on Richard Dawkins only from M to N and old lines on Edw Pennant and John Walden from O by P, R, R, S.

Giffard Pennant shown on Clarendon 649 with a grant of 417 acres in 1669, roughly in the middle of what became Denbigh estate.
Pennants in Jamaica started with Giffard Pennant (d 1677) from North Wales, whose family became Lords Penrhyn: LDS has Elizabeth d of Giffard & Elizabeth Pennant, ch St Catherine Feb 1672.
Edward Pennant (grants to him) had by Elizabeth ch Clarendon Henry 29/3/1711 & Samuel 20/12/1709.

188, aft 1751: Booth land to SW of Black River/Thomas River. Ben Booth 340a 1683, & George Booth 1719. This is located by the Black, Thomas & Plantain rivers to the North of Porus by about 6 miles, and a couple of miles south of Frankfield. N18°07’ W77°23’, on Google earth now looks to be mostly unimproved bush. C. BOOTH CAD GROUP C

CLARENDON 211

PLACE PARNASSUS PLANTATION DESCRIPTION Diagram represents Parnassus Plantation the property of Henry Dawkins, 550 acres part of Sandy Gully Pen in Clarendon, 300 acres part of 500 acres being William Bent's plot left by his will to Robert Coates now belonging to Messrs. Pennant, Col. William Joys's 800 acres near St. Jago, 900 acres part of George Boothe, 1200 acres now belonging to the heirs of William Perrin, William Dawkins's 270 acres.

DATE 1751

290: Hayles etc Clarendon Mountains. Thomas River & Rio Mino, upper reaches.
Inter alia, shows Thomas Hayle on S bank of Thomas River & Jno Hayle 450 acres Pat 1-15F147.
HAYLE GROUP C – PORUS to WEST on PLAN.

Clarendon 326, 1809: Springfield Estate, Paradise Est, Vere.
Kemps, TH Barrett 2100 acres, Paradise Est, Pipers & Blackmall.
Extends from Milk River/ Hilliards River jct to sea shore & Yarmouth & Haylesfield Pens. Haylesfield abt 285A.
Copied 2/2019 and drawn on Booth land CAD.
The Above diagram represents the form of several parcels of land in that district of Vere parish called Kemps Hill, laid down from actual surveys of their natural boundaries and lines on earth to distinguish the true situation and extent of those shaded yellow comprising Paradise Estate, Pipers and Blackmall, the property of Thomas Hercey Barrett esq and which are found to contain two thousand one hundred and two acres, performed my desire of John Stewart esq attorney to Thomas Hercey Barrett esq in May 1809.
Rome and Findlater, surveyors.

334, 7/1810: Part of William P Hayle to James Whitehall, 169 A. N bdy part of Healthfield pen (on CL326 above) & part claimed by Dr Hayle in possession of Ja Mitchell. W on Longwood Rd, SE on Moneymusk est. Same area as CL615. NC

CLARENDON 340

PLACE RETRIEVE PLANTATION - DESCRIPTION Diagram represents Retrieve Plantation the property of Alexander Francis Farquhar containing 452 acres. Also 50 acres part of 1000 acres sold by Lewis and John Oliphant to Lewis Anderson. DATE N.D.

CLARENDON 346

PLACE RETRIEVE - DESCRIPTION Diagram represents the form of a sugar work called the Retrieve in the parish of Clarendon belonging to Lewis Anderson and contains by the division made of said plantation between the heirs of William Anderson and John Crow 452 acres. Butting and binding south on Figuraree Gully, east on land belonging to Lord Olyphant and John Olyphant.

DATE 1735
Adjoins Manch 255 to east.

475: John Hayles Jnr etc St Anne’s Gully. Shows John Hayle jnr 8F175 plat.
CAD HAYLE Group B. Denbigh estate, later owned by Lord Penryn.

484, 16/5/1871: Smokey Hole, - rd from 4 Paths to Chapelton.

571: Coates Estate. Rules Pen etc Clarendon. Shows land Shickles/Coates/Baldwin/Rule. Shows the Cross Church & Rio Mino in W – on east side of bend in river. (looks to be Robertson Middx S intersection of lines F9 in bend of river). NC

575,
Drawn on Booth.
1788? Benjamin Booth 800A Folly Pen. C.
Plat 1/11/2/8F39 refers.

In the above scheme are represented such treverses necessary to ascertain the bounds of the Folly Penn in the parish of Clarendon, which are determined by the fixing of Three plats, one patented by Robert Carver for 300 acres in 1718... A patent of John Pe... in 1704 and a patent of Benjamin Booth of 80(0) acres in 1684. ....the patent of Robert Carver’s 300 acres is fixed by lines on Earth and possession to sais... that of John Peak’s patent for 150 acres only ... 36 acres remain uncertain? (distin(guished) by the Brown shade) no possession ever having been held under it. That on ... Booth’s plat of 800 acres several intrusions are made as by the reference under the .. shade if allowed its fixing on the Mamee Gully answering with the present possession, the original position?? Of the Surveyor, as also fixing of Robert Carver’s plat.
By a sale of Henry Dawkins to Alexander Crawford in 1754 of 1002 acres part of which he claimed under Benjamin Booth to which a plat is annexed, it appears that either the lines A,B,C and D,E,F or G,H,I were then intended to be run in part for the lines of his 800 acre plat. Should it be insisted? That the lines A,B,C & D,E,F must regulate the present fixing of this plat, in that case the blue lines circumscribe its bounds and the intrusions are as by the reference under the Blue shade: or if the lines G,H,I were made to regulate the fixing, the Green Shade would comprise its bounds and in that case the reference under the Green shade then the trespasses. Both of these fixings being founded on a survey, the plat differing from the lines on Earth it was made to represent, demonstrates its being a very erroneous one, including nearly 200 acres more than was sold, [The plat as drawn on CAD, using the scale shown, measures about 1000 acres; AM 1/2018] which must have arisen either from the surveyor’s inattention to, or ignorance of, the real situation of the boundaries he gave it, which leads us to think that the red is the only reasonable and best fixing, and ought to be adopted so far as the possessions or lines of the adjoining properties will admit. What is contained in the present possession of the Folly are about 906 a which are represented by the yellow lines.
Surveyed at the request of the Hon’ble John Henckell.
1789?

The Estate Plan can be positioned with reasonable accuracy over Folly, to the north east of Clarendon Park, east of Scotts Pass on the main road from May Pen to Mandeville. The northern part of the Benjamin Booth plat fits well, but the south eastern corner is uncertain on the Estate Map.
Folly Pen can be positioned reference to the fork in the road to the north west of the word “Folly” on the Map. Scaling & rotating to match eht roads around this area gives Osbourn Store about ½ a mile north of its correct modern position.

604: Smokey Hole Plantation, Part of John Hayle 1/8/1700 263 A, southern portion. Adjacent to Teak Pen to the East. “The Smokey Hole Road” to west, roughly N/S. Harrison. NC.

615: Aft 1829. Paradise Estate, Thomas Harmon shows Yarmouth est to NW, Haylesfield to SE which straddles Rd. Shows Hilliard River & Milk River. JPG Copy does not show full extent of original. C

649: N of Lime Savannah, aft 1741. The road to Dr Burell’s old Palink.
John Hayle 450A. Also JH dcd. “Formerly of John Hayle The Gully from St Jago to Lime Savanna to SE corner of plan. C.
A Palink was a small farm or provision plantation.
To WP

651, aft 1760, probably mid 19^thC: Denbigh Estate. Incl John Hayle jnr 19/12/1699 300A pat.
Bounds of Hon John Shickle. Bdy or road from Denbigh to Smokey Hole.
The land of JH jnr still owned by John Hayles. Also the Rd Leeward road from St Jago E to the Cross, intersected by road from Denbigh to Parnassus and the road from Denbigh to Smokey Hole, fork NE to Anotto Path. C
In 1878 owned by Lord Penrhyn (JFS)

974, 15/8/1861: Douglas Castle & Gibraltar Pen, St John. Maps re dispute & Alger Pestell to Edith Loth. NC.

13.2 Manchester

76, 1827: Heirs of Alexander Sinclair, 585A. Maybe JHS son, maybe main line. Shows plot for all the children. – this was the son of John Hayle Sinclair.
The above diagram shaded Red & Blue (since faded) represents the form and boundaries of five hundred and eighty four acres of land situate in this parish belonging to the Heirs of Alexander Sinclair esq, deceased. The part shaded blue represents the mountain land divided equal portions amongst the legatees containing 12a-1r-28p est. The part shaded red divided with the consent of the parties above represented from several surveys by Mr Jarvis Jones. Performed at the request of Ralph Segree in April 1827 for Phillip A Morris Surv.
C.
Names:
Jos Sinclair 51A7R
Miss Bessy 71A7R
Mr Thos 71A7R
Miss Sarah 71A7R
James Sinclair 20
Joseph Sinclair not given
Miss Susan 71A7R
Miss Priscilla 71A7R
Jos Sinclair 51A7R
Mountain Land – cont 12A1R28P each
Miss Susan
Mr Thomas,
Mr Joseph
Miss Priscilla
Miss Sarah
Miss Besssy
Mr James

The property is astride the “Kings Road” from Pepper to Aligator Pond, this is the modern road from Gutters to Aligator Pond, about 2 miles up the road north from Aligator Pond this still agricultural land, in a broad valley: they had some “mountain” land, roughly on Plowden Hill.

92:
Drawn on Booth Land
PLACE MILE GULLY PEN

DESCRIPTION Diagram represents mile Gully in the parish of Manchester patented by Simon Booth, Edward Ellis, Dorothy Manning, John Hunter 300 acres, Oliver Thomas Dalton 300 acres.

DATE 1776

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY Booth, Simon Ellis, Edward Manning, Dorothy Hunter, John Dalton, Oliver

TYPE&nbSPOF MAP Estate Map

Barrett’s Pen, later Mile Gully Pen, Manchester.
Incl 2 plats to Simon Booth 1776 2x300A with Edward Ellis to SW, with Manning Hill show to the south.
Said to be North of Spur Tree. NC

120, 19/7/1792: Deed ref 414F76
DESCRIPTION Diagram represents 600 acres of land conveyed by Adam Smith to John Gale (John Gaul Booth)

DATE 1792

MAIN AUTHOR Booth, John Gale

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY Smith, Adam

TYPE&nbSPOF MAP Estate Map

Adam Smith to John Gall Booth 600A on Swift River to E & on the shore: drq shows land to west of river mouth. NC
Probably Booth on Robertson 1804 in this position.
A sketch of the plat:

129,
On Booth Land CAD.
9/1821: The Farm Plantation – John Gall Booth surveyed September 1821. Shows the road from Farenough Plantation (on West Bdy). Farm is on the road from Hermitage to Windsor Forest, to the north of 16 mile gully. The plan has no scale or north arrow, but looks about right between Farenough, Hog Hole and Windsor Forest plantations, all on the plan and the modern map. Google Earth has a more remote house shown to the west of the north/south road, in the position shown on Robertson, at N17°55’56”W77°26’21”.

The plan can be located by reference to Manchester 255 which shows Thomas Anderson, 1760, which became Hog Hole plantation and mapped in 1807. The intrusion of Hog Hole into The Farm is an exact angular fit. The scale does not tie up well, based on areas.
1A=4R=160P
Contains
89-2-7 in Coffee,
58-3-04 Grassland & pasture
208-0-11 Woodland & Ruinate
199-3-15 Woodland, negro grounds & part if adjoining estate
556-1-27 Total.

146: 1806. Diagram represents 300 acres of land on Carpenters Mountain in the parish of Manchester. Bounding northwesterly on John Gall Booth's land patented by John Ross and part of the same run now in possession of Lloyd Bonnick, northeasterly on the new road, east on land belonging to the heirs of Henry Huggins

149, 1821: Plat of 300A Dr James Dickson 1721 SW bdy Thomas Anderson N on John Gall Booth. Hoghole. NC. This plat overlays The Farm Plantation.

MANCHESTER 155

PLACE LANCASTER DESCRIPTION Diagram represents 4 parcels of land in the parish of Manchester. Lancaster 489 acres, Hoghole 428 acres, patented by Richard Brown for 300 acres and Thomas Anderson for 300 acres, Asia 279 acres 2 roods and 20 perches and part of Smithfield. DATE 1819
Relates to Manch 255 & John Sinclair’s lands.

Hoghole appears as an Anderson property in the Almanacs.

201:
Drawn on Burton.
Can be positioned from Liddell 1888.
About Oldbury ref JJs Burton of Manch & Ben & Thos Burton of Clarendon.
These are the sons of Thomas, son of Benjaimn, son of Francis, BB survey date 8/12/1787.
Oldbury appears on Arrowsmith between Mandeville and Gutters, to north of road. Liddell 1888 shows Claremont and Oldbury in Manchester, just NE of Nain. Positioning on a modern map seems to fit reasonably about 2½ miles SE of Spur Tree, based on a road on the west of the map.
Robertson 1804 shows Burtons in this area, as well as Turner, marked on 203.
Part of this is also on Manchester 76, which fits well with the road up the valley past Downes to Gutters: to make the two fit, the road on the west of 201, which can be fixed by Liddell and Charlemont, needs to be move relative to the rest of the map. On the Library copy, this road is not showing connected to anything else on the map.

203

Drawn on Burton.
PLACE ALLIGATOR POND

DESCRIPTION Diagram represents land near Alligator Pond Bay patented by Capt. William Parker, now belonging to Josiah J. Swaby, Nicholas Stevens, Richard Marks and Thomas Burton.

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY: Parker, Capt. William Swaby, Josiah J Stevens, Nicholas Marks, Richard Burton, Thomas

Alligator Pond Bay. Thomas Burton – refers to land Pat 1-29F147, 1761. Shows Alligator Pond River and Bay. C
John Hayle Sinclair also bought land here in 1763.

206:
Copied
Hope & Newark re Swaby sales, aft 1849. C These are at the top of Spur Tree hill, straddling the road to Mandeville.

MANCHESTER 209: Mount Alta, includes Silver Grove and bounds on Goshen.
Late 18thC. Repeated on Manchester 335. Both copied onto Maitland-Wright Land.

MANCHESTER 214 - PLACE ST.JAGO ESTATE

DESCRIPTION Diagram represents numerous surveys made at and along the boundary line of St. Jago Estate next to Retrieve in the parish of Manchester, with a view to setting the line of St. Jago next to the line of the small settlers at Retrieve. The several parcels falling on the St. Jago side of the lines are trespassers on that property.

DATE 1881

MANCHESTER 248

Drawn on Booth Land.
PLACE WINDSOR FORREST - DESCRIPTION Diagram represents Windsor Forest in the parish of Manchester, consisting of Zachery Gualtier 300 acres and Dixon et. al to John Reid 301 and a quarter acres. Butting and bounding north on Harman's Run, east on Miss Ruth Brooks, south on Campbell Castle.

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY Brooks, Ruth Reid, John Dixon, Mr
After 1824

MANCHESTER 252

DESCRIPTION Diagram represents land in dispute in the parish of Manchester and found that the plaintiff claims 300 acres of land formerly patented by Zachery Gaultier in 1721 as exhibited by the red lines. If the claim is established by the plaintiff, the land in dispute will be 72 acres the parcel shaded green containing 26 acres shows the defendants cultivation.

DATE 1823

MAIN AUTHOR Gaultier, Zachery

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY Sutton, Thomas Booth, Simon Thomas, Lloyd Still, Richard Bygrave, Thomas Still, Thomas Walker Blinshall, Jean

Manchester 253

1720-98 Diagram represents land patented in Manchester by Thomas Parsons 300 acres, Zachery Gaultier 300 acres, Jaffray Prendergast 300 acres, John Smith 300 acres, Alexander Forbes 300 acres. Gaultier, Daniel; Gaultier, Zachery; Prendergast, Jaffray; Smith, John; Farquhar, Alexander; Forbes, Alexander Copied 2/2019 to Sinclair Land.

Manchester 255:
On Sinclair Drawing.
Carpenters Mountains 1807:
This map overlaps 257 and carries on to the east.

Adjoins 260 to NE and 269 to south.
This map, 257 & 269 cover John Sinclair’s holdings around the 16 mile gully, although he does not appear on them.

John Booth 1718 & Anderson, Smith & Pusey. Rd from St Elizabeth to Bossue. C.
The above diagram represents the fixing of several runs of land in Carpenters Mountains, Parish, Vere, laid down from actual traverses and lines on Earth, in order to ascertain the true situation of 300 acres patented by James Dixon and 240 acres patented by Peter Verleandy belonging to John Anderson esq which we have circumscribed with red lines, and found to contain by this resurvey 500 acres the whole under mark lines and performed by desire of the said John Anderson 1807
Rome & Fullarton surveyors.
Personally appeared before me John Fullarton and made oath that he surveyed the two runs of circumscribed with red lines in the Above diagram, patented by Dr James Dixon and Peter Verleandy at the request of John Anderson.
Bossue in 1888 N of Canoe Valley, Manchester.

The CAD version of this plan has been scaled from areas quoted, but appears very good from some road alignment. The shape and position of the Thomas Anderson 1760 grant enables the positioning of The Farm plantation.
Shows a 500 acre run of land in Clarendon, to the north of sixteen mile Gully, granted to William Turner & John Booth in 1718: this was probably a son of Capt George Booth.

Manchester 257:

On Sinclair Drawing.
This map overlaps 269 and carries on to the west.
DESCRIPTION Diagram represents land patented in Manchester by Thomas Anderson 104,300 and 152 acres, Richard Marks 400 acres, John Evans 300 acres, John Anderson 500 and 200 acres James Smith 500 acres and Joseph James.

MAIN AUTHOR Anderson, Thomas

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY Marks, Richard Evans, John Anderson, John Smith, James Josephs, James

Manchester 260:
Drawn on Booth & Sinclair (latter for comparison with 255)

Epping Forest & Harmon pen. Booth/Sutton 1755. Copy
Adjoins 255 to SW.
Booth Group A – good agreement. Plats have the new Leeward Road shown on S & SW bdy. This appears on the Estate Map heading west from a junction with a north south road – looks like the road from Milk River to Toll Bar.
An Epping Forrest shown on Arrowsmith, but too far north for the New Leeward Road.
This is centred on Green Pond, about 5 miles west of Clarendon Park, the west side of the ridge.
Green Pond is shown on modern maps on a T junction to the east of Patrick Town, but Robertson shows the pond to be further down the road to Mango Tree & St Jago. By setting the estate plan to area scale, and rotating for magnetic north, this gives a more plausible fit between old & modern. The New Leeward road is shown in Simon Booth minor’s patent, and also on the Estate Plan: in both cases there is a good correlation of the shape of the road between ancient & modern, but the position fit is not good. Either way, there is an overlap with The Farm. Robertson shows in addition to Booths and The Farm a Miss Booth in the resulting position of Simon Booth minor’s 1755 patent.

Manchester 269:

On Sinclair Drawing.
Adjoins 255 to the north of 16 mile gully and 255 to west.
PLACE GROVE

DESCRIPTION Diagram represents Grove Prospect, land patented by John Evans 300 acres, James Smith 500 acres, John Anderson 500 acres, Joshua Tennant 486 acres, Edward Prater 300 acres, Pleasant Hill.

DATE 1720

Manchester 335

PLACE MITCHAM DESCRIPTION Diagram represents Mitcham, Silver Grove, 1200 acres belonging to Earl Balcarres, Mt. Pleasant, Mt. Prospect, Peru, Huntley.

DATE 1763 – 74. Probably during or after Balcarres’s tenure as Governor, 1794.
Copied 2/2019, drawn on Maitland-Wright Land.

13.3 St Catherine:

St C. 635: Savage Plantation N/A

DESCRIPTION A diagram representing the boundaries of Savage Plantation, St. Thomas in the Vale, belonging to Arthur Priest, 1763.

St C. 959: 12/1811, Burton Plantation on Rio Magna Gully. C.
Within the red lines on the above diagram is represented Burtons Plantation in the parish of St Thomas in the Vale as agreeable?? to the present possession, and contains one thousand two hundred and sixty seven acres. The parcel shaded yellow containing one hundred and twenty one acres has been annexed to the said property since the survey of Murdoch in 1785. The property then only contained 1146 acres.
Surveyed by desire of Francis Graham esqr in December 1811.
by Kuffe and Ramsay.
on SE side of Rio Magna Gully, with “New Works” on NW side, probably Burton.

St C. 965: Indicates part of Burton Plantation to NW of Bogwalk, due north of church on Bybrook Estate, W of New Hall in St TiV. Position of Burton only. NC. – 959 & 1043 give better location.

St C. 1043: index gives 1789, although text of 959 says 1785. St TiV ref quantity & boundary of Burton Plantation in possession of Sir Clark Price. Shows on Jct of Black River & Rio Magna.
Similar Area to 959, with NW of river owned by Francis Oldfield, and SE mainly by John Peeke: Burtons out of this by now. C.
Google Earth seems to show a Great House at 18°09’4”N, 77°0’36”W. New Works is under a cloud. 2022: The modern position of New Works now under housing, but New works on 1043 has farm buildings. Nothing on satellite of “Burtons”.
A good fit with the 1:50,000 map
Col A. Quantitiy agreeably to survey made by desire of Sir Charles Price
Col B. Agreeably to the present possessors
Col C. Quantity Mortgaged.

                             A      B      C
Rose Hall Red Lines         1095   1095   1035
Wallens Green Lines         1092   1441   1038
New Works Yellow Lines      1263    935    965
Burtons Blue Lines          1146   1125   1281

1816:
Blackburn, John, Wallen's 234/ 156

...........................Burton's 55/ 69

...........................New Works 204/ 184

St C. 1169: Savages Mountain N/A
Plan of part of Savages Mountain Land belonging to Curtis Josephs conveyed to John Lynch containing several parcels. Resurveyed by Henry Nelson, 1712.

13.4 St Elizabeth

St E. 108: Top Hill St E. Small plat of 56A Lower Works Pen to S & E and Old/Public Rd, Ashton Pen to N & W. NC.

This was probably originally a Vassal property, and not relevant to our family.

St E. 587: Smithfield pen, north of Sav la Mar. 67A on road junction Sav la Mar/Southfield/ Paradise/Queens Rd. N/A NC

St E. 128, 1850: various pens and part of Mitcham – not copied (NC)

155, 1842: Smithfield, part James Biggs on North side of road to Alligator Pond – cocoa walk on east side. NC

St E. 169: Mitcham plan – copied [C]
Silver Grove to NE, Mount Alta to E. Shows 807 acres – surrounded by stone wall. No date, but probably 19^thC.
Liddell 1888 has Mitcham a little further south then implied by the estate map, but the neighbours are broadly correct.
Show a total of 807 acres, 330 in grass, 198 acres in “common” – looks to be other cultivated land, and the remainder on woodland.

St E. 208 aft 1851: Copied.
LUANNA PEN DESCRIPTION Diagram of 181 acres of land part of Luana Pen conveyed by Hon John Salmon as attorney to Andrew Maitland from a plan by George Cunninghame in March 1851, John Manderson 1st February 1861. Also a diagram of 60 acres, part of Providence. Conveyed by I.E Burton et ux to Samuel Sherman, from a plan by George Cunninghame, John Manderson February 1st, 1861. DATE 18511861

See also St Elizabeth 643 re Luana Pen.

Plat of 181A part of Luana Pen with Mount Charles to NNE & W, Luana Pen to S & E. John Colhoun attorney to Andrew Maitland from plat by Geo Cunningham 3/1851.
Also 60 acres part of Providence Pen, JE Burlton to Samuel Sherman, 1861 Queens Rd to SW old Rd to S & Hodges Pen. NC

St E. 209 aft 1818: Mitcham & Silver Grove – C.
Shows Mitcham Thomas Powell 300 acres Lying to the south of Pound Valley Plantation St E 4/6/1774, Silver Grove 270 acres surveyed Feb 7 1818 604A, Andrew Wright 300 acres surveyed 1786. This predates Andrew Wright’s 96 acre purchase of Goshen Land in 1804.

St E. 316:
Drawn on Burton Land

Benjamin Burton. Diagram of 100 acres, part of a run of land patented by Benjamin Burton situate at or near Mulatto Pn. Surveyed and laid out August 1796, by Francis Robertson surveyor. DATE 1796
100A square plot sides at 45° part of patent to Benjamin Burton nr Mulatto Pen in St E. SW on Nicholas Stevens patent, NW on Hon Joseph James Swaby pat, remainder on Benjamin Booth. Conveyed 100 A in deed 8/1796. – Deed not found
This is probably Burton’s as shown on Robertson, Mulatto Pen shown in Craskell in the same place, to the East of the Gutters to Alligator Pond road, about abeam Nairn.

St E. 469

PLACE ESSEX VALLEY - DESCRIPTION Diagram represents the form of 1088 acres of land situated at Essex Valley in the parish of St. Elizabeth conveyed by John Anderson to John Swaby and is the plot the annexed deed refers to.

ST. ELIZABETH 510

PLACE GOSHEN PEN DESCRIPTION Diagram shows Goshen Pen belonging to Francis George Smyth. The outlines were extended from a scheme done formerly by Alexander Ranklin, surveyor and within them is contained according to his measurements 3917 acres, after deducting the number of acres belonging to Longhill and Friendship. In the parish of St. Elizabeth. DATE 1780

Smyth, Francis G Rankin, Alexander Longhill Friendship
Rough copy from Higman.

561, 1827: Robert Dunston, Spring Vale Estate, 480A, adj John Woodward 380A, Mary Brown 300A. 1700-44 Patents. NC.

568: aft 1866. Various small holdings round Giddy Hall. NC

601: Division of Lignum Vitae Pond, RW James portion. Hill Top (not Top Hill!) by Wally Wash Pond.

643 PLACE LUANA PEN DESCRIPTION Diagram represents 171 acres of land part of Luana Pen and is intended to purchased by Dr. A. W. Maitland and belongs to Mount Charles. DATE 1851 - copied

689: 31 January 1861. From Mr Cunningham’s plan in May 1846.
Mount Charles Pen. T Harrison. C.
Giddy Hall pen to NW. Also shows Sherlock Settlement & Clifon. Shows Mount Charles to be 466 acres. Copied.

ST. ELIZABETH 979

DESCRIPTION Diagram represents Bartons Estate containing 1545 acres, Biscany Estate 1850 acres of land, Haughton 873 acres, Sally Hall 290 acres of land, Castle Hill, Breadnut Valley Estate 967 acres 2 roods and 37 perches of land. N.D

MAIN AUTHOR BARTONS ESTATE
Biscany was owned by a Richard Maitland.
Not copied.

St E. 980 aft 1712: Shows Jno Burton 412A & Jno Anderson 234A Rd SE to Aligator pond shown, Content to N of Road – NC

St E. 987:
Drawn on Wright-Maitland
Ballards Valley, incl Gibraltar, Harrison, Copy.

St E. 996A: Diagram represents the form of a piece of land situated at Bossue containing 600 acres on there about butting and bounding northerly, northeasterly and southwesterly on land belonging to John Gale Booth. 1792

St E. 1017:

On Maitland-Wright Land drawing
Andrew Wright, 225A, Ballards Valley, T. Harrison. C.
Pubbels Folly & Chocolate Hole to S. East, Ballard Valley to SW. Also Jonathan Gale, Isaac Allen, Stephen Exton & Robert Varney
Chocolate Hole shown in 1888 on south end of Bull Savannah, and on the south east edge of Junction on the modern maps. Probably dates mid 19^th C if it was indeed Thomas Harrison (1823-1894).

1055, 1790:
PLACE NEW BUILDINGS - DESCRIPTION Diagram represents New Buildings containing 855 acres, John Swaby 300 acres, heirs of Alexander Sinclair, Francis Burton et. al. DATE 1790

13.5 T Series

T.93

PLACE CARPENTER'S MOUNTAIN

DESCRIPTION Diagram of Carpenter's Mountain showing 300 acres owned by Humphrey Stiles, transferred to James Farquhar 102 acres owned by Preddi transferred to Janet Booth 54 acres belonging to heirs of Biggs 20 acres owned by Booth transferred to Mary Read in the parish of Trelawny.

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY: Stiles, Humphrey Proctor, Edward Farquhar, James Booth, Janet Read, Mary Biggs

SUBJECT Mount Pleasant Plantation

Estate Map

George Booth Will 1769:
T119, 1785: 2 runs on the Mouth River, Trelawney formerly pat by George Booth esq 600A now Sr Sav^re Estate.
PLACE MOUTH RIVER

DESCRIPTION Diagram shows 600 acres of land on the Mount River, Trelawny, patented by George Booth. Also shown is 300 acres each for Edward Francis, Henry Micks, ALexander Creig, Williams Balfour.

DATE 1785

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY: Booth, George Francis, Edward Micks, Henry Greig, Alexander Balfour, William

TYPE&nbSPOF MAP Estate Map
The Red Lines in the above scheme represent the form of two runs of land situate up on the Mouth River in the parish of Trelawney formerly patented by George Booth esq for 600 acres now belonging to St Savre Estate
The above two runs I have attended Mrs Smellick and Kirkwood
.. from the lines all round and have run land lines proper by afenced and marks and find contains within between their boudaries 664 acres clear of prior plats. Performed in October 1785. Copy Held, not on CAD, very similar to T 273 with a few extra notes and this description

T273:
Drawn on Booth.
as for T447, but better drg. Mouser River joins Hectors River abt twice the NS length of the GB plat south. Refers to being part of Salt Savanna Estate.
C. Patents 1740, 2 plots.
PLACE Salt Savannah Estate

DESCRIPTION Diagram represents two parcels of land in the name of George Booth, for six hundred acres, belonging to Salt Savannah Estate.

DATE 1740

AUTHOR ADDED ENTRY Booth, George

TYPE&nbSPOF MAP Estate Map

Located in Southern Trelawney at Spring Garden on the Mouth River. Now looks to be rough cultivated land on Google Earth. It can be accurately positioned by reference to the rivers, and appeared to be mainly in a fairly cultivable area. Centered on N18°18’ W77°34’.
T447: Hectors River, Trelawney. George Booth 3/4/1739 2x 300A. N on Mouser River. T273 better plan

13.6 Westmoreland

COVE PEN
WESTMORELAND 2 ?

PLACE HEATH HALL DESCRIPTION Diagram represents sundry parcels of land in the parish of Westmoreland patented to Heath Hall for 125 acres and 3 roods, Springfield, Henry Brotherton, Mary and Elizabeth Porter, also showing an outline of Big Culloden Pen, land belonging to the heirs of Archibald Campbell, Cove Pen...

WESTMORELAND 30

PLACE COVE PEN - DESCRIPTION Diagram represents Cove Pen the property of Thomas Gate Esqr., in the parish of Westmoreland. Copied

ST. ELIZABETH 662

PLACE FUSTICK GROVE PEN - DESCRIPTION Diagram coloured blue represents the outline of Fustick Grove Pen situated in the parish of St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland, containing 408 acres. Butting and binding north-easterly and part of north westerly on the Forest Pen, part south-westerly on the public road and remaining part south easterly on Front Hill Estate. It is intended to be conveyed by Helen Rerrie to Anthony Rerrie. DATE 1864

WESTMORELAND 272

PLACE WESTMORELAND DESCRIPTION Diagram represents land in the parish of Westmoreland SUBJECT Big Culladen Pen Black River Cove Pen Fustick Grove Spring Field

15 SLAVERY.

     Much has been written about slavery and the rights and wrongs of it over the past 180 years since full emancipation in Jamaica. To the 2018 eye, it seems to have been an unforgivably awful system; it certainly would not be accepted now. However, it is difficult and unproductive to view customs and practices that pertained two or three hundred years ago and to feel responsible for them. It appears to me that the idea of apologising for what was done by people 5 or 6 generations ago is pure political posturing.
     I tend towards a contrary view of many populist views: my view of slavery is that much of it was not as bad as is now portrayed. There is no doubt that there were instances of great brutality, but the life of most slaves was in some ways better than their supposedly free equivalents in England. The short paper quoted below from 1796 summarises the position of a slave versus a free peasant: “the peasant possess liberty without the means of enjoyment: the slave enjoys the sweets of liberty, without actual possession”. Late in the period, there was an act of assembly which made some specification on the treatment of slaves. An earlier act of 1788[11] consolidated previous legislation on the treatment of slaves.
      The English farm labourer in the 18thC had a hard life: in theory, he could up sticks and move, but in fact was effectively tied to the land he worked by the terms of the occupation of his dwelling, he was not welcome in another parish without a job (the parishes were liable for early forms of unemployed benefits), he worked long, hard hours and much of his excess production went to the landowner. He was wet and cold during the winter, and he had very limited access to medicine. There were no rules governing his employment.
     Conversely, the Jamaican slave was looked after by the better masters, the climate was usually benign and there were laws governing the clothing, feeding and treatment of slaves. Some of the big estates even built hospitals for their slaves. Admittedly, it was in the masters’ interest to look after the slaves – they represented a capital value. The big theoretical difference, of course, was that the slave could not legally walk off if he did not like the life. An act of Assembly in 1788 codified a number of earlier acts and laid down how slaves were to be treated. The act specifies that slaves should have adequate food, medical attention and a day off a fortnight, in addition to Sundays; the working day was limited, albeit a long one by 21^stC standards, but was similar to those prevailing in England. The act specified punishments for crimes, including those incurring the death penalty. Again, these seem to our eyes very harsh, but were not very different to the punishments for similar crimes in the home country.
     There were contemporary books published on the subject, a well know one being the diary of Thomas Thistlewood, which gives salacious descriptions of the author’s relations with his female slaves. Another, “Jamaica Plantership” by Benjamin McMahon, published in 1839, describes all the worst treatment of slaves imaginable.
   Thistlewood’s work is fairly graphic, and probably accurate: an interesting feature is that, while he had relations with a fair number of women, there was one, Phibba, who was the most important and constant. McMahon’s book I view with some suspicion: looked at from an employer’s perspective, his claim to have been the overseer on 24 estates in 18 years does not make him look like to most reliable and devoted manager. My suspicion is that he was not particularly good at the job, but in the aftermath of emancipation, he wrote a populist book to ride the wave of interest. Having said that, there must have been a basis of fact in what he described, but I doubt that the events were universal or even very common.
      There are misconceptions about the life of negroes and people of colour in Jamaica under slavery. A fundamental one is that all non white inhabitants of the Island were slaves: the great majority were, not all. Edwards in about 1790 estimated there were about 250,000 slaves in Jamaica. Stewart, writing in 1823, estimated that at about the same time, there were perhaps 10,000 free coloured, rising to about 30,000 by 1820. Very roughly, the white population was about 10% of the slave population, so that the free coloured population was of a similar magnitude to the white population.
      People of colour gained their freedom by manumission or by being born of a free woman, whose forebears would almost certainly have been slaves. Manumission was granted in a number of ways, most often by gift of the slave’s owner. Other ways were by purchase by the slave themselves, or, in a few cases by grant by the Assembly to a slave for particularly notable service.
     Manumission by an owner was sometimes done during the owner’s life for good and valuable service, or often in the owner’s will. Some of these would have been the owner’s children and their mother. An example of this was Rebecca Dunston Wright, one of my ancestors, who was bought from her owner as a baby and manumitted within a few weeks by one Francis Wright: there is little doubt as to who was her father. Rebecca’s mother was freed somewhat later by her owner, probably as his mistress. Probably the majority of manumissions fell into this category.
     People of colour also bought their own freedom, at a level perhaps representing their capital value to the owner. Slaves were able to make an income on their own behalf, often by selling excess crop from their provision grounds.
     Once free, there were still restrictions. “Freedom was only relative to that which obtained for the slaves. The restrictions imposed against them by the planter class for political reasons were prohibitive. They could not give evidence in criminal cases, they were denied the right to trial by jury of their own peers, they could not be magistrates, they could not be church wardens, they could not hold commissions in the militia, they could not sit on juries, they could not be overseers or bookkeepers on estates, they could not hold elective office in the assembly, and they could not own property beyond a certain amount “... lest they might acquire an influence which they might one day exert ‘injuriously to the island.' ”[12]. The property limit was £2000.
     In a relatively small number of families (about 650), almost all these restrictions were lifted by Act of Assembly giving an individual and their descendants the “Rights and Privileges with English Subjects born of White Parents under certain Restrictions.” Those remaining restrictions including sitting in the Assembly and bearing witness against whites in certain trials. Under a different law, there was also a low limit to the amount that could be given or bequeathed to a person of colour, but this limit was often removed by act of assembly, often to allow a rich planter to leave his estate to his coloured children.
     Free persons of colour frequently owned slaves in their own right, and there are opinions that they tended to treat their slaves more harshly than their white counterparts. Later slave ownership and compensation records show many free coloured owning slaves, often only 1 or two, who were probably more domestic servants than field workers. These slaves would have had a very similar status to their domestic servant equivalents in Britain.
     Many white planters had relationships with coloured women but were not married to them. Particularly in the early days, this must have been due to the lack of white women on the island. Some of the relationships were long term and in effect marriages, but until emancipation, whites were not allowed to marry people of colour. In the case of one of my ancestors, John Hayle Sinclair, he had a quadroon concubine, Judith Burton, and had 12 children by her, all of whom figured in his will. As far as is known, she had no other man in her life and died as a 90 something year old in about 1822; Rebecca Wright, who had 2 sons by John Maitland, referred to herself as a widow in her will, although she and John were not married.
      The parish records showed the baptisms of mixed race children, often with only the mother named, but bearing the father’s surname. In some cases, they were described as “reputed child” of the father, indicating that while the parents were not married, there was no doubt who was the father.
      More questionable were the cases of white men having coloured mistresses while married to another woman. These relationships were probably condoned by the wife: there are many instances where the issue of these mixed race relationships were baptised at the same time as the man’s legitimate children. A case in our family was Hannah Mendez who seems to have had as many as 12 children which are listed in Thomas Burton’s will along with his legitimate children. If the woman was a slave, these children were often manumitted during or after the owner’s life. It must be remembered that the morals of the early Georgian era, even in England, were pretty lax.

15.1 FREE COLOURED COMMUNITY

Extract from an internet article by By Veront Satchell, Africana.com, 1999[13]

White men on the island often had relations with black women (slaves or free), giving rise to a coloured population. ('Coloured' is a term in the former British colonies for people of mixed European and African descent.) Children of free women were born free, but those of slave women were born enslaved. Some coloureds who were born as slaves were freed through manumission (the formal release of a slave) by their fathers. Masters at times also manumitted black slaves for various reasons, such as in reward for a lifetime of servitude. Free coloureds formed a middle group on the social ladder, between blacks and whites. They disassociated themselves from the slaves but were not accepted by the whites. The number of free people of color (including free blacks and free coloureds) increased significantly between 1722 and 1830, from 800 individuals to 44,000. Free coloureds were principally urban dwellers, participating in several phases of economic life. They were artisans, merchants, mechanics, and professionals-lawyers, schoolteachers, and journalists. A few inherited plantations from their fathers. Free coloured women excelled as traders, shopkeepers, innkeepers, and housekeepers. Many free coloureds were well educated, as education was valued as the vehicle for upward social mobility and 'acceptance' by whites. Many coloureds attended universities in Britain, and their children outnumbered whites at the Wolmers Free School in Kingston, which was established for the white population in the 1700s. In 1837 there were 430 children of free coloureds attending this school, out of a student body of 500.

Despite their numbers and the education and wealth some obtained, free coloureds had no civil rights. Therefore they were caught up in a continuous struggle for equal rights. They protested primarily through petitions and memorials rather than open violent conflicts. In 1813 a petition, signed by more than 2,400 free coloureds, demanding rights to give evidence in court was delivered to the House of Assembly, which acceded. In 1816 free coloureds petitioned for full political and civil rights on the grounds that they were taxpayers but were not represented. They threatened to cease paying taxes until they were granted these rights. Under pressure from free coloureds, the local authorities gradually removed legal restrictions, culminating on December 21, 1830, with the Act for the Removal of All Disabilities of Persons of Free Condition.

15.2 European Peasants v African Slaves

Slavery - Columbian Magazine, June 1796

June 1796 P246-8

For the COLUMBIAN MAGAZINE

Comparative view of the FREEDOM of the EUROPEAN PEASANT and the SLAVERY of the AFRICAN NEGRO.

With respect to the origin of slavery, history, sacred or profane, points out its existence at very early period; for, do we but recur to the history of our bible, we find Joseph’s brethren sold him to Ishmaelite merchants who afterwards sold him to Potiphar: Consult we the Roman history, we find it exercised among them in an extensive manner; or should we examine our own history in ancient times, we will there find it twisted in no small degree; and even now, will find certain descriptions of persons, in that boasted land of liberty, which are nearly similar, that of the common peasant: Being, on account of extreme poverty, divested of the means of education, he remains of course in a rude and uncultivated state, and, it is probable, was he not governed by such salutary religious and civil laws, would equal the African in barbarity and in civilisation:- inured from his infancy to hardship, he is reared frequently with little clothing in the most inclement season: his food is also very scanty and coarse. After attaining the age of ten or twelve, some menial place is then provided for him, for food and clothing, where he often undergoes the greatest drudgery and utmost severity; if after some continuance, he murmurs or refuses a task too hard for his years dismission follows accompanied sometimes with deprivation of the few hard earned clothes, the reward of his labours. Impelled by the pressing demands of nature, away he wanders hail, snow, or shine, in search of a more humane and hospitable master, with a determined resolution rather to endure every hardship, every severity, than risque starving in the fields. The first opportunity of service is eagerly embraced, where he continues, with the addition of a few shillings yearly salary till be attains manhood. Being now enabled to acquire the small pittance of six pence per day by hedging, ditching, or some such laborious employment, he continues in this situation till death ends his toils; any casualty occasioning non-attendance on labour, a deduction is made accordingly; to remonstrate with his lord and master about his hard labour and small wages would be but in vain; a blow with a cane would perhaps be the consequence:— Redress might be had at law; but to attempt that would be inevitable ruin, probably the means of snatching him from his wife, children, friends, and every thing that's dear; and at his caprice, on the most frivolous pretence, pressed as a soldier or sailor. He takes to himself a wife:- children succeed, whose maintenance depends on his daily labour and scanty pittance;— sickness and disease incident to human nature come upon him and Family;- medical assistance become necessary, which, though administered gratis, without the common necessaries of life, will be of little effect; some time elapses before their situation, bordering almost on despair, is known:- Cast for a moment your eye on the distressing scene:- See an affectionate father groaning under the heavy hand of affliction, stretched out on a turf or floor half naked; his eyes fixed sometimes on the dear partner of his bed, sometimes on the pledges of their mutual love; see on the other hand his wife, the comfort and darling of his soul, in the same situation; his little children weeping bitterly round him, in vain, for the support of life, which their parents are in capable of procuring; such a scene must excite real compassion:- The wretched family are at length relieved by the benignant hand of Charity, strength increases, but still extreme labour is their portion:- Blessed land of liberty! to suffer such instances of injustice and inhumanity before your very eyes, and at the same time to attempt to ruin thousands here, from motives best known to yourselves, and which, if founded on principles of humanity or equity, seem to be very little understood: Let us compare this description of the peasant, for such really exists, with that of a negro slave; Being, as is generally the case, born to slavery in Africa he is, on and before importation here, like other merchandize, transferable from one to another, and becomes, of course, absolute properly: so far is he, in idea, worse than the common peasant. When brought on shore, and becomes the property of any person here, he is clothed Immediately, feed with wholesome victuals ready cooked, three times a day, a house as soon as he is capable of speaking and managing for himself is provided allotted, and time allowed to plant such provisions as he thinks proper, which he is permitted to sell at the best market; with the money arising from his provisions, he purchases hogs, fowls, &c also additional clothing; in short if he is only possessed of industry he may live, not only in ease, but, comparatively speaking, in affluence; -—His labour cannot be put in comparison with the peasant, with respect to quality or quantity, the latter having much the superiority; it is, however, constant, and as much as a hot climate will permit; he is however in general, of an indolent disposition, and without being stirred up to his duty by attention and some flagellation, would be useless to himself, or owners: When sickness or disease comes upon him, instead of languishing some time in a state of almost despair, medical assistance is always at hand, a house erected, commonly called a hot house, with a doctress and nurse constantly to attend thereon, supplied with every necessary requisite as the case may require. His wives and children, should sickness affect them, are treated in a similar manner, so that, prejudice apart, he is much more happy if we judge from the many advantages the one enjoys over the other, than those who boast so much of the shadow of liberty while they want the substance; In fine their seems to be only this difference; the peasant possess liberty without the means of enjoyment: the slave enjoys the sweets of liberty, without actual possession. I. X.

15.3 EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA – New York Times 1860

Times Past and Times Present.

Published: January 27, 1860

KINGSTON, Jamaica, December, 1859

As briefly as possible--for the theme is threadbare--I must endeavor to give your readers an approximate idea of the decline of Jamaica, ere I attempt to explain the causes of that decline or point out the political and social abuses and anomalies for whicih, it seems to me, a remedy must be found before the island can be restored to its ancient prosperity. I do not think it can be disputed -- if history and statistics are to be believed -- that, since the abolition of the Slave-trade fifty-two years ago, Jamaica has never for a moment paused in her downward career. I do not think it can be disputed -- if actual observation is to be relied upon -- that she has not, even yet, reached the lowest point of possible depression. Lower still she can sink -- lower still she must sink, if her people are not imbued with a more pregnant patriotism -- if the governing classes are not stimulated to more energetic action, and are not guided, by more unselfish counsels.

I know of no country in the world where prosperity, wealth, and a commanding position have been so strangely subverted and destroyed, as they have been in Jamaica, within the brief space of sixty years. I know of no country in the world where so little trouble has been taken to investigate the causes of this decline, or to remedy the evils that have depressed the colony. The partisans of Slavery, it is true -- the sufferers, who have commanded the ear of the world and have enlisted its sympathies in their behalf -- have represented, and with a large coloring of reason, that all this widespread ruin is to be attributed to Emancipation only. But thinking and intelligent men are no longer convinced by these state complaints. They cannot now be brought to believe that the liberation of 350,000 slaves, whatever may have been its first effect, is the origin, and only origin, of the poverty and distress that prevail in the island at the present day. British Emancipation may have been unwise regarded as a great social revolution, the manner in which the scheme was executed must be utterly condemned private rights were violated, and their sacredness was eclipsed by the splendor of an act which gave freedom to a people who never knew what freedom was -- but the ruin attributed to it is, in Jamaica, too broad and too deep to be set down any longer as the effect of that one solitary cause. No other English island has the natural advantages that Jamaica possesses no other English island exhibits the same, or anything like the same, destitution yet all have passed through the same experience -- all have undergone the same trial.

Tempora mutantur should be the Jamaican motto. Tempora mutantur with a vengeance! Only sixty years ago, and the dream of Emancipation had not been dreamt even by a Wilberforce, and the then greatest slave-trading country in the world was but opening its national eyes to the iniquity of the accursed traffic. How vehemently the planters stood up for their right (who dare dispute it?) to steal Mandingoes and Eboes from the African coast! How forcibly, in those days, did they represent the unfriendliness of Slavery to population, and groan over an annual diminution of slave property which only the African trade could keep up to the scanty figure of a bare sufficiency! Their representations had, at least, the merit of being true for though 600,000 slaves, at the lowest estimate, were brought to Jamaica during the Eighteenth Century, it is well known that, at the end of that period, the slave population of the whole Island was not much more than one half of that amount. It was computed by the political economists of the day that Jamaica required an annual supply of 10,000 slaves to provide against the wear and tear of life and the statement will appear by no means incredible to those who have examined the statistics of Cuban Slavery at the present time. In spite of this immense traffic, ruthlessly and recklessly carried on, Jamaica was never adequately supplied with labour. The slaves were overworked to satify their masters' lust for gain, and to this the great mortality has been mainly attributed. That great mortality ceased with the extinction of the Slave-trade, for the planters found it incumbent upon them to take more care of their property nevertheless, in spite of all their precautions, the decrease of slaves each year by death, without reference to the decrease by manumission, was considerably larger than the increase by birth and the deficit, now, could not be supplied.

There are many who believe that great crimes against society, in nations as in individuals, are followed by certain punishment and, to such, the impoverished condition of the Jamaica planters of the present day will seem but a natural consequence of a long reign of avarice and cruelty, of extravagance and oppression. I do not seek to take up this parable against them. But, it is not to be denied, that they are the chief if not the only sufferers. The large landed proprietors and merchant potentates of the island -- these are the men who have fallen from their high estate. The slaves of other days, the poor, the peasantry -- these are the men who have progressed, if not in morality, at least in material prosperity, as in subsequent letters I shall have ample opportunity to show. If the change could be traced solely to emancipation, I should be loth to justify emancipation, believing as I do that it would be wholly inconsistent with morality or the dictates of a sound policy, to degrade that portion of the population which controlled the elements of civilization, in order to enrich an ignorant and undisciplined people. But the decline of Jamaica has been so stupendous as of itself to create a doubt whether it can be laid, in whole or even in part, to the emancipation of the slaves. A witness can prove too much and the advocates for a slave system for Jamaica have appealed to a testimony which places their case in this very category.
It will be found upon examination that the most prosperous epoch of Jamaican commerce was that embraced in the seven years immediately preceding the abolition of the Slave-trade. Yet even then it is a notorious fact, to be proved by Parliamentary Blue Books, that over 150 estates on the Island had been abandoned for debt. During the seven years indicated -- that is from 1801 to 1807 -- the sugar exports of Jamaica amounted annually to an average of 133,000 hhds. During the seven years succeeding the year in which the Slave-trade was abolished -- from 1807 to 1814 -- the annual exports fell off to an average of 118,000 hhds. During the next seven years -- from 1814 to 1821 -- the annual average was about 110,000 hhds. from 1821 to 1828, it was 96,000 hhds., and from 1828 to 1835 it was 90,000 hhds. -- thus showing a steady decline, not so alarming, it is true, as the decline of subsequent years (for the whole sugar exportation of Jamaica is now only 30,000 hhds.) but sufficiently serious to demonstrate that Jamaica had reached its maximum prosperity under Slavery, and had commenced to deteriorate nearly thirty years before the Emancipation act was passed, and many years before the design of such a measure was conceived, or Mr. CANNING's note of warning was sounded in West Indian ears. A comparison of Jamaican exports in 1805, her year of greatest prosperity, with her exports in 1859, must appear odious to her inhabitants. In the former year the Island exported over 150,000 hhds. of sugar, and in the latter year she exported 28,000 hhds. The exports of rum and coffee exhibit the same proportionate decrease. The exportation of pimento only has increased -- to be explained by the fact that a large number of small settlers cultivate this article for sale.

If the City of Kingston be taken as an illustration of the prosperity of Jamaica, the visitor will arrive at more deplorable conclusions than those pointed out by commercial statistics. It seems like a romance to read to-day, in the capital of Jamaica, the account of that capital's former splendour. Its "magnificent churches" -- now time worn and decayed -- are scarcely superior to the stables of some Fifth-avenue magnate. There is not a house in the city in decent repair not one that looks as though it could withstand a respectable breeze not a wharf in good order not a street that can exhibit a square yard of pavement no sidewalks no drainage scanty water no light. The same picture of neglect and apathy greets one everywhere. In the business part of the town you are oppressed with its inactivity. Clerks yawn over the, counters, or hail with greedy looks the solitary stranger who comes in to purchase. If a non-resident, he is made to pay for the dullness of the market, and leaves a hotel, a store or a livery-stable, tolerably well fleeced-Prices that in New-York would be deemed exorbitant, must be paid by strangers for the common necessities of life. The Kingstonians remind me much of the Bahama wreckers. Having little or nothing themselves, they look upon a steamer-load of California passengers, cast away in their harbor for a night or a day, as very Egyptians, whom it is not only their privilege but their duty to despoil.

There is nothing like work done in Kingston, except perhaps in the establishments of a few European or American merchants, or on the piers, now and then, at the loading or unloading of vessels. The city was originally well laid out, but it is not ornamented with a single tree, and the square, in a central location, is a barren desert of sand, white-hot with exposure to the blazing sun. The streets are filthy, the beach lots more so, and the commonest laws of health are totally disregarded wreck and ruin, destitution and neglect. There is nothing new in Kingston. The people, like their horses, their houses, and all that belongs to them, look old and worn. There are no improvements to be noted, not a device, ornament, or conceit of any kind to indicate the presence of taste or refinement. The inhabitants, taken en masse, are steeped to the eyelids in immorality promiscuous intercourse of the sexes is the rule the population shows an unnatural decrease illegitimacy exceeds legitimacy abortion and infanticide are not unknown. Kingston looks what it is, a place where money has been made, but can be made no more. It is used up and cast aside as useless. Nothing is replaced that time destroys. If a brick tumbles from a house to the street, it remains there if a spout is loosened by the wind, it hangs by a thread till it falls if furniture is accidentally broken, the idea of having it mended is not entertained. The marks of a listless, helpless poverty are upon the faces of the people whom you meet, in their dress, in their very gait.

Have I described a God-forsaken place, in which no one seems to take an interest, without life and without energy, old and dilapidated, sickly and filthy, cast away from the anchorage of sound morality, of reason, or of common sense? Then, verily, have I described Kingston in 1859. Yet this wretched hulk is the capital of an island the most fertile in the world it is blessed with a climate most glorious it lies rotting in the shadow of mountains that can be cultivated from summit to base, with every product of temperate and tropical regions it is mistress of a harbor where a thousand line-of-battle ships can safely ride at anchor.

The once brimming cup of Kingston's prosperity has been indeed emptied to the dregs. It offers no encouragement that this splendid island inheritance, wasted through riotous living in times past, will ever be redeemed. You must look beyond Kingston for the grounds of such a hope. You must escape from its sickly atmosphere and the listless indifference of its people. You must learn, as you can learn from the most casual observation, that the Island, unlike others that can be mentioned, is in no exhausted condition but is fresh and fair, and abundantly fertile as ever, with every variety of climate, and capable of yielding every variety of product. Up in these tremendous hills you may enjoy the luxury of a frosty night down upon the plains you may bask in the warmth of a fiery sun. There you can raise potatoes, here you can raise sugar cane. There you will find interminable forests of wild pimento, here interminable acres of abandoned properties -- a mass of jungle and luxuriant vegetation choking up the deserted mansions of Jamaica's ancient aristocracy. Scenes most wonderfully fair, moat picturesque, but most melancholy to look upon scenes that a limner might love to paint, but from which an American planter would turn in disgust and contempt.

This magnificent country -- wanting nothing but capital and labour for its complete restoration to a prosperity far greater than it ever yet attained -- is now sparsely settled by small negro cultivators, who have been able to purchase their plots of land for £2 and £3 an acre. With a month's work on their own properties, they can earn as much as a year's labour on a sugar estate, would yield them. They are superior, pecuniarily speaking, to servitude and by a law of nature, that cannot be gainsaid, they prefer independence to labor for hire. Why should they be blamed? But the fact remains that the island is nearly destitute of labor that through want of labor it has been reduced and by an adequate supply of labor can it only be restored. Covering an area of four millions of acres, Jamaica has a population of 378,000, white, black and mulatto. This makes about eleven acres to each person. In the flourishing island of Barbados the proportion is nearly one and a half persons to each acre. If Jamaica were as thickly populated as Barbados, it would contain over five millions of souls, and would export a million hogs, heads. Till its present population has been doubled and trebled, no material improvement can be looked for. But where is the money -- where are the vigor and the energy necessary to obtain this population? Whose fault is it that these are wanting, and that Jamaica, with far greater advantages than Trinidad or Guiana, has failed to follow the footsteps of their success? Is this also the result of emancipation?

I propose to visit the interior of this Island, and to describe in subsequent letters, and within such compass as your space will permit, the civil and social condition of the people, who are generally supposed, by their indolence and improvidence, to have plunged themselves and their island into hopeless ruin. And while I do not expect to find that freedom has produced that millenium, even for the negro, that Abolitionists pretend -- while I know that I shall find a people falling far short, very far short, of the European or American standard of morality, or education, yet I think I shall prove that other evils besides their emancipation have contributed to the decline of the Island that other wrongs besides emancipation must be righted before a change for the better can take place and that a restoration of Slavery, were that within the bounds of possibility, would not only fail to restore Jamaica's prosperity, but would sink her in deeper destruction. W.G.S.

EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA.--II. A Tour of Observation--Spanish Town--St. Thomas-in-the-Vale--Mount Diabolo--The Moneague.

From Our Own Correspondent.

New York Times: Published: February 3, 1860

KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1860.

I don't think I can do better, in the discussion of this West India Labor question, than describe, as concisely as possible, a somewhat extended tour that I hare recently made through the interior of Jamaica. The impressions formed by this trip are certainly not unfavorable to an ultimate revival of the Island's prosperity nor to the industry and capacity of its peasantry, when properly trained and directed. In spite of the desolation that has overtaken the Colony, I sincerely think that, consistently with truth, the prospects of the Island under free labor can be spoken of much more hopefully than native and foreign depreciators love to represent. Now, I am not seeking a controversy. I simply express an opinion, (which I believe to be an unbiased opinion.) after having given all the attention in my power to the subject. That opinion, right or wrong, can only for taken for what it is worth. Furthermore, I do not for a moment pretend that Jamaica is free from idleness and vice. I do not for a moment pretend that her peasantry are as laborious as you will find men in New-York, New-England or an Old England agricultural district. It is not natural that they should be so. But as far as my experience goes -- and this is all I wish to assert -- industry among the free population of Jamaica is the rule and not the exception and if idleness be an exception broader than we could wish -- larger than any North American county presents -- we must look for the cause, not to the intractable disposition of the negro, but to faults of discipline or absence of education for which the governing classes are responsible and, in no small degree, to to the overwhelming temptations that a West Indian climate offers to all, white and black, to enjoy their otium cum aut sine dignitate.

There is a railway between Kingston and Spanish Town, the principal sea-port town and the seat of the Jamaican Government. The distance -- about, twelve miles -- is performed in three-quarters of an hour. There are first, second and third classes. The prices are reasonable, being two shillings, one shilling, and sixpence sterling respectively. The cars are comfortable and the road is good. It is indeed a blessing -- this little line of railway -- by means of which you can be hurried in a brief space of time from the stupor of Kingston. As soon as I heard the familiar whistle and felt the air rushing by me, I began to breathe again. This minute effort of enterprise is, nevertheless, a perpetual reminder to Jamaicans of the depreciated credit of their Island, and of the low estimate at which its most solemn engagements are rated in the Mother Land. Last year a bill passed the Legislature for the extension of the railroad from Spanish Town to the sea-port of Old Harbor, a distance of some ten miles. The Colonial Government guaranteed an interest of six per cent. on the money to be expended in the work yet neither in the Island nor yet in England would capitalists advance money, and up to the present time not a single dollar has been raised to further so important an undertaking.

The country between Kingston and Spanish Town is low, marshy, and covered with forest and underwood. If it were not for the difference in foliage you might fancy yourself, on some ferocious Summer's day, passing through the New-York Wilderness. You get a glimpse here and there of a rough settlement, or an acre or so of poor pasturage, deeply shaded, but there are few attempts at higher cultivation. I saw upon the route three plots of guinea corn in a tolerably flourishing condition.

I need not make a long pause to describe Spanish Town, or St. Jago de la Vega as it was formerly called. Yonkers is a metropolis to it. A coup d'oeil, if such could be obtained, would present a collection of antique relics, a Caribbean excavation of grotesque architecture, half hidden among plantains and cocoanut trees. I don't know exactly where the historian of fifty years ago stood when he looked upon St. Jago de la Vega, and described it as "a city of imposing appearance, built in the magnificent style of Spanish architecture." Inspected in detail, Spanish Town will be found to possess two big buildings, facing each other in the central square of the "city" one the residence of the Governor, called the King's House, and the other the House of Assembly and Public Offices. Both are creditable buildings. Upon further scrutiny some neat, quiet little private residences may be found, and one inn, such as the adventurous traveler might expect to meet with on the outskirts of John Brown's Tract. The floor of that inn is highly polished, everything is neat and clean, and the table is furnished for the benefit of guests with several volumes printed in the last century. The population of Spanish Town is about 5,000, nine-tenths of whom, I presume, gain their living by supplying the wants and necessities of Government hangers-on, who constitute the other tenth. It is not, on the whole, an uninteresting place. The atmosphere is cooler than it is on the Southern coast, and the streets, though very narrow, are cleaner and far better regulated than the streets of Kingston. Both Houses were in session when I passed through Spanish Town but as I shall hereafter have occasion to explain the franchise and the effect of recent legislation in the island, I lay up the subject for further experience. Nor will I do unto others as I was done by, and victimize the reader with the debates of the Jamaica Assembly. The ability of members, with one or two exceptions, did not seem to me to reach even a provincial standard of mediocrity, and the subjects discussed were, of course, most uninteresting to a stranger. I pass from this topic the more readily, as I think it unfair to criticize with severity the representatives of an impoverished and isolated colony like Jamaica, and especially as these representatives are on the eve of abandoning their seats under a new Election law. With education in its infancy over the whole island -- in some districts almost struggling for existence -- the people are largely represented. I think a majority of them are intelligent enough to exercise the right of voting to their own advantage and to the advantage of this great Dependency of the British Crown, but it is an experiment not yet fully and fairly tried. It is an experiment which will entirely remove the government of the island from the control of the planters -- a control which for some time they have seemed utterly indifferent about possessing. The Plantocracy of Jamaica is a thing of the past, and in its stead Democracy is lifting up its head. I am not so enthusiastic a Democrat as to believe that the principals of our political faith will flourish in any soil or in any climate. The untutored negro, of all people in the world, is most easily influenced by a bribe, and demagogues and office-hunters are plentiful in Jamaica.. If the experiment of popular representation, under certain doubtful restrictions imposed by the new Constitution of Jamaica, should prove a failure, there will he no recourse left but to establish here such a Government as exists in the Crown Colonies of Trinidad and British Guiana. The one is ruled by a Council, the other by a Court of Policy -- synonymous terms for a go-ahead despotism, which Canada or Australia would not tolerate for an instant, but which appears to answer very well for an embryo civilization and a mixed population.

These are reflections that belong to the air of Spanish Town. Having emerged from that quaint collection of ancient domiciles as the rising sun is tinting the hill-tops, on a first rate road, in a comfortable buggy, and behind a pair of excellent travelers, politics grow dim, and one begins to feel that exhiliaration of spirits which the atmosphere of Jamaica is truly said to produce. The road lies through a wooded and rather swampy district and if it be a Saturday morning, the traveler will encounter, for several miles, a continuous stream of sturdy, good looking wenches, carrying on their heads to the Spanish Town market most marvelous loads of fruit and vegetables. A few of them more fortunate than their fellows, have donkeys with well-filled panniers, but they do not, on this account, neglect the inevitable head-load. Considering the distance they come, the heat of the weather, the size of their burdens, add the paltry remuneration they get at market, the performance is highly creditable -- to the enterprise, energy, and activity of Jamaica negro women. I doubt whether our laboring men could execute the same task they certainly would not undertake it for the same consideration. I stopped and asked some of these women where their husbands and brothers were. They seemed surprised at the question, and grinned broadly. "Were they at home?" No. "Were they at work?" Yes.

The descent from St. Catherine's Parish, to which Spanish Town belongs, into the Parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale -- through, the "Bog Walk" so called, -- is picturesque and grand. The road winds along a stream, from whose banks the hills rise precipitously and form a narrow gorge. Every furlong furnishes some new variety to the scenery. You look back and trace a silvery thread of water through the graceful plumage of a bamboo cluster -- now it is a grove of plantains, or some huge gaunt cotton tree, rising above its compeers, and stretching its arms from hill to hill, that forms the foreground of the picture. Mountains on every side and the passages among them are at times so narrow and the precipices so steep, that the traveler involuntarily hurries on, fearful lest some sudden catastrophe in this land of untoward convulsions should bring the hills together and fill up the chasm forever.

The valley soon widens. Linstead, the principal village in St.Thomas-in-the-Vale, lies in the centre of an almost circular hollow, shut in by mountains. The road-side is studded with the cottages of small settlers. I entered one or two of the most ragged and dilapidated, and they were invariably clean. Some were a mere frame-work of bamboo, with a thatched roof of cocoa-nut leaves. Still they looked comfortable. They kept out the rain and let in the breeze, and this is all that is needed in a West India climate. They were more tasteful and far cleaner than the dwellings of North American Indians. Supposing the advantages of education equal, I should not hesitate to declare in favor of the superior intelligence, honesty, industry and sobriety of the West India negro, when compared with any specimen of the American Indian that could be produced, though it has been the fashion to regard the latter as belonging to the superior race.

I did not reach Linstead, of course, without passing abandoned sugar properties. I don't think that five miles can be traveled, on any road in Jamaica, without seeing one deserted estate at the very least. They are anywhere and everywhere a melancholy sight to look upon, and need no particular description to be readily identified. Some two, four, or eight hundred acres, as the case may be, of splendidly fertile land overgrown with brushwood and rank weeds: the plantation house looking like one of the ruins in the Swiss Valley of the Rhine patches of corn and vegetables, or a group of plantains, dotting the space once filled by an uncheckered field of sugar cane. Negro settlers are always to be found clinging round these deserted plantations. They were probably born on them and are loth to leave. They buy or hire their little plots of ground from the owners of the estate or their agents. I have conversed with many of these people, and I have been amused at their utter ignorance of the fact that the world at large holds them responsible for the ruin of Jamaica. While proprietors say that the negroes are too independent to work the negroes say that proprietors are too poor to pay, or that they won't pay regularly, which is a great grievance to a people that live from hand to mouth. There is, doubtless, truth in both assertions. But when I see an abandoned estate still surrounded by industrious settlers and laborers, I think it something like prima facie evidence that the proprietor in England has abandoned them -- not they the proprietor.

Linstead is a pleasant little village -- lively enough on Saturday mornings, when its only street which is also its only market-place, is thronged with peasants who have come in to buy or to sell Commend me to a West Indian market as a fit illustration of Babel, after the confusion of tongues. These people are quite as anxious to sell as the progeny of Noe were to build. The sum of their ambition is to get rid of the little lot of yams and oranges that they have brought many a weary mile. They get a shilling or two for their produce, and return as happy as though they were millionaires. I never lived among a more cheerful or a more civil people. Each man, woman or child that you meet along the road -- I speak exclusively o the peasantry -- gives a hearty "Good mornin'' massa," and a respectful salutation. Their spirits are buoyant, and they are ever ready for a joke or a laugh, if you are disposed to bandy words with them. The crowd collected in the Linstead market-place may be heard a mile off but there is no quarreling of any kind. It is their fashion to make a noise and talk incessantly -- as why should they not? Their exuberance of spirit needs an outlet, and their only amusements are to laugh and gossip. There is a police force stationed in every village of the Island, and the white uniform and black visage of an officer can be distinguished here and there among the Linstead crowd. They fraternize with the people, but, more ornamental than useful, their official services are seldom required.

Leaving Linstead, we travel through the parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale, in a northerly direction. We pass the huts of many more settlers, several abandoned properties, and one or two estates still in sugar-cane, but cultivated negligently. It seemed to me, without any finish, as though Poverty was cramping the proprietors, and preventing them from making the barest outlay necessary for moderate returns. One estate, lying at the base of Mount Diabolo, had been abandoned, I was informed, because the owner, who lived in England could not afford to pay for labor. I am not able to say, of my own knowledge, whether labor could be procured in the neighbourhood, but my informant said it could. There was, at least, an abundance of settlers.

At this point the ascent of Mount Diabolo is commenced. The hill is well named. You enter now a region of primeval forest, and, for four miles, the journey is extremely toilsome. The huts of settlers are thick as heretofore, and are buried in the trees -- often not to be distinguished at all, except by the peculiar foliage of the plantain and the cocoa-nut trees which invariably surround them. These mountain settlers also grow pimento, coffee, and corn. Most of them have their horses, and are really as independent and well off as one would wish to see any people in the world. Half way up Mount Diabolo a splendid view can be obtained of nearly the whole Parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale. It gives a stranger some insight of the true state of Jamaica cultivation. This parish -- with the exception of three the most densely peopled in the Island -- presents, when seen from an elevation, merely a wild woodland, interspersed here and there with small specks of cultivation. Its general character is that of unredeemed forest yet its fertility is so great that it is fully capable of sustaining 200,000, instead of the 16,000 people who now inhabit it. St. Thomas-in-the-Vale has, as I have stated, more people to the square mile than any other parish in the Island, except Kingston, Port Royal and St. Andrew -- in which, be it remembered, large towns are located. It is a fact, therefore, worthy of notice, that in this comparatively populous district there are far fewer sugar estates in present cultivation than in parishes less favorably situated with regard to labor. St. Thomas-in-the-Vale has a population of 125 to the square mile, against a population of 79 to the square mile in Westmoreland, one of the principal sugar exporting parishes in the Island, of 102 in Trelawny, the largest sugar-growing parish, and one that includes the populous town of Falmouth, and of 28 in Vere, another flourishing sugar district. These are facts which seem to require an explanation from those who insist that want of labor is the sole cause of the abandonment of sugar cultivation in Jamaica. I admit, and shall prove, that want of labor has been one cause of the Island's depreciation, but if it were the sole cause, or even the preponderating cause, it would be only reasonable to expect that those parishes most sparsely populated would be the first to abandon the cultivation of the cane. The reverse, however, happens to be the case.

A projecting cliff shuts out the parish of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale from our view as we continue to ascend the steep sides of Mount Diabolo. The clouds now rest on the summits of mountains at our feet the wind that rushes to meet us feels cold and bleak: we have entered a region of eternal mist and rain. The transformation to this atmosphere from the hot valley below is too sudden to be comfortable. I was, therefore, glad to find myself descending the opposite side of the mountain -- once more in the sunshine, and at a sufficient elevation to make the air deliciously cool. The scene, too, has changed. The forest has disappeared, and coffee and pimento plantations have taken its place the houses of proprietors look no longer dilapidated the pens and pasturage lands might be mistaken for New-York farms. At the Moneague, a village lying on the northern slope of the mountains just crossed, the traveler will pause to sleep, if it be late, but to feed under any circumstances, for the hotel, built only ten years ago, (wonderful fact for Jamaica!) is the best in the island.

The Moneague is in St. Anne's -- a very charming parish, that grows very little sugar. I protest against the West Indian valuation of a place by the quantity of sugar that it actually produces. There is not a sugar estate near the Moneague, but settlers, of whom there are many, have to pay $6 to $10 an acre a year for land -- a sum that would purchase land out and out in other districts quite as fertile as this. But the climate here is healthy the grass can almost be seen growing the horses are strong and the oxen fat vegetables are plentiful fruit is luxuriant and everything seems to thrive. I don't wonder, when the inhabitants of Moneague declare that no money would induce them to live anywhere else.

I passed a Sunday in the Moneague, and it was a model of quiet and respectability. The churches were filled with well-dressed and attentive congregations. There was no drunkenness or debauchery, or assemblage of idlers in the village during the entire day. But church attendance and Sabbath observance are no proofs, among a negro population at least, of moral rectitude. It is upon other grounds than these that I have combated the ridiculous assertion that these people are either physically or morally incapable of being brought up to the level of the Caucasian race. I deny altogether the statement that they will not work for hire, or that they will not work as well as any people in the world, under a proper training and a wholesome stimulus. They are perfect paragons in their outward observance of the Sabbath. They sing psalms they quote Scripture and listen, without a yawn, to sermons that would hurry sages to the land of Nod. But emancipation has not done everything. It has not cured the negro of a certain partiality for his neighbor's wife it has given to the wife, as a general rule, no sense of shame to see her six children the offspring of half a dozen different fathers it has not impregnated the laboring classes with any more reverence than they had in times past for the law of Meum and Tuum. "The lingering curse of Slavery," says Rev. Mr. Piouseyes. No, Sir Philanthropist! I cannot go in bodily for your pet theories. I am not Sambo's champion, right or wrong. I record what I find peculiar in his character, and let others draw their own conclusions.

W.G.S.

EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA.--III. A Tour in the Interior Continued--Laborers on the Roads--St. Anne's--Dry Harbor-- Rio Bueno--Trelawny.

From Our Own Correspondent.

Published: February 8, 1860

KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1860.

I resume the description of my tour through the interior of Jamaica, at the point abandoned in my last letter.

From the Moneague village to a place called "The Finger Post," on the route to the north side of the Island, the road winds, for several miles, round the summits of hills -- now up, now down -- bad enough in this dry season, but axle-deep during rainy weather, in a red, slimy mud. The Macadamizers are at work here. Within the memory of living man -- and men among these mountains live a century -- it was never essayed to repair the road until now. But two or three years ago and the same remark might be made of all the roads[???] Jamaica -- showing very conclusively that the Plantocracy of other days were not too deeply interested in the permanent prosperity of the Island, or too willing to expend a portion of their revenues in an investment that promised no immediate return. It was a grave error, as any sound political economist of ancient or modern times would have told them as they themselves now admit when they find themselves compelled to abandon the cultivation of sugar, or carry it on at an extravagant cost and loss of stock, in consequence of bad roads. A simple evil, it may be said, and requiring a simple remedy nevertheless the fact is not without significance, that the first attempt to make decent roads is under a Democratic regime.

I had a good opportunity to see the laborers of both sexes on these and other roads in different parts of the country. Most of the male labourers were strapping young fellows of twenty, or thereabouts, who seemed to do good service -- who must have done good service, to judge by the amount of work performed. They belong to the new race of freemen born -- how superior to the old race, born in slavery, and fast dying out, I need not say. The overseers on these roads make no complaints against the men under their charge, that they are idle and unwilling to work and, what is of more importance, they make no complaint of an insufficiency of hands. They have succeeded in getting a larger supply of labor than most people deemed possible, and their success has excited some surprise in districts where the planters have long and bitterly complained that they could get no labor at all.

"Expound to me the riddle," I say to the planter.

"Oh," he answers, "the people are too independent -- too well off, here -- too fickle, arbitrary, and uncertain as to when they will work and when they won't work. They just do as they please. They work on the roads for a month, and then give it up. Then they take to something else and give that up. This is the way they have treated us. They ride upon our backs, Sir. They work for us only four days in the week, and hang about their own properties, or go to market, on the other two. We cannot improve our estates without a full week's labor. Our properties deteriorate every year for want of contract or continued labor. Now, to illustrate the character of the negro, I should like to show you in what style a body of of men would clear fifty acres. They would work as well and as cleverly as American backwoodsmen. 'These men lazy?' you would say. 'Pshaw! They are heroes. Vive chamero[???]zow!' But if I wanted their services for six months I could not get them they would insist on going back to peddle on their own properties I would be unable, for want of labor, to plant the land I had cleared the capital I had expended would be wasted, and my plans utterly frustrated." Sic loquitur.

There is a great deal of truth in all this.

"Expound to me the riddle," I say to the overseer on the road, to the merchant, the small proprietor, or to any one whom I suppose to be partial to the negro in the controversy between the labouring and the proprietary interests. "Surely it is a work less severe to hoe in a cane field than to hammer stones on the road-side?"

"Well, you see as how the laborers on the road are paid regularly once a week, while laborers on the estates often have to go two and three months without their wages and the men don't like that. Sometimes, too, they lose their pay altogether."

Here was something to think about and I did think about it -- making a note thereof, and many notes thereafter, to the same effect. I found that there was much truth in what I was told -- that many proprietors of sugar estates are really unable to pay for labor that, although want of labor -- that is, want of such a competition as would prevent labor being tyrannical -- is one cause of the Island's scanty cultivation, yet another and more serious cause is want of capital. Money is the one essential thing needed by the Jamaica proprietary. They have no money they have no credit. The post obits, drawn in the days of a flourishing Plantocracy, have been long since due, and they exceed in amount, by a thousand per cent., the actual value of the property pawned. Money cannot be raised in Jamaica, and without money, or its equivalent, a country in these days is without labor, life, learning, religion. Everything must be paid for. Potatoes and principles have their market value. When the millennium comes we may hope to get things for love.

The path that I laid down for myself in this letter was one of description, and I have wandered somewhat. I return to the "Finger Post" in the parish of St. Anne. The district through which I have been traveling is composed entirely of pasture land. All the settlers own a horse and stock of some kind. Their cottages are very neat and tidy, and are shrouded with cocoas and plantains. Most of the interior ones have but a single room. The pitch-pine floor is carefully polished a bed stands in one corner, or it may be that the inhabitants make up their couches at night on the floor a table, bearing all the crockery of the establishment, occupies another corner -- for the mysteries of a closet are unknown there are no glass windows, but blinds, placed cunningly for purposes of ventilation there may be, perhaps, a chair and another table in the apartment, and the table, in the better class of huts, is sometimes a piece of fine old mahogany. The negroes seldom enter their huts except when they retire for the night. They congregate at evening outside the door, and do all their cooking in the open air. Their habits of life are singular and very irregular. They eat when they are hungry, and seldom sit down to a family meal. Hence the frightful mortality among them during cholera visitations. In the better class of cottages, I have invariably found books -- a [???]ways the Bible, and not unfrequently the ponderous works of one WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, the West Indian's demi-god.

Within an hour's drive from the "Finger Post," the northern limit of the St. Anne plateau is reached. A large weather-worn cotton-tree, seen from afar, is the spot whence the first glimpse of the ocean can be caught. It is a wonderful picture. The road can be traced winding cautiously round the hill-sides, and descending in slow graduations till it is lost among the specks of houses on the beach. But the precipice upon which we stand, and along whose very brink the road runs, breaks away with appalling abruptness, and exposes to view a valley swept out, between a fork of mountains, to the sea. The valley is an uncheckered woodland, except where lingering traces of former cultivation can be detected, and where splendid cane-fields cluster round the distant seaport of St. Anne's. The road descends through forests of pimento, through groves of plantains or of cocoas, or under archways of gigantic bamboo, and while, on the right, we get occasional views of the valley I have described, on the left the hills grow steep and steeper, and the trees upon their [???]ides, entangled and knitted together by wild vegetation, draperied with vi[???]s, and ornaments with the most splendid parasites, look like a to[???] foliage rushing down from the mountain-top. [???] cottages seen on this long descent are supe[???] those on the southern slope of the hills. They seem to improve with the commencement of the [???]ich pasture-land at the Moneague, and St. Anne's Bay, on the north coast, has every appearance of being a flourishing village. Flourishing, that is, for Jamaica. I cannot compare it with any village of equal size in the United States, and call St. Anne's flourishing. Perhaps I ought not to call it flourishing at all, in sight of dismantled wharves and other indications of a large trade in days gone by -- contrasted now by the presence of two solitary schooners, from whose peaks the American ensign droops in the utter stillness of everything around. I can say, however, with perfect truth, that in the immediate vicinity of St. Anne's Bay there are cane lands in high cultivation that the houses in the village are neat and well-built that the road, or street, as it should be called, is in proper repair that shops are plentiful, and buying and selling going on at a fair rate for a village of a thousand inhabitants. Under any circumstances St. Anne's is a proper halting-place for a tourist. It has a couple of inns, and the sugar estates in the neighborhood are at least worth visiting.

We have now reached the north side of Jamaica, and purpose travelling west as far as we can. From St. Anne's Bay to Dry Harbor -- a distance of seventeen miles -- the hills trend along the coast, leaving between them and the beach a spacious and well-cultivated slope. For seven miles west of St. Anne's Bay, a continued succession of luxuriant cane pieces will be passed. They are on both sides of the road, and have every appearance of being highly cultivated. The fences are of stone or logwood, and are well kept up. The hills which, for the most part, are covered with their native forest, are here and there marked with pasture, and with the peculiar foliage of the plantain and the cocoanut tree -- a certain sign, even where a hut is invisible, of the presence of settlers. Passing the sugar estates, we come to more pens and pasturage then to woodland and to denser settlements. The cottages are rudely built, but clean. I entered possibly a dozen that were grouped together. They were in charge of one old woman. The girls and boys were away at work -- some in the cane fields, some on the roads, and some on their own emplacements. Quite close to this group of cottages stood a neat little Baptist Chapel, built by the laborers at their own expense. A large majority of the Jamaica Creoles dissent from the Church of England, which is the established church in the West India colonies, and the dissenters, even in sparsely settled districts, are not slow to erect their own places of worship. These people, who live comfortably and independently, own houses and stock, pay taxes and poll votes, and pay their money to build churches, are the same people whom we have heard represented as idle, worthless fellows, obstinately opposed to work, and ready to live on an orange or banana rather than earn their daily bread. This may have been the case with those originally set free, before they comprehended their responsibilities as freemen, and before their extravagant ideas of liberty had been moderated by a necessary experience. But now that intelligence and experience have come to them, the West Indian negroes cannot be indiscriminately thrown aside as a people who won't work. Since emancipation, they have passed in a body to a higher civil and social status and the majority of them are too much their masters ever to submit again to the mastership of others. They cannot be blamed for this and any unprejudiced resident of Jamaica will indorse the statement here made, that the peasantry are as peaceable and industrious a people as may be found in the same latitude throughout the world. The present generation of Jamaican creoles are no more to be compared to their slave ancestors than the intelligent English laborer of the nineteenth century can be compared to the serfs of Athelstane or Atheling.
The village of Dry Harbor, seventeen miles from St. Anne's Bay, is chiefly inhabited by fishermen and small proprietors. The road thence, continuing west, lies over a mountain densely covered with orange and pimento trees. As we are leaving St. Anne's Parish, I may as well say here that Pimento is its great staple. Jamaica possibly supplies two-thirds of the pimento used in the world and St. Anne's supplies two-thirds of the Jamaica pimento. It is easily cultivated, and is said to be best sown by birds. It is, however, a precarious crop. In 1858 the Island produced nine and a-half millions of pounds, and in 1859 it only produced four and a-half millions. The decline was owing to no lack of industry or enterprise, but simply to the fact that the season was a bad one. It is perhaps worthy of remark that the pimento crop of 1858 was the largest ever reaped in the Island.

St. Anne's is considerably the largest parish in Jamaica. It occupies a superficial area of 433 square miles. The population, which is 25,823, gives only 59.63 persons to the square mile. They are almost exclusively pen proprietors and small settlers. I was charmed with every part of the parish that I visited -- with its fresh look, fertile soil, and happy, contented, and independent inhabitants and I certainly thought that if all Jamaica was like St. Anne's there would be no ground for the commisseration that her condition has excited in Europe and America.

The Pimento mountain, of which I have spoken, separates Dry Harbor from Rio Bueno. On descending the western slope, the stream from which the latter village takes its name (and which is the boundary between the parishes of St. Anne and Trelawny) can be seen winding through the valley below. It rises from a spring in the mountain side, falls in cascade, and empties itself into the ocean, as a Jamaican river of considerable size, a few miles away. The village itself, like most villages in the island, is situated in a snug little bay. A vacant hotel, large enough to accommodate fifty guests, well built stone piers, and dilapidated, tenantless stores, tell the old story of past prosperity and present decay. The harbor, in which a dozen ships once rode at anchor, is now without a solitary sail, and but two or three inferior vessels come drifting in during a whole year's space. There are the remains here of an old fort -- in a position to sweep a fleet from the bay. It requires some ingenuity to discover the spot, for rank vegetation entirely conceals it. The ruin possesses some historical interest, for its walls were built to protect the golden flag, and the cannon that stretch their rusty throats through the crumbling embrasures were planted there many years before the United States were a nation born. Hence the Spanish name, yet retained, of Rio Bueno. I like the village -- a quaint, quiet spot, with the sea breeze blowing freshly in. Many fishermen live here, but they find, I fancy, a bad mart even for the best of mullets and snappers. A fish of 10 Ibs. weight must be sold to ten different persons, for there is no one, except perhaps the doctor or the parson, rich enough to buy such a monster entire. In the hotel where I lodged the landlord migrated in search of a candle to light up, for once probably in six months, his huge reception room, which still looked quite grand with its polished floor and pieces of old mahogany that would throw a furniture fancier into ecstacies. Up in the crazy room where I slept, I lay upon an antique bed in the company of lizards, old and young, and gazed through holes in the roof upon the twinkling stars. Providentially it didn't rain.

Between Rio Bueno and the village of Duncan I passed through a magnificent sugar estate, with its buildings, steam mill, and private wharf in good repair -- altogether as fine a property as ever I saw in the favored Island of Barbados. The cane-fields extended over hill and valley, and were carefully cultivated and finished in all their appurtenances. There is another fine estate between Duncan and the town of Falmouth, and many pasture lands, large and small. I continued to find the settlers, without exception, at their work. I met them in troops at early morning travelling along the read -- every man and woman ready with their polite greetings. I never met a peasantry more civil or more ready to oblige. Among these small settlers there are few heads of families who are not qualified voters, paying either ton [???]ga a year taxes, or owning land worth [???] a year. Nine out of ten of the settlers -- I [???]ak generally of the peasantry throughout the whole island -- rely principally upon their own properties for the support of themselves an their families, but are willing, nevertheless, to work for the estates or on the roads when it does not interfere with necessary labor on their own lands. When the choice lies between the roads and the estates, it is not surprising that they should select the employer that pays best and most regularly. I do not mean to say for a moment that the estates have anything like a sufficiency of labor they are entirely without that continuous labor required, not merely for bare cultivation, but for extension and improvement. In the remarks I have here made, I merely wish to give point-blank denial to a very general impression prevailing abroad that the Jamaica negro won't work at all. I wish to show that he gives as much labor, even to the sugar estate, as he consistently can, and that it is no fault of his if he cannot give enough. I wish to exhibit the people of Jamaica as a peaceable, law-abiding peasantry, with whom the remembrance of past wrongs has had so little weight that, from the day of emancipation until now, they have never dreamt of a hostile combination either against their old masters or the Government under which they live, though insurrections in the time of Slavery were numerous and terrible, and were only suppressed after much bloodshed and lavish expenditure. I wish to bear witness to their courtesy. When I had occasion to ask for cocoa nuts, or oranges, on the way side, the settler generally refused payment for the fruit, and if he finally took the money pressed upon him, it was with the understanding, distinctly expressed, that he wanted no payment for rendering so simple a service. I speak exclusively of the peasantry, not of the dissolute idlers, loafers and vagabonds that congregate in Kingston and other towns. They are as different from their country brethren as the New-York rowdy is different from the honest farmer in his home in Niagara or St. Lawrence. That the Jamaica peasantry have grave faults of character and grave defects, which it will take long years of training to remove, I do not doubt. It will be a part of my task to expose their vices but this is no reason why they should be denied, the possession of any virtues. W.G.S.
EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA--IV. A Tour Continued--Falmouth--Prison Discipline--Town Labor--Bad Roads and to What They Lead--Montego Bay--Lucca--Sugar Cultivation in St. James and Hanover.

From Our Own Correspondent. W. G. S.

Published: February 22, 1860

KINGSTON, January, 1860.

Having entered the parish of Trelawny, it is proper that I should take the reader to Falmouth, its chief town, which contains a population of seven or eight thousand. The town looks more modern than Kingston the houses are well built, and, being the principal seaport of the largest sugar parish in the island, the harbor, during crop season, is sometimes thronged with vessels. Falmouth is surrounded by a morass, and would undoubtedly be a most unhealthy spot if it were not favored by unremitting sea breezes that bear away the malaria. I have been told that during the terrible visitation of cholera -- from which and small-pox combined thirty thousand persons are supposed to have died -- Falmouth suffered less than any town of its size on the Island. It is on the faith of this, I suppose, that the authorities neglect the most ordinary rules of health, give the people bad water to drink, and allow the drainage to stagnate in the streets -- sufficient to breed a pestilence in a much more favored locality. Next to Kingston, which carries off the palm, Falmouth is the filthiest town in Jamaica. Report says that when the Penitentiary convicts worked on the streets they were kept in much better order, but now that the labor must be paid for, it is neglected. Want of money is certainly epidemic in Jamaica. No creole seems to possess the commodity, and strangers who are believed to possess it are made to pay for the general deficiency. If a traveler appears in the streets of Falmouth, an innkeeper will run after him, bag him, and make the most of him, for such game only appears once in a season.

Besides want of money in Jamaica, there is a deplorable want of economy and want of ingenuity to turn things to the best account. Prison discipline here is a farce and a sentence to hard labor perfect moonshine. I have seen these "hard labor convicts" moving along the roads in gangs, at a funeral pace, and looking for all the world as though they were hunting for cockroaches. They are allowed to stop and talk to girls, and amuse themselves in any manner they like. There is no fear of their escaping. Many of the dissipated scamps about town actually steal in order to get into the penetentiary, they are so well treated there. They have good food, their bath, and easy exercise every day. No disgrace is attached to a residence in the Penitentiary. The convict, when released, laughs over his imprisonment and boasts of his good fare. He does not consider that imprisonment a bar to future employment, or any reason why he should not be trusted again. I can say, from my own personal knowledge, that a man who had served his time in the penitentiary attempted to breakfast at the public table of a hotel in which I lodged. Luckily there was a Judge present who knew the fellow, and the guests were spared the risk of having their pockets picked and the landlady the certainty of having her spoons abstracted. That I may not be thought exaggerating, I can refer to an article in the Colonial Standard, of the 13th December, where the writer calls the Island Penetentiary a "house of sumptuous living, amusement, and sport." "No bread, no beef," say the convicts, "are equal to that which may be had there." A man, after twelve months' residence in the penitentiary, grows fat and sleek, and often expresses regret when his term of imprisonment expires. The writer, to whom I have referred, instances the "hard labor" of two prisoners under sentence for felony one had to knead bread and the other polish the keeper's boots! This is penal labor in Jamaica. The wretched management here displayed does not need pointing out. The people are taxed, for repairing the roads, some six hundred dollars a mile -- a sum that might be altogether saved by making the convicts do the work. They are also taxed a hundred thousand dollars a year to support convicts who do little or nothing for their own maintenance Here is "payment at both ends" with a vengeance. And worse than that, a premium of good lodgings and an easy life is offered to the idle and dissolute to commit crime. The evil effect of such a system upon the community is incalculable. Public morality as well as the public purse inevitably suffers.

I dislike excessively the seaport towns of Jamaica, and can make no exception in favor Falmouth. All the worst fellows in the Island collect in them, and give to foreigners a most mistaken idea of the country people. Those who are not bad soon become so by the force of an example which English and American sailors in port are not slow to set. Though I think that, morally considered, the negroes who congregate about the wharves are the very worst class to be encountered yet I have seen them in Kingston, Falmouth and other parts, work like very horses in the loading and unloading of vessels. They are usually paid by the job. A ship's cook will employ a hand as his substitute, while in port, for two shillings a week and this, while the estates pretend they are willing to pay one and sixpence and two shillings a day. I don't doubt that many proprietors really suffer from the partiality of young men to towns but at the same time, I don't doubt that many of these young men prefer, and very naturally prefer, the greater certainty of regular payment that town business offers. I know of waiters in hotels who get only a dollar a week and have to find themselves and it is not rational to suppose that they would flock to Kingston if they had to work there at a pecuniary disadvantage. The average price of field labor in Jamaica is about one shilling sterling a day, or rather a task of six or seven hours' work and having investigated the subject very thoroughly, I am compelled to say that, as a rule, the laborers are not paid regularly. The rule has many exceptions, doubtless I know of exceptions myself but it will be found that those estates which form the exceptions are in no danger of going out of cultivation.
While on the subject of town labor, I have something to say about the conduct of American ship Captains who trade at West Indian ports and what I have to say is not much to their credit. The same accusation may possibly be brought against Captains of other nations, British included but with these I have nothing at present to do' The American Captain seems to think it his special privilege to treat the Jamaica negroes in his employ far worse than he dare treat slaves in Southern ports of his own country. It is too common to hear one of these bullies accost a man with, "You d -- d nigger, if I had you in New-Orleans I'd sell you" -- and so forth. The negro, who is exceedingly sensitive about his freedom, passes off the remark very often as a joke, for he is at work on the vessel and does not like to lose his job, But the feeling here, and in all the British West Indies, against America and the Americans, owing to just such bad taste and brutality, is bitter in the extreme. I have met here intelligent mulattoes -- men well educated, too -- who have expressed a wish to go to New-York, and have given utterance to genuine fears that if they did so they might be sold into slavery. If one of the town loafers has a dispute with his neighbor, his bitterest abuse is to tell him what his market value would be in Charleston, New-Orleans or Jacksonville -- with which last town they seem wonderfully familiar. It is probably a very indifferent matter whether we are liked or hated by the people of Jamaica but it is not an indifferent matter to have one's country and the principles it professes to uphold degraded, as far as they can be degraded, by the Captains of the American vessels which frequent these ports.

Falmouth, from which respectable town I have somewhat digressed, is, as I have said, the capital of the largest sugar-exporting parish in the Island. I have seen many of the estates, and should judge them all to be in a condition of paying cultivation. They extend for fifteen or sixteen miles round the town. Some properties, formerly cultivated in sugar, but now converted into breeding-pens and pasturage grounds, lie further back. I know of no estates in the parish that have been wholly abandoned, though there may be a very few. Trelawny offers some curious facts in connection with the growth of sugar. The land here is notoriously poorer for growing provisions than it is in districts where the cultivation of the cane has been altogether abandoned. The parishes of St. Mary, Met calf, and St. George, round Annotto Bay, on the north coast, are examples of splendid soil, formerly cultivated in sugar, but now almost wholly abandoned, or yielded to small settlers. Trelawny, on the contrary, continues to export largely.

The success of Trelawny may be partly owing to the fact that the negroes cannot grow provisions to advantage. But this is not a complete explanation of its success. It certainly cannot be explained by population statistics, for the agricultural force of Trelawny is considerably weaker than that of two of the other parishes named. Leaving out the town of Falmouth, it will be found that the population in the country districts is only 75 persons to the square mile, while some parishes, in which sugar cultivation has been given up, have 80, 90, 100, and even 120 persons to the square mile. If, then, Trelawny, with a comparatively poor soil and a population of 75 to the square mile, retains the cultivation of the cane, why has not Metcalfe done the same, (I take the parish at random,) with its rich soil and population of 110 to the square mile. It cannot be said that the planters of Trelawny had more capital, were more prudent, or were better managers than others but it can be said that the roads have been kept in much better condition than those of St. Mary, Metcalfe and St. George. Bad roads, in some places impassable roads, have helped not a little to diminish cane cultivation. The conveyance to port of hogsheads, weighing 18 and 20 cwt., has always been one of the planter's most serious items of expenditure and he has not now the means necessary to supply the constant drain upon his stock caused by bad roads, nor the capital or the credit to build trainways that would pay their own expenses in twenty years' time. The estates around Falmouth have a comparatively easy access to the port of embarkation but on distant estates, where access is both difficult and expensive, the cultivation of the cane has been generally abandoned, and this is the case over the whole Island. Moreover, where the land is rich, the negro is always more independent and more ready and eager to buy than where it is poor. Thus, again, we have another cause besides the bare want of labor for the depression of Jamaican commerce in consequence of the abandonment of sugar cultivation.

It is a long drive from Falmouth to Montego Bay, the principal town in the adjoining Parish of St. James. The road lies over a sandy beach and is exposed to the burning heat of the sun. Comparatively few settlers are to be met with. We passed large quantities of the cochineal plant: the introduction of the insect would, I doubt not, prove as profitable a speculation here as it has proved elsewhere.
At "Little River," half way between Falmouth and Montego Bay, there is a roadside inn. I thanked the gods for the same, and for the opportunity of escaping for an hour the blazing mid-day sun. The breeze here came up freshly from the sea. After leaving this halting-place, we passed through some splendid specimens of Trelawny sugar cultivation, but the estates end with the boundary line of the Parish. Woodland then after which, having veered round the butt of a hill, we obtain a full view of Montego Bay and its shipping -- to wit, three vessels. We enter the town between a race course on one hand and a burial-ground on the other -- both overgrown with weeds we pass in the shadow of a crumbling fort and along a crooked street, ornamented with perfect models of West India houses in the last stage of dilapidation. Leaning like so many Pisa towers, they, nevertheless, do not fall, and we reach the square and the lodging-house in safety.

They had a wonderful eye, these old Spaniards, for a good site, as all the towns they ever planted, both in the Indies and on the Main, fully testify. The town of Montego Bay, in point of population and size the second in Jamaica, is no exception to the rule. It sleeps at the extremity of an elliptical bay, sheltered from storms by an amphitheatre of mountains, and waiting apparently for the last trump to awaken it. The dreaminess of the place is contagious. You cannot look upon its quaint old houses, or upon its people moving at a snail's pace, and feel anything approaching to activity. A sight of the blue waters of the bay, rippled by the gentlest of breezes, or of a panorama of mountains on the left, that stretch away to the misty point upon which the town of Lucca stands, aggravates indolence and converts it into an uncompromising laziness. The town has still a Spanish look about it, in spite of the lapse of two centuries since Spaniards were its masters. It wears a smile of contempt for the frowns of fortune and the cessation of a once flourishing commerce. It is the chosen retreat of a remnant of the old Plantocracy, and their residences, if antique, are always picturesque and somewhat symbolic of Jamaica's actual condition. Lo! an ancient tenement half buried in luxuriant shrub: -- Decay, which is of man, and the most vigorous kind of life, which is not of man, progressing side by side. I admit that Montego Bay quite charmed me, with its clean streets, neat little patches of garden and utter quietude, with its air of byegone respectability, and the utter complacency of its people, who did not know or care how they lived from day to day. "Well, massa, we do de best we can in dese times," was all the answer I got to repeated inquiries for a solution of the mystery of life in Montego Bay. I have not yet discovered how 10,000 people manage to exist on the trade of the five or six vessels which annually enter the bay from European or American ports. They certainly make little out of travelers, for a stranger in Montego Bay is so rare a sight that he will create as violent an agitation among its inhabitants as a wild elephant, careering among omnibuses, might be expected to excite in the midst of Broadway pedestrians. The people here -- that is, those of the laboring class with whom I conversed -- say that the planters of the parish won't pay or can't pay for labor. They complain that a great many of the old estates have been sold to Jews, who are too close to do justice to their workmen. I don't give this as a fact within my own knowledge, but simply as a report current and credited by the laboring people of the Parish of St. James. Many people in the town complain of not being able to get work. St. James has not half the number of sugar properties in cultivation that Trelawny has, and possessing a large population to the square mile, it ought not to be worse off for labor than a neighboring parish.

The road from Montego Bay to Lucea, in Hanover parish, follows the line of beach, and is winding, hilly and irregular. There is little to see but forest, and some few sugar estates. I speak of the northern slope of the hills, which trend along the coast. On their southern side -- a district which I did not penetrate -- I was told that sugar cultivation was rare, but that small settlements and provision grounds were plentiful. The pleasantest mode of traveling from Montego Bay to Lucea is by water. I left with a steersman and two oars, and we accomplished the distance (about 20 miles) in less than four hours. When it is remembered that this labor was performed at high noon, that the men engaged in it never flagged for an instant, and that it was no extraordinary job for which they had been offered an extraordinary inducement, but a part of their ordinary every-day work, I deem it no light testimony in favor of the negro's power to work, and will to work, when he is properly paid. These men who row their boat to Lucea and back to Montego Bay within the twenty-four hours -- an effort that white men could not undertake in such a climate -- receive about a dollar each for the trip but they do not get passengers every day. They are generally professional pilots, but their receipts from the six or eight vessels that enter port during the year must be very small.
Lucea is an unclean, ragged-looking village, without two houses conjoined, and without one house in decent repair. Its population must be about 1,500 or 2,000. The road thence to Green Island, and round the western extremity of the island as far as Savannah-la-Mar, on the south side, is execrable, and passes through the wildest country that I saw in Jamaica. It took me twelve hours to accomplish fifty miles. I seldom got the horses out of a walk. Sometimes wading in mud -- sometimes steering among huge rocks -- sometimes swimming over rivers. If it is thus in the Dry Season, what must it be in the Wet? The people on the route look as wild as the aspect of their country. They run away from a stranger, or glare at him, half in terror, half in curiosity, from behind a bush.

Immediately after leaving Lucea some fine sugar estates are passed, but they soon give way to dense woods, and low, swampy lands, where few settlers, even, have cast their lot. The country breaks into cultivation round the village of Green Island -- the western ultima thule of Jamaica -- where there are a few sugar properties. I was told here that the estates still being worked in the Parish of Hanover were doing well, and that those abandoned had been given up for want of means to carry them on. An intelligent resident of Green Island, himself a proprietor, informed me that he knew of no estate in Hanover whose owner -- possessed of capital, or even out of debt -- had been compelled from mere want of labor to abandon sugar cultivation. When I have put the same question to any respectable landholder, in any part of the island, I have, in nine cases out often, received the same answer. The want of continued or contract labor is generally deplored as a great evil but it is wrong to suppose that that want alone has ever compelled resident proprietors to abandon their estates to ruin. I have no doubt that there are districts where the price of labor is too high to make sugar cultivation as profitable as the cultivation of other produce -- where the negroes, in fact, are too well off and too independent to work for the wages they are compelled to take in Barbados but this is no justification for the assertion, so widely made and so generally believed, that they will not work at all. From all that I learnt in the Parish of Hanover, I came to the conclusion that the settlers would work very readily if work was proffered them at a fair remuneration.

We have now traveled as far west as it is possible to travel on the north side of Jamaica. I propose to bring the reader back to Kingston, in my next letter, by the south side. W.G.S.
EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA.--V. A Tour Continued--The South Side--Savannah la-Mar--Christmas Festivities--Black River--Coffee Cultivation--Manchester--Vere--Back to Spanish-Town--The East End.

From Our Own Correspondent.

Published: February 25, 1860

KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1860.

I have taken the reader down the north side of Jamaica, and it is proper I should now say something of the south side -- the side that more strictly answers to the original name of the island, Caymaca, or the land of wood and water. For while, on the north side, wood is plentiful enough, the south side, equally luxuriant in forest, is watered by a hundred streams.

Westmoreland is the most southwesterly, as Hanover is the most northwesterly parish in the Island. In the former, sugar is largely cultivated, and from its chief town, Savannah-la-Mar, the export of the great staple is still very considerable. On the route from Green Island I passed some very fine sugar estates, and not a few properties of small settlers cultivated in cane. But the weeds are abominable, and the expense of transporting heavy hogsheads from this district to the place of export, must swallow up a large portion of the planter's revenue. Still, Westmoreland keeps up its reputation as a leading sugar parish in spite of a scanty population, that numbers only seventy-nine persons to the square mile. The soil is excellent for the growth of the cane and some of the largest and most successful planters, since Emancipation, have their estates in the vicinity of Savannah-la-Mar.

The town of Savannah-la-Mar, as its name indicates, is built on a large morass that stretches seaward. The creoles call it a healthy place, and P don't know that it is otherwise but it ought to be unhealthy. A breeze is ever blowing from the shore, and this perhaps keeps the savannah free from fevers. I liked the look of the town, with its broad central street, and piers kept tolerably clean, and houses peeping from among forests of cocoanut trees. Crop-time was at hand, and a couple of vessels in the bay, forerunners of the fleet that annually visit Savannah-la-Mar, were waiting for their cargoes of sugar.

It was Christmas eve -- a season at which the West Indian creole goes wild with excitement. Old drums, trumpets, kettles, bells, and anything that can make a noise, are brought out dancers dance violently, and fiddlers fiddle violently, without any regard to time or tune and masquerading and psalm-singing are alternately kept up until New Year's day is fairly past. No negro will work for love or money during this carnival time. He is literally demented, and can hardly give a sane answer to the most ordinary question. All night long, and for eight successive nights, an infernal din -- a concert of cracked drums, shrill voices, and fire-crackers -- is maintained. Those, poor devils who cannot enjoy this species of amusement suffer the most exquisite torture. I passed the whole season in the country, and saw exhibitions of excitement that made me think the actors fit subjects for a lunatic asylum but, though I mixed freely among the people, I was always most civilly treated, and never on any of these occasions did I see a negro in a state of intoxication. I do not remember having ever seen a West Indian negro drunk and the temperate habits of the Jamaica creoles are the more remarkable, as the spirit manufactured in the island can be obtained for a very trifling cost.

I allude to these Christmas festivities because they afforded me an opportunity to sec the people in their holiday time, when, if ever, they would be disposed to be as saucy and insolent as I have heard them characterized. I found them nothing of the kind. The accusation may be true as far as regards Kingston loafers, who hang about the wharves for chance jobs, and follow strangers with annoying persistency but it is not true when applied to the peasantry. The people are no longer servile, though they retain, from habit, the servile epithet of "Massa," when addressing the whites but I have ever seen them most respectful to their superiors and most anxious to oblige. Individual testimony on this point might be discredited or deemed insufficient, but there is no discrediting the fact that, since their freedom, no people in the world have been more peaceful than the creoles of Jamaica. With their freedom they seem to have forgotten all ancient grievances, and never to have entertained a thought of retribution. The contrast in this respect between the reign of Freedom and the reign of Slavery carries its own lesson and its own warning. Twenty-five years of freedom and not a murmur of popular discontent! Twenty-five years of Slavery -- I take any period -- and what fears and anxieties and actual outbreaks! It cost the Government $800,000 to suppress the single insurrection of 1832, during which six million of dollars worth of private property were destroyed. But the outbreak from which the planters then suffered would have been light compared to the one that was ready to burst over the island when Liberty appeared in the gap and proved its salvation.

I have also heard the Jamaica people denounced for making Christmas their great gala season of festivity, instead of the anniversary of their emancipation. It is argued that they can care little for the boon of freedom if they do not keep it in remembrance, or regard it as a fit opportunity for national rejoicings. But I do not think that the absence of any general enthusiasm in the West India Islands on the 1st of August demonstrates at all that the people fail to appreciate the blessings of freedom. Any one acquainted with these colonies knows that the reverse is the case. Negroes, very like other people, are creatures of habit, and in their Christmas festivities they keep up the customs that they were taught to observe. They have a week's holiday, and they make the most of it, according to their noisy fashion. Probably they don't reflect on the great event that the season is designed to commemorate, any more than civilized people do who drink champagne and eat roast turkeys.
It is a hot drive, along a beach road, from Savannah-la-Mar to Black River. The country is partly wooded and partly pasture land, with plenty of pimento and orange trees. American schooners very often come to the bays along this coast, and load with oranges and other fruit. I did not notice a single sugar estate on the way. The houses of small settlers were also, comparatively speaking, scarce, until a more open country in the adjoining parish of St. Elizabeth, if reached. The hills in the distance are covered with dense forest, but are, nevertheless inhabited by small proprietors, who grow their own coffee and pimento for the Black River market.

Black River

The town of Black River is situated in a deep bay, looking out upon the setting sun, and back upon lofty ranges of hills. For a place that cannot number more than 2,000 inhabitants, it is doing a thriving business, though the parish, of which it is the only outlet, is by no means a first-class sugar-growing district. There are few estates in St. Elizabeth, and, I think, only two that send their sugar over the roads. The remainder send their produce down the river, which, at a little expense, might be made navigable for boats for a distance of forty miles. The stream is noted for alligators, which emerge at night from the mangroves, where they lie sheltered during the day, and come up the beach quite close to the town. A more fertile district, or more splendid soil for the cultivation of every article of tropical growth, can scarcely be imagined than this portion of the Parish of St. Elizabeth, and a conveyance by water is not the least of its many advantages for the cultivation of the cane. It has been aptly called the Demerara of Jamaica, and vegetation here is indeed quite as luxuriant as it is in that wonderful colony. But Jamaica's curse -- want of capital -- is upon the rich alluvial soil and easy communication of the Black River country. The forests remain uncleared, and sand and mud are allowed to choke up the river channel. Yet, in spite of great natural advantages neglected and thrown away, the richness of this district is not altogether hidden from view, nor are its resources entirely wasted. The trade of Black River is principally in coffee, pimento, and different kinds of wood. Some forty or fifty vessels arrive in port during the year, and many American schooners come here for return cargoes. I was told that about 200 tons of logwood, fustic and ebony were daily moved in the Black River market -- including, that is to say, the wood brought down the river and the wood shipped for foreign and island ports. The coffee is excellent, and is raised, without an exception, by small proprietors. It is a fact of some significance that this town and its trade have grown up since emancipation.

The decline in the exportation of coffee is a great argument in the mouths of those who urge the necessity of large accessions to the laboring population of the Island. But I cannot see the force of the argument, for the cultivation of coffee does not demand anything like the labor required in the cultivation of the cane. It is an undoubted fact, that the exportation of coffee in Jamaica has declined from twenty-five and thirty million of pounds to five and six million but it is also an undoubted fact that where one pound was used in the island prior to emancipation, ten pounds are used now. What master would ever have dreamed of giving coffee to his slaves? What settler now-a-days would dream of depriving himself of his tasse de consolation? I never yet passed a settler's emplacement, in the mountainous districts of Jamaica, that I did not see coffee in cultivation and it is my firm conviction that there is no such great discrepancy between the amount grown now and that grown at the time of emancipation, especially when the extend of exhausted coffee land is taken into account. The same statement will apply with much greater force to provisions of every description. It is undoubtedly true that most of the large coffee properties, in cultivation prior to emancipation, have been abandoned, or turned to other uses. But want of capital prevails quite as much among coffee-planters as among sugar-planters. Coffee, too, like cacao, requires new land, and the clearance of fifty acres of wood is a sort of Herculean enterprise that, in these days, a Jamaica planter would not willingly face. But, whatever large coffee planters may say about their profits and losses, it is a notorious fact that thousands and thousands of settlers grow the delicious berry to advantage, as any merchant engaged in the trade will be able to testify. They come to the towns and villages with one, two, six, or a dozen bags, and in this way many a cargo is made up for foreign ports. The population of St. Elizabeth Parish numbers 119 persons to the square mile, considerably larger, it will be seen, than most of the sugar-growing parishes. But I know of no locality in Jamaica where labor for sugar cultivation is more needed than here. The settlers have their own properties to look alter, and it would be surprising indeed if they neglected them to hire themselves out as field laborers at a shilling a day.
We leave Black River village and St. Elizabeth Parish, and soon after begin to ascend the Manchester mountains. Fresh horses are advisable, for the long miles of this day's traveling would make twenty Sabbath days' journeys. Possibly we reach the summit of the May-Day Mountains about sunset, and then one of the finest spectacles in all Jamaica can be witnessed. That last hill over a mile above the level of the sea, was killing work, and so steep that no animals but stout Jamaica ponies, accustomed to such travel, could ever have dragged us up. We pause for breath, and can look back at the country through which we have lately passed. We are upon a ridge of hills running north and south a parallel ridge rises up in the distance, standing out black against the sun now slowly setting beyond it. The valley below, full twenty miles broad, resembles, from this height, a vast plain but, having so lately traversed it, we know it is no plain, but an uneven country, covered with formidable hills, that have shrunk away to seemingly a level surface. The vast meadow lands that we crossed, and which were filled with stock, have dwindled down to specks of light -- cases of cultivation in a wilderness of wood -- and the huge cotton trees that flung their shelter over a hundred oxen, can scarcely be distinguished even at our feet. Hills piled on hills, and thunderclouds upon hills, are massed together on the right. On the left, over a mountain-top, there lies a line of sea in which the sun is preparing to make a golden set. The valley now is dark, its light has gone out, but the crests of the hills are all ablaze. Night comes on apace, and there are yet ten miles of bad road to travel before a village can be reached, The air, at this height, feels bleak after sunset, and a cloak is not to be despised.

The sun never rose upon a more picturesque village than that of Mandeville, the capital of the Parish of Manchester. It reminded me a little of a newly located town in an American Territory, for the houses did not look very old, nor were the streets out of repair -- two exceptions to very general rules in Jamaica. Though a mile above the level of the sea, Mandeville lies in a hollow, surrounded by hills. The air is fresh and the climate wholesome. This parish is the only one that entirely escaped the cholera.

There is no sugar cultivation in Manchester. Coffee, pimento and provisions are raised in great abundanue by the settlers but pens and pasture lands form the principal feature of cultivation. Immense herds of cattle may be seen grazing together, but the business is not as profitable as "a stranger might be led to suppose. Like most other pursuits in Jamaica, that of stock raising depends very much on the sugar crop. If sugar planting is abandoned, or if the planters are in reduced circumstances, there is a diminished demand for stock, and the breeders suffer in proportion. The fact is thus: though it is singularly illustrative of prevailing apathy that, possessed of a soil that cannot be outrivaled for richness, and of a climate that favors the growth of temperate as well as tropical products, the Jamaica proprietary should submit to destitution because they have not the money, or the means, or the protection, or the labor, or whatever else it may be that is wanted to cultivate the cane. I have no patience to listen to their complaints, when I look at the unbounded wealth and wonderful resources of the country. They cry out at the high price of labor, and pretend they cannot grow corn, when corn is grown at five times the cost in the United States and expected to Jamaica at a handsome profit. They import beef, and tongues and butter, though this very parish of Manchester offers advantages for raising stock that no portion of America possesses. They import mackerel and salmon, and herrings and codfish, though Jamaica waters abound it, the most splendid kind of fish. They import woods, though Jamaica forests are unrivaled for the variety and beauty and usefulness of their timber. They import tobacco, though their soil in many districts is most excellent for its growth. The negroes, who have never been taught these things, are learning them slowly by experience, and a gradual decline in certain articles of import demonstrates that they now raise on their own properties a very large proportion of their own provisions.

In a parish like Manchester, where there are no estates, the settlers grow provisions not merely for themselves, but for the supply of neighboring sugar parishes, where the inhabitants are principally engaged in field labor. Thus Portland supplies St. Thomas-in-the-East St. Anne supplies Trelawny, and Manchester supplies Clarendon and Vere. In Manchester, at the time I write, so far from there being any want of labor, there are a number of people in quest of labor and cannot get it. This is, doubtless, to be accounted for by the fact that there are no sugar estates in the parish for it is the cultivation of the cane alone that demands that extraordinary force which the planters say they are unable to obtain. A Clarendon planter recently offered employment to five hundred Manchester negroes if they would change their residence with what result I have not ascertained, but I have no doubt that the offer will be refused. The negro has an invincible dislike to move his household gods. It seems an unaccountable prejudice but, throughout the whole island, the people may be found clinging to the plots of ground upon which they were born and their fathers before them.
The road from Mandeville, in Manchester, descends into the parish of Clarendon. Neither this parish, nor the one contiguous to it, St. Dorothy, need any special notice. Sugar cultivation in both is small, for the soil is not very favorable for the growth of the cane. The sugar lands in the former parish lie to the north of the Mocho Mountains. In the latter, the smallest parish after Kingston and Port Royal, there are only one or two estates in cultivation. The population of Clarendon is 54, and of St. Dorothy 91 persons to the square mile, and the settlers grow provisions and minor articles for export. At the small village of Lime, Savannah, some distance from the sugar properties of Clarendon, the people are about building an Independent church.

The Parish of Vere, forming the most southern promontory of Jamaica, when seen from the hills of Clarendon, which it adjoins, presents a rich alluvial country something like Barbados, which it nearly equals in size, but without the garden-like appearance of that exquisite island. Some of the best estates in Jamaica are situated here and they occasionally suffer from severe drouth. If money, enterprise and labor were forthcoming, it would not be an impossible, nor yet a very expensive undertaking, to turn some of the mountain streams into the parish, and save the vast sums that planters not infrequently lose from dry weather. But there must be a great change in Jamaica before money, enterprise and labor are readily found there. It is worthy of remark, as proved by this and other parishes, that only first-class estates, or in other words, estates that have had means at command, are now in cultivation. Here, again, we have, as an explanation of the prevalent ruin, want of capital, for if it were solely want of labor, the large estates that required most labor would be the first to suffer. In a precarious business like sugar cultivation, where the loss of an entire crop must now and then be expected, the Jamaica planter who could command neither capital nor credit had no resource but bankruptcy when an unfavorable season overtook him. He was accustomed in times past, as some are accustomed even to-day, to hope against hope, that a sudden rise in sugar, or some other lucky stroke of fortune, would free him from trouble and his estate from an in-cumbrance ten times its actual value. One in a hundred, perhaps, realized his dreams, and, warned by experience, either prudently withdrew, or curtailed his extravagance and altered his plans so as to meet the new order of things introduced with emancipation. The other ninety-nine met the fate that must inevitably overtake the desperate gambler, who, with a few shillings in his pocket, plays against the certain chances of a bank.

This want of capital -- wholly irrespective of a want of labor, which I admit to exist -- has been a most fruitful cause of the abandonment of sugar cultivation. The most hasty tour through the island will convince any one that contract or permanent labor -- wholly independent of the valuable but transient work of the negroes, who have their own properties to look after -- is absolutely needed before the cultivation of the cane in Jamaica can be largely extended or real estate command its actual and positive value. I do not believe that the absence of this contract labor explains the present great depression of Jamaican industry. My belief is, that the contract or permanent labor of coolies is needed, as a supplementary labor to that of the creole, alike on the richest and the poorest estates. There is sufficient labor in Jamaica now for the bare wants of its actual cultivation, if the planters had means enough to pay his laborers, fairly and punctually, the wages they have earned. Those wages are not too high, for they are not one-fourth of what a day-laborer can command in America. This I state unhesitatingly. But, at the same time, I state, with equal confidence, that, in Jamaica, permanent labor, that is, daily labor throughout the year -- that land of labor which will enable the planter to improve his property or even prevent it from deteriorating -- is wholly wanting, and it seems to me that, without it, neither capital nor confidence will ever fully return to the island. The point I make is this: Jamaica wants labor but that want, is not the preponderating cause of her decline. In this parish of Vere, large estates are now in flourishing cultivation yet its entire population is only twenty-eight to the square mile, considerably less than that of any other parish in the island.

Returning from Vere, the road joins a turnpike highway near the village of Old Harbor, in the Parish of St. Dorothy. From thence to Spanish-Town, through St. Catharines, it is luxurious traveling, after recent experience of Jamaica roads. A few sugar estates are passed, but the main features of the cultivation are pasture and provision grounds.

My account of a tour through the interior of Jamaica is already sufficiently long, without, adding a detailed description of the Eastern parishes that I visited. W.G.S.
EMANCIPATION IN JAMAICA. NUMBER SIX. THE OLD PLANTOCRACY.

From Our Own Correspondent.

Published: March 13, 1860

KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1800.

The Planters of Jamaica constitute no longer the over-ruling oligarchy, or "Plantocracy," that they once actually were, and are still somewhat insolently designated in the bitterness of party spirit Poverty may not have humbled their pride or changed their belief in their own homes and on their own estates, and in public whenever an opportunity offers, they wage, under different guises the old war against free labor. But as a political body, with power to sway the destinies of the island, they no longer live. One after another the relics of the system of coercion to which they clung have been swept away. Their complaints have been disregarded -- their petitions have been ungranted -- until, in despair or disgust, they have almost altogether retired from the contest, and left the field open to their undisguised and uncompromising opponents.

The Planters of Jamaica, it may be thought, have not had a full measure of justice meted out to them. They, especially, and far beyond all other West India planters, have had to bear the brunt of the Anti-Slavery attack. But this is not a little owing to the persistency of their own hostile attitude, to their misrepresentations, to the selfishness of their aims, and to the mistakes of their policy.

It is a curious and instructive study to track the decline of the old West Indian plantocracy and though I have attempted such an invidious task in a former letter from Barbados, I must, to make myself understood, attempt it again with special regard to the Jamaica proprietary. Throughout many changes, social and political, the same selfishness will be found at the root of all their schemes the same disregard of truth in their statements the same opposition to popular freedom, progress and enlightenment in their acts. It was on the grounds of humanity that, in the commencement of the present century, they opposed the abolition of the Slave-trade. They urged that there was an annual decrease of two and a half per cent, among the negroes, and that if the same quantity of labor should continue to be exacted as the number of slaves diminished, the loss would be greater every year, and would augment with accelerated rapidity. The unfriendliness of Slavery to population was a strong argument in the mouths of slave traders. If the Slave-trade was abolished the sugar estates of Jamaica, it was prophesied, would be dismantled within thirty years, and the 130,000 negroes, then engaged in the culture of the cane, would be utterly extinct! The planters of the day, when they petitioned Parliament, based their grounds for r[???]dress on the expense of the Slave system which prevented them from competing, without a constant supply of fresh labor, with those colonies and countries in which the African Slave-trade had not been abolished.

Twenty-five years later -- when Parliament, in obedience to the tremendous pressure of public opinion at home, formally declared its determination to abolish Slavery in the West Indies -- the planters essayed to demonstrate the cheapness of slave labor as compared with the free labor about about to be introduced. Emancipation, they said, would ruin them, and preclude any competition with countries where Slavery continued to exist It is not to be wondered at that the planter thus argued. He was the owner of the slaves who cultivated his property. It was a matter of doubt whether he would be compensated for them at all in the event of abolition. Under the old regime be was not compelled to make the weekly disbursements that the new order of things would demand and he could still go on hoping that a rise in sugar would furnish him with means to liquidate his most pressing debts. He dreaded a change that would certainly expose his bankruptcy.

During all this time the prosperity of Jamaica was on the decline. The exportation of sugar had gradually decreased from 150,000 hhds., in 1805, to 86,000 hhds. in 1833. It was not emancipation or the thought of emancipation that dragged down the island so suddenly from the pinnacle of its prosperity. The deterioration progressed slowly. Between the years 1814 and 1832 the coffee crop was also reduced one-half and during the fifty years that preceded emancipation it is estimated that 200 sugar estates were abandoned. The planters say that the fear of impending abolition induced them to withdraw capital from their estates. But abolition was not dreamt of when the decline of Jamaica set in. While the Slave-trade was yet in operation over 100 properties had been deserted -- deserted, too, for the same cause that compelled their desertion in later years -- debt and want of capital.

Sugar cultivation, it is hardly necessary to say, to be carried on with profit to the proprietor, and ordinary chances of ultimate success, requires an enormous capital -- not only at the outset, but to provide against the losses that unfavorable seasons very frequently entail. I cannot do better than transfer here, from Mr. EDWARDS' History of the West Indies, a picture of Jamaica sugar cultivation sixty years ago. Himself a planter, a slaveholder, and opposed to the abolition of the Slave-trade, the author represents that the estates at that time were very much understocked with slaves, and speaks of a West-India property "as a species of lottery," giving birth to a spirit of adventure, and awakening extravagant hopes, too frequently terminating in perplexity and disappointment. Mr. EDWARDS proceeds to say:

"The total amount of the annual contingent charges of all kinds (on an estate yielding 200 bids, of sugar) is $#1632,150, which is precisely one-half the gross returns, leaving the other moiety, or $#1632,150, and no more, clear profit to the planter, being seven per cent. on his capital, without 5 charging, however, a shilling for making good the decrease of the negroes, or for the wear and tear of the buildings, or making any allowance for dead capital, and supposing, too, that the proprietor resides on the spot for, if he is absent", he is subject in Jamaica to an annual tax of £6 per cent. on the gross value of his sugar and rum for legal commissions to his agent. With these and other drawbacks, to say nothing of the devastations which are sometimes occasioned by fires and hurricanes, destroying in a few hours the labor of years, it is not wonderful that the profits should frequently dwindle to nothing or, rather, that a sugar estate, with all its boasted advantages, should sometimes , prove a mill-stone about the neck of its unfortunate proprietor, which is dragging him to destruction. * * * It were to be wished that people would inquire how many unhappy persons have been totally and irretrievably ruined by adventuring in the cultivation of these islands without posscssing any adequate means to support them in such great undertakings. On the failure of some of these unfortunate men, vast estates had money at command men there are who reflecting on the advantages to be derived from this circumstance, behold a sugar-planter struggling in distress with the same emotions as are felt by the Cornish peasants" in contemplating a shipwreck on the coast and hasten with equal rapaciousness to participate in I tie spoil. Like them, too, they sometimes hold out false lights to lead the unwary adventurer to destruction, more especially if he has anything considerable of his own to set out with. Money is ad[???]eed and encouragement given to a certain point, but a skillful practitioner knows where to stop he is aware that very large sums must be expended in the purchase of the freehold, and in the first operations of clearing and planting the lands and erecting the buildings, before any return can be made. One-third of the money thus expended he has, perhaps, furnished but the time soon arrives when a further advance is requisite to give life and activity to the system by the addition of the negroes and the stock. Now then is the moment for oppression, aided by the letter of the law, to reap a golden harvest. It the property answers expectation and the land promise great returns, the sagacious creditor, instead of giving further aid, or leaving his too confident debtor to make the best of his way by his own exertions, pleads a sudden and unexpected emergency, and insists on the immediate repayment of the sum already lent. The law on this occasion is far from being chargeable with delay -- and avarice is inexorable. A sale is hurried on and no bidders appear but the creditor himself. Ready money is required in payment, and every one sees that a further sum will be wanting to make the estate productive. Few therefore have the means, who have even the wish, efficaciously to assist the devoted victim. Thus the creditor gets the estate at his own price, commonly for his first advance, while the miserable debtor has reason to to thank his stars if, consoling himself with only the loss of his own original capital and his labor for a series of years, he escapes a prison for life.... At the same time it cannot be denied that there are creditors, especially among the British merchants, of a different character from these that have been described, who, having advanced their money to resident planters, on the fair ground of reciprocal benefit, have been compelled, much against their inclination, to become planters themselves being obliged to receive unprofitable West India estates in payment, or lose their money altogether. I have known plantations transferred in this manner which arc a burthen instead of a benefit to the holder and are kept up solely in the hope that favorable crops, and an advance in the prices of West Indian produce, may some time or other invite purchasers. Thus oppression in one class of creditors, and gross injustice towards another, contribute equally to keep up cultivation in a country where, if the risks and losses are great, the gains are commensurate.... In this, as in all other enterprises where success depends in any degree on human sagacity and prudence,though perhaps not more than one man in fifty comes away fortunate,every sanguine adventurer takes for granted that he shall be that one. Thus his system of life becomes a course of experiments and if ruin should be the consequence of his rashness, he imputes his misfortune to any cause, rather than to his own want of capacity or foresight."

This is a picture of Jamaica cultivation sixty years ago, when sugar was sold for treble the price that it will now command. Nor is it so unlike the cultivation of the present day that it cannot be recognized, for half a century has brought to the Jamaica planter but little knowledge of the labor-saving arts. The evils, however, which were then only taking root, have since overshadowed the Island. Hypothecation, rendered necessary by the expenses of the Slave system, and the extravagance of the planters, increased so fast that nine out of ten estates, at the time of Emancipation, were mortgaged far beyond their value. The creditors were English merchants who vainly tried to keep up the cultivation of the property that reverted to them. How could they do so? Estates that yielded an average annual income of seven per cent., with the proprietor resident, could not, with the proprietor absent, pay attorneys and overseer, and still be worked at a profit. Many proprietors tried the impossible experiment and failed, while their agents and overseers made money, or ultimately bought in the estate at a nominal cost. Many proprietors have since tried the experiment, and have failed, and will continue to fail as long as they neglect the common teachings of experience. They will attribute their failure to any but the right cause. They shut their eyes to the fact that, in times past and in times present, the successful estates in Jamaica have always had, and have still, resident proprietors. Absenteeism, it is true, is lees prevalent now than it was about the period of Emancipation. A resident proprietor may be found to-day for every non-resident But the seeds of the evil were sown years and years ago, and the fruit must be reaped. No country, since the world was made, were its resources tenfold greater than those of Jamaica, could continue to prosper with the large body of its landed proprietary permanent absentees. And even those who were nominally residents usually passed half the year in Europe, and spent their money there. England was always their home, and Jamaica merely a place out of which the most was to be made. I feel it almost a p[???]agiarism to enumerate these causes of the decline of Jamaica, they have been so often[???] spoken of by other writers -- they are so perfectly obvious to any unprejudiced inquirer after truth, They were evils sufficiently serious to ruin the Island had Emancipation never taken place. They exhausted capital and destroyed credit, and without these it would be impossible for any country to flourish. Since Emancipation, this want of capital has been the chief cause of an unceasing depression. The sum received by the planter for his slaves was insufficient to pay off his mortgages he had no money to improve his estate or keep it up in bare cultivation he had no money to keep roads in repair or build tramways he had no money to pay for labor he had no money to meet misfortune. What was the inevitable consequence? His mortgages were foreclosed he reduced his cultivation he sold small lots to settlers to meet pressing wants the roads were so bad that the transportation of sugar to the shipping port became one of his heaviest items of expenditure the laborers whom he neglected to pay went elsewhere the day of misfortune came and overwhelmed him with ruin. He was bankrupt before Emancipation but it was Emancipation hat [???]ore down the veil which concealed his wretched poverty. I speak generally, for I do not doubt that there were many exceptional cases. Many of the three hundred estates in cultivation at the present day are exceptions. There were planters who continued to cultivate sugar after Emancipation -- who were successful then and are successful still -- and since 1853, when the general abandonment of estates may be said to have ceased in Jamaica, the number of these successful planters has considerably increased. I need not pause to explain that they were all man of capital, and that their properties were economically managed, for both assertions are proved to demonstration by the fact that only first-class estates arc in cultivation to-day.
But the old Plantocracy steadily and fatally ignored, in early as in later times, the real causes of the island's decline. They shrunk from the idea of putting their own shoulders to the wheel. In the days of their prosperity they never faced labor in the days of their adversity they did not face misfortune.

If they thought freedom the worst system of labor in the world, their manhood should have taught them to make the most of what was done and could never again be undone. They would not give it a fair trial, but preferred to gee their heritage pass away without a living struggle to redeem it. They have complained loudly enough, and have waited in the modest expectation that the Government of England would wrong the people of England to relieve them. They expected a restoration of protective duties on sugar, and the imposition of a heavy tax on the British nation, in order that they, who gave nothing in return, might live in sumptuous and easy luxury. They have iterated and reiterated the false accusation that the negro won't work, in order to raise up a seeming justification for themselves, and they have done all they could to bring him again under a yoke of coercion. By these means they succeeded in keeping morbidly alive the Anti-Slavery spirit of the British people, and of fanning into flame a philanthropic zeal that, I do not hesitate to say, has proved injurious to the best interests of Jamaica. If, instead of toying to create sympathy for their class by the false assertion that the negro would neither work for love or money, they had simply urged a want of labor, there cannot be a doubt that, like the Mauritius, Guiana, or Trinidad, Jamaica at this day would have an ample population.

I don't deny that the planters of Jamaica have had misfortunes to contend with. It was their misfortune that they inherited a system of labor that demanded extravagant expenditure. It was their misfortune that Slavery so deeply degraded labor, that, even under Freedom, the effect of such a curse could not speedily be removed. It was their misfortune that, within the century prior to Emancipation, there were over thirty servile insurrections in the Island, each one of which entailed a heavy expense upon the proprietary, and, in some cases, brought them to the verge of ruin. It was their misfortune that, with the rise and progress of the United States, Jamaica lost the prominent position the once occupied as a depot for the trade between Europe and the Spanish Main, and that a large amount of commercial capital was thus withdrawn from the Island. It was their misfortune that their expenses were aggravated by the mistaken policy of the Imperial Government, which placed restrictions and prohibitions on the Colonial trade with the American Republic. It was their misfortune that they were never adequately paid for their slave property. It was their misfortune that they found themselves compelled to mortgage their estates -- that their debts continued to increase -- and that when an unfavorable season overtook them they lifted up their eyes in hopeless bankruptcy. It was their misfortune that among the Island merchants they found too many like those whom, sixty years ago BRYAN EDWARDS likened to Cornish wreckers. It was their misfortune that, between 1815 and 1825, the price of their great staple fell twenty-five per cent. -- that between 1825 and 1835 it fell another twenty-live per cent. -- and that between 1835 and 1850 it fell twenty-live per cent. yet again. It was their misfortune that the British nation would no longer consent to be taxed to support them, and that the protective tariff upon West India sugars should have been abolished by the law of 1846. It was their misfortune to have been distrusted at home and abroad, and to have been the victims of a jealousy that refused for years to Jamaica, alone of all the British West Indies, the privileges and the advantages of a wholesome immigration.

But it was their fault that, under the most expensive system of labor known, they were ever reckless and improvident. It was their fault that they prosecuted a precarious business in the spirit of reckless gamblers. It was their fault that they wasted this substance in riotous living. It was their fault that they obeyed not. the commonest rules of political economy -- that they saved no labor and spared no land. It was their fault that they faced not labor themselves, but were absentees from their estates, and followed a road that could lead to no possible end but ruin. It was their fault that they listened to no warning -- that they heeded not the signs of the times -- that they refused all schemes for gradual emancipation, and even for ameliorating the condition of the slaves, until the crushing weight of public opinion broke the chain of Slavery asunder, and threw suddenly upon their own resources an ignorant and undisplined people. It was their faults of policy and government that drove the Creoles from plantations, that left the population in ignorance, that discouraged education, and kept morality at the lowest ebb. It is their fault that, under a system of freedom from which there is no relapse, they have made no brave attempt to redeem past errors and retrieve past misfortunes, but have been content to bemoan their fate in passive complaint, and to saddle the negro with a ruin for which they themselves are only responsible.

This was the old Plantocracy -- the generous, hospitable, improvident, domineering Plantocracy of Jamaica. Their power no longer predominates. They command no credit and no respect, and they obtain but little sympathy in their misfortune. Even from domestic legislation they have sullenly retired, and their places are being fast filled by the people whom they have so long and so vainly tried to keep down. I am not going to rush into extravagant admiration at the change, or at popular government as developed in Jamaica. The mass of the inhabitants are still too ignorant to exercise the franchise with discretion, and all are more or less imbued with the prejudices of caste. But imperfect and defective as it is, Representative Government in Jamaica is greatly preferable to the oligarchy of a Planter's reign. The interests, moral, political, and educational, of the people, are more cared for, and in their progress, much more than in the success of large plantations, the permanent prosperity of the Island most assuredly depends.

Nor are the new class of resident planters who have appeared in Jamaica within ten years past by any means to be passed over in silence. They work their estates with prudence and economy, though they lack the advantages that latter-day science has given to American and Cuban proprietors. Capital and labor are both needed, but the art of economizing labor is needed still more. A Louisiana planter makes twice the quantity of sugar from an acre of land that a Jamaica planter does. Nevertheless, it is a fact, of which I have had ample proof in all carta of the Island, that many Jamaica planters who look after their own business have relieved their estates from incumbrance, and are, even now, malting handsome fortues. Since 1858 as many properties have been resuscitated as abandoned and I regard it as one of the most favorable signs of improvement that the work of regeneration, however small its commencement, has been at least inaugurated by NEW MEN.

W.G.S.

15.4 SLAVE REGISTRATION RECORDS at the PRO.

Kew 22/1/95.
Also later by internet

Records in T71 164-177 covering 1817, 1820, 1823, 1826, 1829, 1832.

Records show the total number of males and females held, the changes since last record, and the manner of the change (birth, death or sometimes acquisition). The registers are under owners' names except where the register is made under an agent's name when the plantation name is sometimes quoted. The given name and the baptism names are often given. The records contain a differentiation between African and Creole origin as well as their racial mix.
Cause of death is given, varying from old age to dropsy, lockjaw (quite common) and other illnesses of the time. Mothers are usually given for the births.

The registration was taken on 28 June, but the records were usually signed up in September.
Many references to Roses' and Wrights through years.

1817

T71/165:
Francis Maitland in St Elizabeth (f665): M45 F28 T73
Males:
Aqua (ch John Maitland)       Negro       40    Creole
Fortune (ch Richard M)        Negro       40    Creole
Jack Wright                   Negro       50    Creole
Sammy                                     60
Johnson (ch Johnson M)                    60    African
Tom Jones                                 35    C
Scipio                                    30    C
Adam                                      50    A
Joe                                       25    C
Julius                                    60    A
Cumberland                                60    A
Daniel                        Mulatto     35    C           Graces, Runaway
Damion                        N           30    C           Graces
Chester                                   30    A
Pompey                                    60    A
Thomas                                    30    C
Jupiter                                   60    A
Old Joe                                   65    A
Prince                                    25    C           Charlotte's
Long George                               30    A
Frank                                     30    A
Tom Brown                           Sambo 25    C           Grace Green
Ben Brown                           Sambo 25    C           Grace Green
George                              Mul’o 20    C           Marina's
Handson?                      N           20    C
Harry                                     20    C
Jacky                                     18    C           Nelly's
Tom Clark                                 18    C           Marina's
Billy (ch Billy Wright)                   14    C           Nelly's
Quaco                                     12    C           Marina's
William (ch William Roberts)              12    C           Abba's
John                                      12    C           Charlotte's
Jupiter                                   11    C           Sophy's
Nash                                      10    C
Quamina                                   11    C           Cuida's
James                                     10    C
Iancho                                    10    C           Charlotte's
Ned                                       12    C           Sophy's
Nelson                                    12    C           Marina's
Nero                                      7     C           Marina's
McDonald                                  4     C           Marina's
Shortland                                 3     C           Sophy's
James                                     1     C           Jenny's
Andrew                                    1     C           Rose's
Dick (ch Richard Porker)            Sambo 3     C     Margaret Carpenter

Females:
Nancy                                     25    C           Phabe's
Rose                                      20    C           Marina's
Little Sue                                18    C
Jenny (ch Jane Maitland)                  30    C
Cuida                                     35    C
Bess (ch Bessy Wright)                    45    C
Phabe                                     45    C
Charlotte                                 45    A
Mary Ann                                  60    A
patience                                  50    A
Cretia                                    50    A
Eve                                       55    A
Juba (ch Fanny Wright)                    50    A
Margaret Carpenter                  Sambo 45    C
Charity (ch Fanny Maitland)               18    C           Sophy's
Grace Green                               55    C
Maria (ch Maria Wright)                   45    C
Melly                                     45    C
Cynthia (ch Louise Wright)                35    C
Marina                                    45    C
Abba (ch Rebecca Wright)                  40    C
Sophy                                     40    C
Fanny                                     18    C           Marina's
Ruthy                                     8     C           Charlotte'S
Hagai                                     5     C           Charlotte's
Flora                                     3     C           Jenny's
Charlotte (ch Charlotte Parker)     Sambo 7     C           Margaret Carpenter's
Alice (ch Alice Blake) Quadroon          5     C     Margaret Carpenter's

T71/65 f278:
Francis Maitland & George Roberts as owners in Manchester: M39 F39/78

Males:
Remus             Negro 35    C           Mars              40    A
Charles                 30    A           Garick?           40    A
Brown                   35    A           Philip            35    A
Baines                  40    A           Anthony           35    A
Robert                  35    A           Duke              50    A
Cato                    35    A           Warwick           40    A
John                    40    A           Jamaica           45    A
Congo Henry             25    A           Walter            30    A
Mark                    40    A           Quashie           35    C
Pitt                    35    A           Kingston          35    A
Dawson                  45    A           Creole Henry      22    C      Sue
Guy                     18    C           Marcus            12    C      Dolly
Hamlet                  10    C           Ned               11    C      Sue
Chance                        8     C     Cinda
Bob                           10    C     Cinda
Jonathan                      8     C     Dolly
Trim                          7     C     Abba
Cauer                         6     C     Rose
Porter                        5     C     Sue
Lincoln                       5     C     Lavinia
Simon                         5     C
Davy                          4     C
George                        4     C     Cinda
Edward                        3     C     Dolly
Traveller                     1     C     Lavinia

Females:
Ceuba             45    A           Abba                    45    A
Jane              45    A           Venus                   45    A
Hope              40    A           Frankey                 35    A
Dolly             40    A           Olive                   35    A
Yanou             40    A           Hannah                  40    A
Sue               45    A           Rose                    45    A
Betty             35    A           Judy                    45    A
Cinda             35    A           Catalani                35    A
Lavinia           35    A           Sarah                   30    A
Eley                    25    C     Couba
Fanny                   25    C     Kate
Celia ch Celia Wright   25    C     Dolly
Lettuce                 18    C     Rose
Ruthy                   20    C     Abba
Penny                   16    C
Agnes                   22    C     Couba
Sabina                  16    C     Abba
Prue                    10    C
Mimba                   10    C
Sappho                  8     C     Lavinia
Mary                    7     C
Cynthia                 8     C
Leah                    6     C     Javies
Wansa                   3     C
Eve                     2     C     Lavinia
Juliana                 1     C     Eley
Rachel                  1     C     Agnes
Kitty                   6mths C
Margaret                20    C     Sue

T71/165, f764.
George Roberts as owner, St Elizabeth:
Females:
Julian Ch Olivia Reed   Sambo 22    C
Bessy                   Sambo 1     C     Julian, Olivia Reed
Males: 0, Females: two.

T71/166:
Thomas Wright (f984): M2
Lewis Wright (f982): M1
Elizabeth Wright (f1047): 4
Francis Brooke Wright: 1 (John Wright guardian).
William Plant in right of his late wife Mary Ann Wright dau of John Wright: 3 (signed by John Wright).
Mary, Alexander and William Rose quoted in index.

Sarah Maitland

T71/165 F650 (image 0176)
A return of Slaves in the Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the possession of Sarah Maitland as Owner on the 28^th day of June in the year of our Lord 1817.
Males: None
Females:
Fibba Negro 65 Creole
Signed with her mark.

1820

T71/167:
Francis Maitland as attorney to George Roberts, sole owner, 4.

Francis Maitland as owner:-                       (f465)
Last Return: M   F   (   )
This Return: M47 F31 (78) Bths since last 2, Deaths 4.

Males:
Charleton   Negro 1.5   C     Little Eve Birth
David Mulatto     35    C     Runaway on 11^th March 1817 Sold out of
                              Spanish Town workhouse on 25^th August 1817
                              under name of James.
Chester     Negro 30    A     Sentenced to transportation as an
                              incorrigible runaway at a assizes at Black
                              River 25^th April 1820.
Frank Negro 33    A     Died April 1^st 1820

Female:
Marina      Negro 14    C     Rose Birth
Mary Ann    Negro 60    A     Died Jan 19 1819
Crolia      Negro 50    A     Died Feb 20 1819
Margaret Carpenter      Sambo 45    C     manumitted in consideration £40
                              by deed dated 1 March 1818
Grace Green Negro 58    C     Died Feb 22^nd 1820
                        Increase Two      Decrease seven

Francis Maitland & George Roberts as owners:-
Last Return: M23 F18 (40)
Males:
Foy               Negro 2.5   C     Jane, Birth
Dawson            Negro 2.5   C     Clarissa Wright, Birth
William           Negro 7m    C     Sinclia, Birth
Dorcas's Inf      Negro       C     Dorcas, Birth
Mitcham           Negro 35    A     Died January 1818
Will              Negroa63    A     Died August 1818
Dorcas inf        Negro 8d    C     Died 31 March 1820
Females:
Juliet            Negro 45    A     Died 6 Feb 1820
Grace             Negro 90    C     Died 13 March 1820.
Increase 4, decrease 5.

This Return: M24 F16 (43) Bths 4, Dth 5. (f463)

Also:
John & Ann Wright (f713): M41 F38 M43 F41, B6 D2
Francis Brooke Wright: F1 (sig John W.).
Elizabeth A.B. Wright: M2 F2 M2 F3 (John W as attorney).
Sophia Jones(?) Wright: M1 F2 M2 F2.
Charles Wright: M1 F1 M1 F1.
Nathaniel Wright: M14 F9 M14 f10.
Lewis Wright: M1 M1.
Thomas Wright: M2 M3.
Alexander Rose (f517): M29 F21 M20 F19, B5 D8.
Alexander Rose (as guardian for George Rose) (f518): M4 F3 M4 F2.
Mary Rose (f534): M4 F4 M5 F4.
Alexander Rose was also executor for Alexander Girdwood.

1823

T71/168:
Francis Maitland, St Elizabeth:-        (f431)
Last Return: M43 F25 (68)
Males:
Sammy             Negro 63    C     Died 3^rd Aug 1820
Pompey            Negro 63    A     Died 7^th October 1820
Old Joe           Negro 68    A     Died 1 November 1820
Aqua              Negro 44    C     Died 24 April 1821
Joe               Negro 30    C     Died 26 July 1822
Jack Wright Negro 56    C     Died 19^th April 1823
Frederick         Sambo 30m   C     Louisa Wright Birth
Henry       Negro 3m    C     Charity
Wellington Negro 9m    C     Fidelius
Grant       Negro 12    C     Myrtilla mother, Purchase
Isaac       Negro 9     C     Myrtilla mother, Purchase
Peter       Negro 9     C     Myrtilla mother, Purchase
Tommy       Negro 5     C     Myrtilla mother, Purchase
James       Negro 1     C     Myrtilla mother, Purchase
Arcky       Negro 2     C     Sally, mother purchase

Females:
Patience          Negro 54    A     Died June 1821
Alice       Quadroon    10    C     Died 4 Aug 1822
Bess              Negro 51    C     Died 4 May 1823.
Fidelia           Negro 35    A     Purchase with her and Wellington 27
                                   1823 in the name of Timothy B Mulling
Sally             Negro 40    C     Purchase with Arky, Kitty, Sylvia her
                                    children 8 April 1823. Stood in the
                                          name of Margaret ? St E.
Kitty             Negro 7     C     Sally, Purchase
Silvia            Negro 2     C     Sally, Purchase
Myrtilla          Negro 35    A     Purchase with her children Eve, Grant
                                        Plato?, Isaac, Tommy & James 12 April
                                    1820, stood in the name of Mary Rose.
Eve               Negro 15    C     Myrtilla, Purchase
Sophia            Negro 2.5   C     Charity, Purchase
Abby              Negro 2     C     Jenny
Lottery?          Negro 3m    C     Charlotte Parker.

This Return: M46 F31 (77) Bths since last 5, Deaths 9.

Francis Maitland & George Roberts, St Elizabeth:-
Last Return: M24 F16 (40)
Males:
Francis Maitland Negro 1-9   C     Jane
Dorcas male Inford      Negro 8d    C     Dorcas, D 20 March 1821
Syphax                  Negro 41    A     Died 10 November 1821
Jack                    Negro 46    A     Died 1822
Females:
Dorcas                  Negro 1-3   C     Clare
Bessy James             Negro 1-2   C     Ameila
Violet Powell           Negro 8m    C     Dorcas
Olive Wint              Negro 4m    C     Jane.

This Return: M23 F20 (43) Bths 6, Dth 3.

George Roberts as owner, Manchester:
Males:
Frank Wright      Negro 37    C     Removed from St Elizabeth Females:                                     registered then by Francis
Eliza Reid        Sambo             Maitland as attorney for George
Bessy Smith       Sambo             Roberts
Mary Smith        Sambo.
                                    Males 1, Females 4.
Note: this was while George Roberts was probably in London after getting married in November 1816.

Mary Rose:-
Last Return: 9, This 5. 7 sold to Francis M 21/3/1823.

Also:
John Wright, attorney for Mrs Elizabeth Jessop (late his dau) & Miss Eliza Wright
Charles Wright: 1 John Wright - attorney (guardian?) of sons Henry Warren? and George Wright on death of their mother? Sophia Jane W - difficult to read).

1826

T71/169:

A return of Slaves in the Parish of St Elizabeth in the possession of George Roberts & Ann Maitland as owners 28 June 1826:-
Last Return: M23 F20 (43)
This Return: M23 F16 (39) Bths 3, Dth 7.

Males
Name        Colour      Age   African/Creole    Remarks      Increase/Decrease
                                                            Cause Cause
Oxford      Negro       2     Furto      Ann Wright mother       By Birth
John James Negro       1.5               Amelia Mother           By Birth
Chas Williams Negro 1/2                        Dormus mother By Birth
Mick Negro 59 African died June 24^th 1824
Bill Negro 59 ?? Died July 29^th 1824

Moses Sambo 79 Creole Died Aug 1 1824
Females
Mary Wright Negro 69 Creole Died Mar 25 1823
Juno Negro 29 Creole died Dec 14^th 1823
Elizabeth Wright Negro 73 Creole died Mar 23 1825
Charity Negro 54 African died Jan 18 1826
Increase 3 decrease seven.
I George Roberts do swear that the above last return is a true perfect and complete Cert and return to the best of my knowledge and belief in every particular therein mentioned of all and every slave and slaves possessed by me as joint owner with Ann Maitland considered as permanently settled worked or employed in the parish of St Elizabeth on the 28^th day of June in the year of our lord 1826 without fraud deceit or evasion so help me God. George Roberts.

George Roberts & Ann Maitland in Manchester 28 June 1826:
Males by last return 39
Females                 46
Total last Return 85
Males
                              yr/mthe
Allen Morgan      Negro 2-6   Creole      Lettice mother    By Birth
Joe               Negro 0-8   Creole      Elsey mother      By Birth
Billy Williams    Negro 0-9   Creole      Agnes Mother      By Birth
Anthony           Negro 0-11 Creole      Sarah mother      By Birth
Anthony           Negro 0-11 Creole      Died Oct 24^th 1824
Mars              Negro 48    African     Died Apr 14^th 1825
Joe               Negro 44    African     Died Jan 13^th 1826

Females
Louisa Wheatle    Mulatto 2-4 Creole      Cynthia mother    By Birth
Sally Green       Negro 1-7   Creole      Lavinia mother    By Birth
Abba              Negro 0-7   Creole      Ruthy mother      By Birth
Dolly Caple       Negro 0-5 Creole      Cecelia mother    By Birth
Eve               Negro 0-3   Creoel      Lethin mother     By Birth
Sue               Negro 52    African     Died July 5^th 1824
Judy              Negro 52    African     Died July 27^th 1824
Abba              Negro 54    African     Died Jan 20^th 1826
Number of Slaves on the 28^th day of June 1826: Males 40
                                                            Females 48
                                                            Total 88
Births since last return nine
Deaths since last return Six.

John Salmon as Attorney to Giddy Hall:-
(f685) Last Return: M46 F31 (77)
Males:
Frederick         Sambo 2     C     Manumitted
Archy             Negro 3     C     Death
Fidelia's child   Negro 2m    C     Fidelia     Birth & Death
Joe Wallace       Negro 73    A     Death
Sammy             Negro       C     Henrietta Salmon b 25 Feb 1825
Rose's child      Negro 6d    C     Rose Birth & Death

Females:
Louisa            Negro 41    C     Manumitted
Hannah            Negro       C     Fanny Maitland, B 31 March 1825
Rose              Negro 27    C     Death
Increase 4, Decrease 7.

Manumitted:
25/7/1823 Frederick Cowan £140 Francis Maitland & ux

31/5/1824 Louisa Wright £220 Frank Maitland & ux
This Return: M44 F30 (74)

Others:
John & Ann Wright:- M44 F44 - M40 F45
(f834) William Wright as guardian to his dau Francis Brook Wright - 1F WW as guardian to infant son of Elizabeth Jessop (his dau) deceased 5.
George Rose: 7 (in 1823 registered by Executor of Alexander Rose).
William A Rose: 1
Mary Rose: 5.
Margaret Rose: 10.
John & Ann Wright: M44 F44 M40 F45.
William Wright as guardian to his dau Francis Brook Wright: F1.
William Wright as guardian to infant son of Elizabeth Jessop (his
dau), deceased: 5.
Thomas Wright: 2.
Charles Wright: 1.
George Wright: 3.
Charles Wright: 4 11.
Nathaniel Wright: 27.

1829

T71/173:
John Salmon as Attorney to Ann Maitland @ Giddy Hall Pen:-
Last Return: M44 F30 (74)

Males:
John              Mulatto 1-10Creole      Charlotte Parker        By Birth
George Miles?     Mulatto 4D Creole      Catherine Maitland      By Birth
Oxford            Negro 55    Creole                  1827        By Purchase
John Painfort     Negro 80    African                             By Death
Francis Maitland Negro 30    Creole                              By Death
John Keane        Negro 60    Creole                              By Death
Females:
Rosanna           Negro 2-3-6 Creole      Catherine Maitland      By Birth
Venus             Negro 2-9-0 Creole      Henrietta Salmon        By Birth
Bessy Brown       Negro 1-6-0 Creole      Fanny Maitland          By Birth
This Return: M43 F33 (76) Bths 5, Dths 4

1832

T71/177:
Francis Maitland & John Salmon as Attorney to Ann Maitland @ Giddy Hall Plantation:-                                 (f113)
Last Return: M43 F33 (76)
Francis           Mulatto     2y7m C     Charlotte Porter, Birth
Bob               Black 2y6m C     Henrietta Salmon, Birth
Roderick Dhue     Mulatto     8m    C     Charlotte Porter, Birth
George Wylie      Black 6m    C     Catherine Maitland, Died Lockjaw
Peter             Black 10    C     Myrtilla, Died Fits
James             Black 6     C     Myrtilla, Died Lockjaw
George Wylie      Mulatto 30 C     Sarah Maitland, Died Coco Bay
Thomas Wallace    Black 28    C     Eliza Wright, Died fits

Females:
Mary Ann          Black 2y6m C     Henrietta Salmon, Birth
Eleanor Brown     Black 1y8m C     Fanny Maitland, Birth
Hannah Smith      Black 1y    C     Henrietta Salmon, Birth
Fanny Wright      Black 80    A     Died old Age.

This Return: M44 F35 (78) Bths 6, Dths 6.
Francis M here probably Francis (2).

George Roberts & Ann Maitland as joint owners:-   (f273)
Last Return: M25 F16 (41)
This Return: M23 F14 (37) Bths 2, Dths 6.
Males:
Augustin Horne          Sambo 0-2   Creole      Betha Spanner?    By Birth
Francis Maitland        Negro 9-0   Creole      By Death
James Roberts           Negro 48    African     By Death
Thomas Wright           Negro 74    Creole      By Death
Females:
Virginit Stoness        Sambo 2     Creole      By Birth
Behaveour Wright        Negro 58    Creole      By Death
Prair Numad?            Negro 2-9   Creole      By Death
Sarah Darling           Negro 2-0   Creole      By Death

Executors to Alexander Rose (Dcd) (f288): M24 F 18 M25 F18.
George Rose for his wife: 0 M9 F7 (from William Rose). Guardian for Rebecca Rose: 2.
William A Rose: M2 F2.
Ann Wright (f514): M8 F5 8T.
Mrs Ann Wright trustee: M33 F38 M26 F 34 (many given away).
Charles Wright: M5 F8 14T.
Attorney of Frances Brooke Wright: 1 0.
George Raby Wright: M3 F1 M2 F2.
Nathaniel Wright: M13 F13 M17 F13.

Manumissions:

25/7/1823 Frederick Cowan £140 Francis Maitland & ux

31/5/1824 Louisa Wright £220 Frank Maitland & ux

15.5 Slave Compensation

Slave Compensation - St Elizabeth, Jamaica: NDO 4-4
Slave Compensation Records (NDO4-4) show compensation (incl interest) paid to slave owners in mid 1830's (1836 mostly).
No reference to Maitlands.
Several Wrights and Rose's appear.
Margaret Rose: £309-17s-10d + £10-8-7
George Raby Wright: £86-15-9 + £4-1-3 Pd 7/3/1836 no619.
William A Rose: £113-13-6 + £5-6-10 No620
Margaret Wright: £26-12-2 + £1-4-6 No670
Nathaniel Wright & his wife Elizabeth: £887-16-0 + £54-0-6 No832.

Giddy Hall

Jamaica St Elizabeth 602 (Giddy Hall)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
6th Mar 1837 | 70 Enslaved | £1563 10S 2D
Claim Notes

Parliamentary Papers p. 302.

The award was split: £781 12s 3d went to Morrice, 06/03/1837 £781 17s 11d went to Salmon, 16/10/1837.

T71/870: claim from J. Salmon, as executor of John Maitland. Counterclaim from William Morrice (a London West India merchant), as judgement creditor.

Slave Compensation - St Elizabeth, Jamaica: NDO 4-4
Slave Compensation Records (NDO4-4) show compensation (incl interest) paid to slave owners in mid 1830's (1836 mostly).
No reference to Maitlands.
Several Wrights and Rose's appear.
Margaret Rose: £309-17s-10d + £10-8-7
George Raby Wright: £86-15-9 + £4-1-3 Pd 7/3/1836 no619.
William A Rose: £113-13-6 + £5-6-10 No620
Margaret Wright: £26-12-2 + £1-4-6 No670
Nathaniel Wright & his wife Elizabeth: £887-16-0 + £54-0-6 No832.

Mitcham

Jamaica St Elizabeth 764 (Mitcham)
Claim Details & Associated Individuals
14th May 1838 | 66 Enslaved | £1222 7S 0D

CLAIM DETAILS
Claim Notes

Not listed in Parliamentary Papers.

T71/870: adjudged (with Manchester claim no. 224) £792 9s 11d to John Pusey Wint the residue went to John Salmon etc.. John Salmon claimed as executor of Ann Maitland John Pusey Wint counterclaimed 'under the will of the late Andrew Wright'. Under Andrew Wright's will, dated 21/01/1806, John Pusey Wint is shown as his 'son-in-law' (in fact he was his stepson). John Pusey Wint was a trustee under the will. Reference to the reputed daughters Ann Wright and Elizabeth Wright, born of the body of Ruth Sinclair: 'if the said A & E Wright go to Jamaica unmarried they should forfeit all benefit under the will'.

Associated Individuals (5)
Andrew Wright                 Other association
John Pusey Wint               Awardee
Edmund Francis Green          Awardee
John Salmon the younger       Awardee (Executor or executrix)
George Roberts                Awardee (Executor or executrix)

Silver Grove

Mount Charles

Manumissions:

25/7/1823 Frederick Cowan £140 Francis Maitland & ux
31/5/1824 Louisa Wright £220 Frank Maitland & ux

Runaway Slaves in Jamaica

Eighteenth Century.
Edited by Douglas B Chambers, University of S Mississippi (Feb 2013)

Paid Adverts:
1718:
Weekly Jamaica Courant 30/7/1718
Ran away, from Mrs Mary Hales in Temple Lane, Kingston, a creole Negro wench, marked on the right shoulder W, called by the name of Nanne. She had on a white petticoat, an oznaburg jacket, a white handkerchief. Whoever brings her to the aforesaid Mrs Hales, or to the Printers, shall be well rewarded, or whoever retains her, be it at their peril.
30/7/1718.
Ref William Pusey, esq, Vere
Jamaica Mercury, 12/2/1780:
ref Mrs Burton of Conna Valley.
26/3/1786:
Cornwall Chronicle (p115)
Good Hope, Trelawney
Ref John Tharp.
Workhouse:
Black River Gaol, 1781.
Quashie or Cassandra (sic), to Dr Ledwich, Golden Grove or TH Barrett. 1/21
St James 1782: Bellamour to Simon Facye. 5/14 (p206)
Black River 1786: Quamina to Patty. 7/26 (22&)
Kingston 1786: Luck to Hayle, Spanish Town. 7/8 (230)
Clarendon 1790: Fate, a Coromantee, to Sally Wint, Milk River, mared MB 5’3” high. 12/24.
Spanish Town 1792: John Jackson, a creole mulatto, to Andrew Wright, 5 ft 3½ in. 4/16 (CC).
Kingston 1793:
Cuffee, a creole, to Robert Sinclair, 4’ 11” high. 5/20.
Sharper, a Coromantee, to Phillis Facey, marked PFS on top, 5’6” high, 6/10.

Nineteenth Century
Edited by Douglas B Chambers, University of S Mississippi (Feb 2013)
Paid Advertisements (1812-1817)
Workhouse Lists 1810-17.

1811, Black River Workhouse:
Abby, an Eboe, to Midgham Pen, St Elizabeth, mark on both shoulders not plain 3/5.
Montego Bay, 23 Aug 1811. Runaway a negro woman named Abby, marked on both shoulders not plain, she formerly belonging to Midgham Penn, in Westmoreland. Six dollars reward will be paid to any person lodging her in any workhouse, or delivering her to John Baptest.

St Andrew Workhouse, 1811:
Ned a Mundingo to Miss Booth, no visible brand mark, brought in by the maroons.
Lucretia, a creole, to Miss Lydia Facey, marked apparently LF on right shoulder 3/20.

Kingston Workhouse, 1812:
John, a creole, to Miss Fanny Burton, St Elizabeth, mark on right shoulder,, not plain, 11/12
St Andrew Workhouse, 1813
Louisa, a Mungola, to Miss Facey, no mark, brought in by the maroons. 4/16
Clarendon Workhouse 1814:
Jack Robinson, a creole, to Miss Booth, Kingston, no mark. 4/27
Kingston Workhouse 1814:
Romeo, a creole, to Mr James Booth, Spanish Town, his right hand from the wrist contracted, and the fingers off. 1/8.
George, a Chamba, to James Booth, Spanish Town Wprkhouse, the middle toe of his right foot off, scar of an old sore on his left instep, his country marks on his face. 7/4.
Lucky, an Eboe, to Phillis Facey, marked H, and other letters not plain on right shoulder, sent in from Fort Augusta. 8/30
Spanish Town Workhouse.
Betty Brush, a creole to W.B. Wright esq, Kingston, no brand mark. 11/26.
Black River Workhouse 1815
Elizabeth, a creole, to Goshen Pen.
Clarendon 1816:
Thomas, a creole, to Doctor Hayle, marked on both shoulders H & ^ on top. 2/11.
Kingston 1816:
Harry, a Chamba, to William Burt Wright esq, marked AC on right shoulder. 8/28.

15.6 Apprentices

For provision Grounds see ACCOUNTS AND PAPERS FOURTEEN VOLUMES V48 1836,
P270 on.

16 Legislation etc

16.1 17 Acts (of Privilege) of the Jamaican Assembly 1760-1810

The system evidently predated these formal acts: a Letter Patent has been found by AM which gives the rights of natural born subjects to a negro woman, Elizabeth Wilson, in 1730. (1B/11/1/19F144).

A selection of Acts of Assembly

Printed 16/3/09
by Edward Crawford

http://www.afrigeneas.com/library/jamaica/acts.html

These Private Acts of the Jamaican Assembly relating to people of African or part-African descent from 1760 to 1810 have been extracted by Edward Crawford from the list of Jamaican Assembly Acts at the Public Record Office, Kew, London. Apart from those which involved legal rights of individuals I have added a few cases where those of African descent were named in the Acts of the Assembly for different reasons.
From 5.1.1762 the Jamaican Assembly placed restrictions on the maximum amount of money and property (£2,000) that could be left to those of African or part-African descent. Though this was contrary to the principle of English common law, which gave absolute discretion to dispose of property, it was agreed by the Privy Council. (The Privy Council had the right to veto any act of American Colonial Assemblies.) However, many exceptions were made by the Assembly to this Act and they nearly always involved the children of a wealthy and powerful man. These private Acts giving exemptions are varied in the form that they follow. Sometimes they give a parish and sometimes not, sometimes a father and sometimes not, sometimes the relationship between the people mentioned in the document is plain and sometimes not. There should always be a date. Each session of the Assembly ran from end of October to Christmas Eve and each Bill had three readings. Where the Assembly sits at an odd time it is during a war or when there is an emergency. My dating of the Acts is not entirely consistent as between the three readings of the Act and its final passing into law. Most frequently it is the last reading.
The term "with certain restrictions" is almost invariably used. These restrictions relate to political rather than property rights as the individuals named and their offspring do not have the right to most specified offices in Jamaica or to sit in the Assembly. They may also be debarred from appearing as a witness in court against white men unless they had been assaulted or robbed. It should be remembered that at the time the vast majority of the population in Britain had no political right to vote so this may not have been seen as such a grave disadvantage though their inability to bear witness in court, which did not happen to the politically disenfranchised in England, must have been regarded as a very significant handicap. In a very few cases it seems the Act did not use the term "with certain restrictions". It will be noted that there were only five such Acts after 1794 and the years of the great slave revolt in San Domingo. There are none after 1802 though the reason or reasons for this are still unclear to me.
In nearly every case it is said that the individuals given rights have been baptised in the Church of England and educated so they will probably appear in the baptismal records. All the cases mentioned must involve people of high social status and large property. No one else would have sufficient importance or wealth to ask for their private affairs to be regulated by the legislature and for them to gain exemptions from the law. For this reason the fathers mentioned, when they are mentioned, can almost certainly be identified from other sources. To take one example at random William Patrick Browne [CO139/23 (138)] is listed among the 147 subscribers to the Civil & Natural History of Jamaica published in 1756.
Finally for those unfamiliar with the terms, there is the vocabulary of a racially obsessed society which uses specialised words for people with different racial origins. A mulatto is someone with one white and one black parent, a quadroon someone with three white grandparents and a mustee (or octoroon) someone with seven white great grandparents. There are also words for intermediate origins such a sambo for someone with three black and one white grandparent. However such an individual would probably not have had the prestige and influence to be the subject of one of these laws and I cannot find one.
The Acts themselves are quite long-winded. If using them for genealogical purposes the original text should be examined as further information might be found. For further general historical information about these laws see Samuel J. and Edith F. Hurwitz, "A Token of Freedom: Private Bill Legislation for Free Negroes in Eighteenth Century Jamaica", William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 24 (1967), 423-31, this is on line as an image.
For further lists of the freed see {Census of 1730 - CO137/19 (pt.2)/48; Census of 1774- CO137/70/88; Census of 1788 - CO.137/87; "Mulattoes, Quads, Negroes able to bear arms," Add. Mss. 12,435, British Library, London; St. Andrew Parish Register, 1666-1780, St. Catherine Parish Register, 1667-1764, Manumissions, vols. 5 & 7, Jamaica Archives; Wills, vols. 1 - , Island Record Office; Kingston Parish Register, 1722-1774, Island Record Office Armoury, Spanish Town, Jamaica.}. This last list of documents is thanks to Dr. Trevor Burnard of Brunel University. ERC

Some Acts of the Jamaican Assembly from 1760 to 1810
(The number in brackets immediately after the PRO reference is the number of the Jamaican Act and is important if seeking to get a photocopy of the page from the PRO. The Acts themselves are handwritten in large heavy bound volumes. Typos, errors and any omissions are my responsibility.)
The general form of the Act was "to entitle to the same Rights and Privileges with English subjects, with certain restrictions" but I have generally left this out. A few acts name those freed, though seldom with a surname, for loyalty. From the evidence here these never get these rights and privileges.

CO139/21 (12) Anne Petronella Woodart, spinster, a free mulatto. 14.11.1760
CO139/21 (25) Foster, Pembroke, George, Cuaffee, Billy a mulatto, Blackwall, Billy, Yankee, Philip, London, Moll, Quaco, Nero, Congo, Molly Beckford, Silver Jemmy and Will to be set free paid £5 and £5 a year hereafter for being loyal in a slave rebellion. 18.12.1760
CO139/22 (44) Robert Penny and Lucy Penny the reputed children of Robert Penny esq deceased of the parish of St Catherine by Anne Forrord, a free mulatto woman. 24.11.1762
CO139/22 (47) An Act for making free a negro man slave called Jack Pearson belonging to the estate of William Ricketts esq deceased. 1.12.1763 (Helped in suppressing a slave rebellion.)
CO139/22 (49) Charles Price a free mulatto, 21.12 1763
CO139/22 (52) Milbe Johnson, Catherine Johnson his wife free mulattoes, his daughter Mary Elizabeth Johnson, 1.12.1763
CO139/22 (58) Mary Morris of Kingston a free quadroon and Charlotte Sterling, reputed daughter of Robert Sterling esq, 30.12.1763 (see Act 591)
CO139/22 (68) To free Cato, the negro slave of Arthur Forrest. 9.11.1764 (He betrayed a slave conspiracy.)
CO139/22 (73) John William Hicks a free quadroon of St Thomas in the East, 18.12.1764
CO139/22 (76) John Davidson of the parish of Clarendon a free mulatto man. 12.8.1766
CO139/22 (86) Elizabeth Frances Freeman Ripley, Cleopatra Freeman Ripley, Susannah Freeman Ripley, Ann Freeman Ripley, Mary Freeman Ripley, Elizabeth Freeman Ripley reputed daughters of John Ripley by Emma Freeman, a free negro woman and Henry Freeman Ripley the reputed son of the late John Ripley and William Gibson the reputed son of James Gibson of the parish of Kingston pastry cook by the said Cleopatra Freeman Ripley. 12.8.1766
CO139/22 (87) Elizabeth Tickle of the parish of Kingston, a free mulatto woman 12.8.1766
CO139/22 (88) Elizabeth Diston of the parish of Kingston, a free mulatto woman and Ann Cossley, Mary Cossley, John Cossley, Richard Cossley and Peter Cossley, the reputed sons and daughters of John Cossley esq of the said Elizabeth Diston. 12.8.1766
CO139/22 (89) Frances Willey of the parish of St Andrews a free mulatto woman and Mary Willey, the daughter of Frances Willey begotten by William Willey in wedlock and Charles McGlashan and Jean McGlashan the reputed son and daughter of Duncan McGlashan, practitioner in physic by the same Mary Willey. 12.8.1766
CO139/23 (113) Act to free two Negro men slaves and compensate their owners Yorke, belonging to the estate of Ballard Bickford and Cuaffee belonging to Charles James Sholto Douglas. 21.12.1767 (For services in a slave rebellion, Yorke defended his mistress and Cuaffee betrayed a conspiracy.)
CO139/23 (138) To enable William Patrick Browne esq of the parish of St John to dispose of his property as he shall think fit notwithstanding the Act of 1762. 31 12.1768
CO139/24 (153) to entitle Anne Shermore, widow and relict of Nicholas Shermore a white man and Jane Brooks, Mary Brooks, Priscilla Brooks, Martha Brooks and Ruth Brooks, the reputed daughters of George Brooks esq of the Parish of St Elizabeth by Mary Powell a free mulatto woman and James Brooks, Richard Brooks, Joseph Brooks and Edward Brooks, the reputed sons of the said George Brooks and Mary Powell, 23.12.1769
CO139/25 (nothing)
CO139/26 (204) Dugald Clark of the parish of St Thomas in the East a free mulatto man the reputed son of Robert Clark late of the parish of Hanover. 21.12.1771 (see 538)
CO139/27 (225) An act for making free a mulatto man Will, belonging to the estate of William Jones and paying to the Hon. Archibald Sinclair & Richard Welsh the value of the said mulatto man . 16.12 1772. (He discovered the murderer - a mulatto, Sam - of a white man. The murderer was burnt alive.)
CO139/28 (238) Anne Tingley, a free mulatto woman, Susannah Scott the reputed daughter of William Scott by the said Anne Tingley, Florence Blechynden, Mary Blechynden, Edward Blechynden and Richard James Blechynden, the reputed sons and daughters of Fulton Blechynden, gentleman of Kingston to the said Anne Tingley, 11.12.1773
CO139/29 (271) "An act for making free and rewarding a Negroe woman slave named Attea, the property of the heirs of George Williams esq deceased and for paying for her value. Passed nem con. 10.11.1774
CO139/29 (272) An act to entitle, Mary Smith, Henrietta Cooke Smith, William Smith and Pierce Cooke Smith reputed daughters and sons of William Smith of the parish of St Catherine's Gentleman, by Catherine Smith a free negroe woman. The Bill sponsors Mr Whitehorne & Mr Wheeler Fearon, Saturday 12.11.1774
CO139/29 (273) Frances Sadler, George Cunningham, Samuel Laing, Margaret Bright Sadler and Ann Sadler. The Bill sponsors Mr Richards & Mr Hibbert (no father mentioned.)
CO139/31 (289) Mary Stott a free quadroon woman, John Thomas Ross, Francis Ross, John James Ross & AllanGeorge Ross reputed sons of Thomas Ross of the parish of St Catherine's, merchant. The Bill sponsors Mr Hibbert & Mr Pusey, 29 11 1774
CO139/31 (290) John Donaldson planter of the parish of Clarendon petitioned for same rights and privileges. 2.12.1774
CO139/31 (291) Edmund Hyde, Ann Hyde his wife, Dally Hyde, Sarah Hyde & Thomas Nicholas Swigle. No father mentioned. 15.12.1774
CO139/31 (292) Rebecca Souza, a mulatto & Rebecca Colt a mustee 16.12.1774
CO139/31 (293) Frances Clarke, Shirley Clarke, Ann Clarke, Robert Pawlett Clarke, Thomas Clarke and William Clarke reputed children of Robert Clarke of the parish of St Catherine's gentleman by Charlotte Pawlett a free mulatto woman. The Bill sponsored by Mr Iredell 23.12.1774
CO 139/31, (318) Eleanor Clifford, Mary Clifford, Frances Clifford, Martha Clifford, John Clifford Sarah Pennington daughter of Eleanor Clifford by a white man within two removes of white people all given full rights but not allowed to be members of the Assembly or council, 22.12.1775
CO 139/31, (319) Charity Harry a free mulatto woman (and any children that she has) to be entitled to the same rights, 5.11.1775
CO 139/31, (320) Elizabeth Goldson and her children Thomas Goldson, Elizabeth Goldson, William Goldson, John Goldson, Anne Goldson, George Spragge & Robert Spragge, 6.12.1775
CO 139/31, (321) Francis Jones, William Jones, John Jones, mustees the reputed children of John Jones esq.deceased. Had anwith an estate, given total privileges, 6.12.1775
CO 139/31, (322) James Duany, 18.12.1775
No such acts in CO139/32 & 33
CO139/34 (357) Elizabeth Hutchinson a free mulatto, her children Robert Duff Lyttlejohn and John Lyttlejohn, the reputed children of Alexander Lyttlejohn merchant 21.12.1776, (under certain restrictions)
CO139/34 (358) Elizabeth Duncan mulatto, Elizabeth Hook, Mary Hook, Margaret Hook, Henry Hook, William Hook, Thos Hook and John Hook, reputed children of Duncan Hook, merchant, by said Elizabeth Duncan, of the Parish of Cornwall, 21.12.1776 (under certain restrictions)
CO139/34 (359) Eleanor Barnes free mulatto, her children Nathaniel King, Anne Hylett wife of Robert Hylett coppersmith, reputed children of John King esq, 10.12.1776
CO139/34 (360) Sarah Walter Bolt, free quadroon her children Edward Strudwick and Theodosia Strudwick reputed children of Henry Strudwick esq (decd.) and Samuel Richard Lewis, John Lewis, Susannah Lewis, Elizabeth Lewis, Louisa Ann Lewis children of said Sarah Walters Bolt by John Lewis esq 7.12.1776
CO139/34 (361) Jane Sypmson a free quadroon woman 21.12.1776
CO139/34 (370) Anne Martin a free quadroon woman of the parish of St Catherines 6.12.1777
CO139/34 (371) William Tucker, a free quadroon man of the parish of St Mary 7.11.1777
CO139/34 (372) Mary Williams, Elizabeth Williams, Janet Williams, Charlotte Williams, Margaret Williams, Catherine Williams, Sarah, Williams John Williams, Thomas Williams, George Williams, John Russell Williams reputed children of John Williams esq of the parish of St Anne's, 27.11.1777
CO139/34 (374) Judith Hutt, free mulatto woman, Elizabeth Davidson, Mary Davidson, Judith Millward Benjamin Millward, James Laing John Laing children of Judith Hutt, William Wynne son of Elizabeth Davidson & Samuel Walters of the parish of St Andrews and Mary Walters children of Mary Davidson 5.12.1777
CO139/35 (393) Frances Shawditch a free mulatto, of the parish of Kingston, William Dann, Grace Dann, Rebecca Knowles, John Fisher, Grace Fisher children of Frances. 11.12.1777
CO139/36 (422) Thomas Hanlon, John Hanlon, Felix Hanlon, Elizabeth Hanlon mulattoes reputed children of Patrick Hanloon by Julia Boone a free negroe woman 3.12.1778 (Parish of Kingston)
CO139/36 (423) Elizabeth Foord a free quadroon, Elizabeth Foord, Jean Foord, Margaret Foord 3.12.1778 (Parish of Kingston)
CO139/37a, (445) John Ashbourne a free mulatto, 23.12.1779
CO139/37a, (446) John Breary of the Parish of St Anne a free quadroon 14.12.1779
CO139/37a, (447) William Wagg of the Parish of Kingston a free quadroon 23.12.1779
CO139/37a, (449) Bryan Mackay a free quadroon the reputed son of William Mackay, 17.4.1780
CO139/37a, (450) Johannah Gaul of the parish of St Thomas in the East and her children and grandchildren John McDermit, Samuel McDermit, Charles McDermit and Jannet McDermit and Johannah Troup, Elizabeth Troup, Mary and Elizabeth McDermit. 30.12.1780
CO139/37b (460) Mary Good, Sarah Good, Thomas Good mulattoes and James Curtis, Thomas Merchant, Andrew Yuel and Elizabeth Yuel, quadroons, 1.12.1780.
CO139/37b (465) George Wilson, Sarah Wilson, Margaret Davies, John Wilson Dunn, Sarah Vidal, Richard Davies, Thomas Davies, George Davies and Sarah Davies are possessed of lands and negroes but by "an unfortunate accident of birth" are liable to same penalties as free blacks and are given rights. [Unusual formulation.] 16.12.1780.
CO139/37b (474) William Hiatt, John Hiatt, Edward Hiatt, Elizabeth Hiatt, Ann Hiatt and Eleanor Hiatt reputed children of John Hiatt esq, Parish of St Ann 30.12.1780.
CO139/37b (478) Richard Jacob, John Jacob, Elizabeth Jacob mulattoes, Catherine McPherson and Elizabeth MacPherson the reputed children of William McPherson, Parish of St David. 22.12.1780.
CO139/37b (479) James Cargill, free mulatto with some property, 12.1.1781.
CO139/37c (496) Susannah Mitchell free mulatto and her children James Mitchell Davies the reputed son of James Davies esq decd and John Napier, Peter Napier, George Napier, Rachel Napier and Susannah Napier the reputed children of George Napier of the parish of Clarendon.
CO139/37d (519) Edward Brown and Anne his wife, mulattoes of the parish of Clarendon 21.12.1782 who owns property in the parish
CO139/37d (532) John Breary "had a liberal education in Great Britain and is possessed of a considerable estate". 21.12.1782 - (see Act 446.).
CO139/37d (534) John, Benjamin, Thomas, William Charlton, Eleanor and Elizabeth Candy White, the reputed children of Benjamin White gentleman late of the parish of St Catherine, by Jane McDonald a free negroe woman. 19.12.1782.
CO139/37d (536) William Wright of Portland esq to settle his estate as he shall think fit notwithstanding the Act to "prevent exorbitant grants and devises to negroes". It is for Mary Wright, Susannah Wright, Rosamund Wright, George Wright, William Wright, White and Richard Else Wright. 22.2.1783.
CO139/37d (537) Thomas Wynter to settle his estate as he shall think fit notwithstanding the Act to "prevent exorbitant grants and devises to negroes". It is for William Rose Wynter and Mary Mede his natural children. 1.3.1783.
CO139/37d (538) Dugald Clarke of the parish of St Thomas in the East a free mulatto the reputed son of Dugald Clarke by Else Bayley a free mulatto, 1.3.1783 (see Act 204).
CO139/37d (539) John Ashbourne a free mulatto with considerable property in the parish of St Andrews, 21.12.1782 (a rewording of the original grant).
CO139/38 (548) Dorothy Manning, Thomas Manning, George Manning, free mulattos, of the parish of Clarendon 16.12.1783.
CO139/38 (549) Sarah Bonner, Grace Bonner, free quadroons, Mary Bonner, Elizabeth Frances Bonner, John Bonner and Frances Wilson, free mustees, 16.12.1783.
CO139/38 (551) Mary Pinnock a free mulatto & Charles Lord her son and William Thompson, Nancy Thompson, Molly Thompson and Archibald Thompson the reputed children of Archibald Thompson merchant of the parish of Kingston of the said Mary Pinnock, 16.12.1783.
CO139/38 (557) Grace Needham, a free mulatto, Elizabeth Dikeman her daughter, William Thompson son of Elizabeth Dikeman, Mary Macduffie and Malcolm McDuffie reputed children of Malcolm McDuffie, the parish of St Thomas in the East, 16.12.1783.
CO139/38 (559) Thomasina Rosslers, a free mustee woman, 16.12.1783.
CO139/38 (563) Anne Williams, Catherine Williams, Sarah Williams, Eleanor Williams, Elizabeth Williams, Thomas Williams, Martin Williams and George Williams reputed children of Martin Williams esq of the parish of St James by Eleanor Williams a free negro woman, 16.12.1783 CO139/38 (564) Patrick Duncan, Edmund Duncan, Sarah Duncan reputed children by Patrick Duncan, planter by Sarah Gray a free mulatto woman, 16.12.1783 (St Ann).
CO139/39 (504) Elizabeth Bowen, a free mulatto of the parish of Westmoreland and her son Patrick Bowen Murray a free quadroon, 23.12.1784.
CO139/39 (589) Patrick Duncan exempt from law to "prevent exorbitant grants and devises to negroes" (He can now leave his money to his children.).
CO139/39 (590) Jane Charlotte Beckford, a free mulatto woman, and George French and Edward French free quadroons her children, 23.12.1784.
CO139/39 (591) Sarah Morris free quadroon woman allowing her to leave her property to her natural daughter Charlotte Sterling despite Act to "prevent exorbitant grants and devises to negroes" and Charlotte Sterling to be given full rights and privileges. 23.12.1784 (see Act 58).
CO139/40 (602) Thomas Roper the younger and Joshua Roper, reputed sons of Thomas Roper esq of the parish of Portland, 23.12.1784.
CO139/40 (605) Act for Thomas Roper esq. To will or dispose of his estate despite Act to "prevent exorbitant grants and devises to negroes" 23.12.1784.
CO139/40 (609) An act to free two negro men, Grog and Isaac, the property of the Hon Simon Taylor esq of the parish of St Mary for their faithful services to the public. 23.12.1784.
CO/139/41 (620) James Allen Gorse & Jane Gorse of the parish of Westmoreland, free quadroons, reputed children of John James Gorse, practitioner in Physic and surgery to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 24.12.1785.
CO/139/41 (621) Jonathan James, a free quadroon man, John James, Montague James & Elen James and Jonathan James junior, John James junior, Anne James and William Rhodes James the sons and daughters of the said John James senior to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 24.12.1785.
CO/139/41 (622) Sarah Reade, Anne Reade, free quadroons, the reputed daughters of Laurence Reade of Kingston, merchant, deceased by Mary Barrow, a free mulatto woman also deceased to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 24.12.1785.
CO/139/41 (624) Susanna White, Charles White, James White free mulattoes and John Crawley White, Richard Crawley White and Catherine Gowie free quadroons of the parish of St George the sons and daughters of the said Susanna White and Alexander Gowie and Mary Anne White the lawful wife of the said John Crawley White and Mary White the daughter of the said John Crawley White to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 24.12.1785
CO/139/42 (649) Sarah Fisher of the parish of St Ann's, a free mulatto woman and Benjamin Hull, William Hull, James Hull, John Fisher Hull, Henry James Hull & Ann Sarah Hull, the reputed sons and daughters of William Hull of St Anns by the said Sarah Fisher and also Elizabeth Margaret Craig and Charles Robert Craig the reputed son and daughter of Robert Craig of the same place, planter, by the said Sarah Fisher to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 23.12.1786 (Unusually John Fisher Hull, Henry James Hull & Ann Sarah Hull, infants and all quadroons are to be sent to England to be bound apprentices and thus given a trade to keep themselves.).
CO/139/43 (654) Robert Hilton Anguin, Sarah Hilton Anguin, John Anguin & Frances Anguin free quadroons, the reputed children of John Anguin of the parish of St Annes by Frances Jones a free mulatto woman lately deceased to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 22.12.1787.
CO/139/43 (656) An act to enable John Anguin to leave his money to anyone of colour despite the past Acts of the Assembly. 22.12.1787.
CO/139/43 (660) John Lynch a free mulatto, Elizabeth his wife a free quadroon woman & Grace Anne Lynch, Elizabeth Banton Lynch, Mark Lynch, Eleanor Banton Lynch, Margaret Banton Lynch, Frances Jane Lynch, John Saunders Lynch, Benjamin Banton Lynch, Priscilla Lynch & William Lynch born in lawful wedlock to the said Elizabeth to the same rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 22.12.1787.
CO/139/43 (666) Penelope Brewer of the parish of St George a free mulatto woman and John Ashton, a free man of colour and Helen Ashton his wife, the daughter of the said Penelope Brewer to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 22.12.1787.
CO/139/43 (668) Repeats 649 above relating to the Hull family. 22.12.1787
CO/139/44 (nothing)
CO/139/45 (692) Anne Fleming of the Parish of the parish of St Andrew, a free mulatto woman to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1788

CO/139/45 (693) Samuel Smith Facey and Lydia Facey, Elizabeth Facey, Dorothy Facey and Philip Facey free mulattos of the Parish of St Catherine's the reputed children of the late Sampson Facey of that parish and Elizabeth Bagnold, MaryBagnold, Thomas Bagnold, Susanna Bagnold, Joseph Bagnold and John Bagnold the reputed children of Thomas Bagnold by the said Lydia Facey to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1788

CO/139/45 (694) Richard Clarke of the parish of St Catherines and Rose Clarke of the parish of Port Royal, free quadroons, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1788

CO/139/45 (697) To enable John Russell to dispose of his estate as he shall think fit in favour of his natural children Alexander Russell a free mulatto and Isabel Russell, Elizabeth Russell and Jennett Russell, free quadroons. 6.12.1788

CO/139/45 (698) As above in 697 with the same names to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1788

CO/139/45 (699) Alice Giles, a free quadroon woman of the parish of Kingston to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1788

CO/139/45 (700) Theodore Leslie, Alexander Leslie, George Leslie, James Leslie, Jean Leslie, free mulattos the reputed children of George Leslie of the parish of Westmoreland to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1788

CO/139/45 (701) George Cunningham, Samuel Laing and Margaret Bright Sadler, free mustees to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1788

CO/139/46 (723) William Sylvester, George Sylvester, Edward Sylvester, Elizabeth Sylvester, Sarah Sylvester, Margaret Sylvester, Mary Sylvester and Martha Sylvester of the Parish of St James free mulattos and Edward Martin, Francis Martin, Elizabeth Martin and Jane Martin free quadroons the several children of the said Sarah Sylvester, Henry Gibbs, a free quadroon son of the said Margaret Sylvester and Henry Ward a free quadroon son of the said Martha Sylvester to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 19.11.1789

CO/139/46 (732) see. It gives the right of George Leslie to leave his money to those named in Act 700 above.19.11.1789

CO/139/46 (733) Elizabeth Robertson of the Parish of Kingston, a free quadroon woman and her several children Sarah Stiles, Cuthbert Thornhill, Anne Robertson Gibbs, Walter Gibbs and Catherine Swainson, free mustees, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 5.11.1789

CO/139/46 (734) Catherine Thomson, a free quadroon woman of County Surrey to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 20.11.1789

CO/139/46 (735) Frances Pedder of the parish of Kingston, a free quadroon woman and her several children James Ellis, Richard Ellis, Elizabeth Jane Campbell, Edward Rowley, Joshua Rowley, free mustees, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 20.11.1789

CO/139/46 (749) Sarah Wallace of the Parish of Kingston, free mulatto, Jane Frazier and Elizabeth Delpratt free quadroons, daughters of the said Sarah Wallace and Michael Parker, Hannah Parker, Samuel Delpratt Campbell, John Delpratt Campbell, free mustees the several children of the Sarah Delpratt and William Steele, John Steele, Jane Steele and Thomas Charles Cadogan, free mustees, children of Jane Frazier and Elena Delpratt Allardyce, Martha Delpratt Allardyce, free mustees, children of the said Elizabeth Delpratt to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 20.11.1789

CO/139/47 (771) George Bedward of the Parish of Westmoreland to leave his estate to his grandson, George James Bedward a free quadroon, 10.12.1790

CO/139/47 (772) George James Bedward a free quadroon, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 10.12.1790

CO/139/47 (774) Frances Bowen Baker of the Parish of Westmoreland, a free mustee woman and Robert Bowen Baker, John Wedderburn Baker, Francis Bowen Baker, William Baker, George Bridges Rodney Baker, Jane Baker and Frances Baker the several children of the said Frances Bowen Baker to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 10.12.1790

CO/139/47 (775) Mary Blake of the Parish of Kingston a free mulatto woman and James Blake and John Blake free mulatto men, the reputed children of Nicholas Blake decd; late of the parish of St Elizabeth, Margaret Dunbar a free quadroon, daughter of the said Mary Blake and Sabena Eleanor Tierney, Margaret Robertson, Francis William Robertson and Mary Anne Robertson the infant children of the said Margaret Dunbar to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 10.12.1790

CO/139/47 (776) Thomas McGhie, Mary McGhie, free mulattoes, the reputed children of Robert McGhie of the parish of Trelawney by Sarah McGhie a free negro woman to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 10.12.1790

CO/139/47 (800) Susanna Freeman Ripley, Anne Freeman Ripley, Mary Freeman Ripley, Elizabeth Freeman Ripley, free mulattos, and Frances Riply Edie, Thomas Edie, Ebenezer Edie, Alexander Edie, Ann Edie, free quadroons, the reputed children of Ebenezer Edie gentleman by the said Elizabeth Freeman Ripley to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 9.12.1791

CO/139/47 (801) Francis Green, Elizabeth Anne Green, Sarah Green, Margaret Green, Anne Darby Green, Catherine Green, Daniel Green, and John Henry Green, free mulattos, the reputed chidren of David Rodrigues Candingo of the parish of Kingston merchant by the late Anne Darby deceased, a free black woman, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 9.12.1791

CO/139/47 (802) To enable John Heath of St Annes to leave his estates to his reputed children 9.12.1791

CO/139/47 (803) Charles McDermott, Mary McDermott, Catherine McDermott, Thomas McDermott, Jane McDermott, Elizabeth McDermott, free mulattos, the reputed children of Charles McDermott of the parish of St Anne by Mary Cyrus, a free black woman, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 9.12.1791

CO/139/47 (818) Susannah Young of the parish of St Elizabeth, a free mulatto woman and her children William Salmon, John Salmon, Charles Salmon, Edward Salmon, Sarah Salmon, Anne Salmon, Susannah Salmon, free quadroons, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 16.12.1791

CO/139/47 (846) Daniel Saa, a free mulatto, Thomas Saa the reputed son of the said Thomas Saa by Anne Parke a free mulatto woman to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 19.12.1792

CO/139/47 (858) Elizabeth Bailey of the parish of St Catherine, a free mulatto woman, and her several children Dennis Cooke, Charles Cooke, Catherine Cooke, Thomas Barnfield Tyndale, Mary Barnfield Tyndale, free quadroons to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 21.12.1792

CO/139/47 (859) Colinet Mcneil of the parish of St Mary, a free quadroon woman and her children John Nicholas Baker and Sarah Baker, free Mustees to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 21.12.1792

CO/139/47 (860) Eleanor Thomas and Juliet Thomas of the parish of St Catherine, free mulatto women and Edward Henry Lyon and Benjamin Lyon, free quadroons the children of the said Eleanor Thomas to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 21.12.1792

CO/139/48 (873) Thomas Drummond, Esther Drummond, Adair Drummond and John Drummond, free mulattos, reputed children of John Drummond of the parish of Westmoreland, practitioner in physic and surgery to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1793

CO/139/48 (918) Robert Kuckahn, Edward Kuckahn, Samuel Kuckahn, William Kuckahn, Thomas Kuckahn, Jane Kuckahn, Mary Kuckahn, Anne Kuckahn, free mulattos, the reputed children of Jesser Samuel Kuckahn of the parish of St Andrews, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1793

CO/139/48 (919) Frances a free mulatto woman of the parish of Kingston and her children Robert Steinson, Alexander Steinson, Maria Steinson, Charlotte Steinson, Stewart Steinson, Fanny Steinson, free quadroons to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1793

CO/139/48 (920) Ann Middleton of the parish of Kingston, a free mulatto woman, and her children Clotworthy Bruce, Rosanna Bogle, Anne Bogle, Archibald Bogle, George Bogle, Hugh Bogle and Janet Bogle, free quadroons, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 6.12.1793

CO/139/48 (921) Thomas Young, Sarah Young and John Young of the parish of Port Royal, free quadroons, the reputed children of Richard Young, mariner, deceased late of that parish to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 19.12.1794

CO/139/48 (922) Anne Evans of the parish of Kingston, a free mulatto woman, and her several children named Sarah Evans, Frances Cathamah, Anne Deane, Dorothy Henry free quadroons and Anne Deane Clark and James Deane Clarke, free mustees, the children of the said Dorothy Henry to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 19.12.1794

CO/139/48 (923) Sarah Spragges of the parish of Port Royal, a free quadroon woman and her several children Edmund Baillie Lemoin, Anthony Duart and Sarah Duart, free mustees, to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 19.12.1794

CO/139/48 (924) John Moncrieff of the Parish of St Mary's, a free quadroon man, a planter and Milborough his wife and their several children Mary Moncrieff, Benjamin Scott Moncrieff, Elizabeth Moncrieff, John Moncrieff, Jean Moncrieff, Milborough Moncrieff, Anne Maria Moncrieff to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 19.12.1794
CO/139/48 (926) Act for rewarding and making free a sambo man slave, George on the Lancaster estate. in the parish of St Elizabeth, property of the heirs of Sam Warren Foster decd. 19.12.1794
CO/139/48 (950) Anne Davis of the parish of St Thomas a free mulatto woman and her several children George Omealley, Bridget Omealley and Anne Omealley, the reputed children of John Omealley esq of St John in the Vale to all rights and privileges under certain restrictions 19.12.1794
CO/139/49 (1,097) William Ferguson, Richard Ferguson, Charles Ferguson, Thomas Ferguson, John Ferguson, Mary Ferguson, Sarah Ferguson, Elizabeth Ferguson, Catherine Ferguson, and Jean Ferguson, free mulattos, the reputed sons and daughters of James Ferguson of the parish of Trelawney. 13 12 1799
CO/139/50 (1,138) George Thompson a free quadroon, the reputed son of Robert Thompson of the parish of Kingston esquire and to John Thompson a free quadroon the reputed son of the said Robert Thompson. 26.1.1801
CO/139/50 (1,139) William Duncan, a free quadroon, the reputed son of Patrick Duncan , planter of the parish of St Anne, deceased, by Sarah Grey a free mulatto woman. 26.1.1801
CO/139/50 (1,179) John Douglas, Sholto Douglas, Archibald Douglas, Robert Douglas, Edmund Douglas, Catherine Douglas, and Elizabeth Douglas, free quadroons and the reputed children of Peter Douglas of the parish of St John in the county of Middlesex to the same rights and privileges under certain restrictions 7.12.1801
CO139/51 (1,213) John Davidson, Peter Davidson, James Davidson, Margaret Davidson and Janet Davidson, free quadroons and reputed children of Mary Hay a free woman of colour of the parish of St Mary to the same rights and privileges under certain restrictions. 18.12.1802
CO139/51 (1,240) To emancipate the slave Samuel Banbury under certain restrictions. 18.12.1802
CO 139/52-57 There are no more acts granting privileges up to the end of 1810. There are probably no more until the repeal of the Act of 1762. There is
CO139/56 Emancipation of Affleck, a servant of governor Eyre Coote, being taken to England and who by law is not allowed to leave the island as a slave.

16.2 Calendar of State Papers – Extracts

1670:

Sept. 20. Jamaica.	264. Governor Sir Thos. Modyford to Sec. Lord Arlington. Since his last no public despatch has arrived. Has, in pursuance of his promise, sent three papers for the Council of Plantations, but thought it his duty first to put them in his Lordship's possession. The first informs, of his Majesty's increasing revenue here, and how it is exceeded by its necessary disbursements without reflections on the customs at home which the goods exported produce, resigning all considerations for the Governor's support to his Majesty's pleasure, The second, presents the means to increase the revenue, and that, with so little regret to the inhabitants, that it will come into his Majesty's coffers with as little noise as the high rents of the Crown lands do at home. The third imports the means for the speedy increase of people, which is the foundation of all, the causa sine quâ non and therefore has been the larger and perhaps the bolder in it, for these reasons: It is reported here and at home that this Island was to be sold to the Spaniard, or at least that there was a working to that purpose and therefore advised their factors not to plant for as one lately expressed it is not a place to live long or get an estate in as affairs now stand betwixt England and Spain they have further buzzed in the people's ears that his Majesty as Lord of this Island, may impose what taxes he pleases on the native commodities before exportation, because it was conquered at the charge of the State and so no consent of the freeholders necessary but that we shall live under an arbitrary government which his Lordship well knows how much Englishmen abhor. To banish these apprehensions makes bold to pen the first proposition so full by which the chief and almost the only difficulties will be removed. Admittance of foreigners and liberty of conscience have been provided for in his instructions, and both are very needful and prevalent baits, especially the last to increase the number of his Majesty's subjects here. The rest carry their reasons with them. Was in hopes to have sent the Survey of this Island, with their numbers, and the Comodities the place produces, but the Receiver-General could not bring it to perfection, for this, must beg his Lordship to expect it by the next. Had advice from Admiral Morgan the 12th inst. by Captain Heath that having sailed round this Island, he stood over to the Coast of Cuba, where he left one ship to take a prisoner for intelligence, a storm separated 3 of his ships, so that he had but 7 when Heath met him: 3 good ships and a catch have since arrived at this port and dispatched themselves to him. Captain Bradley last week brought in a Quaker's vessel commanded by one Watson, which he recovered from a Spanish man-of-war 13 days after he had taken her, with 6 sailors said Watson, 2 quaking preaching women, and the rest, the man-of-war carried into The Havana, chased by Bradley within shot of the Moro Castle.Incloses,
	264. I. Statement of the Revenue of the Island of Jamaica. Arising from a duty on wines, spirits, and beer, tonnage of shipping, licences to sell ale, quit rents, fines, and forfeitures, amounting to 1,870l., besides H.R.H. 10th and his Majesty 15th in time of war, which have been but a small matter also of the necessary disbursements for support of the government, comprising 1,960l. for salaries, viz., 1,000l. to the Governor, 400l. to the Deputy Governor, 200l. to the Major-General, 80l. to the Chief Judge, and the rest for salaries of Assistant Judges, other officers, ammunition, and incidental expenses for the Fort, amounting to 3,473l. 16s. from which may be abated about 750l. for the sale of old powder, and 400l.for the office of Deputy Governor which is needless. Jamaica, 1670, August.
	264. II. Propositions how the Royal Revenue may be increased without considerably hindering the settlement. There was, by account taken last July, granted by patent 213,746 acres of land on which was reserved to his Majesty, one penny per acre of such as were under manurance, which rent, by the Governor's agreement with the Assembly, was not to be altered, till his Majesty thought fit to reserve a greater rent. Advises this may be done safely after 250,000 acres are granted, which will be by the time these are at home. The Order to bear this sense Forasmuch as his Majesty is informed that his Island of Jamaica is now very considerably settled and the land very fruitful and passes from man to man for considerable prices his Majesty being willing to increase the Royal Revenue of the Island, the better to protect his subjects there, has thought fit to command the Governor that after 250,000 acres of land are granted, he do not grant any more but on payment of 3d. per acre as a fine, and 1d. rent per acre whether manured or not and after 250,000 acres have been granted under such fine and rent, then to grant no more but on payment of 6d. per acre fine, and 2d. per acre rent, until 1,000,000 acres be granted in the whole. Supposes it may be requisite to moderate this order towards servants newly out of their time, slaves newly made free, and other poor indigent men, that take up but 5 to 30 acres, in regard such small plantations are the strength of the Island, the greatest producers of provisions, and ought to be encouraged. The next 250,000 acres will be taken up in two years and add to the revenue 1,041l.13s. 4d., besides the fine which will amount to 3,125l. and is confident if no wars hinder, in three years after the other 500,000 may be granted away, which will make the yearly Revenue more by 5,166l. 13s.4d., besides the 6d. fine of 15,499l. 19s., after this his Majesty may make what he pleases of the remaining six millions of acres.
	264. III. Propositions for the speedy settling of Jamaica. That his Majesty by Proclamation declare this Island to belong to the Crown of England that he holds himself obliged to protect his subjects there, as amply as in any other his Dominions and that neither he nor his successors will impose any tax or other charge upon them, without the consent of the Freeholders. That his Majesty's authority there may admit any persons of what nations soever to settle, and naturalise them for that Island only. That his Majesty will continue the allowance of Liberty of conscience and a free exercise of Religion to all persons. These being granted, the goodness of the soil is now so well known, that there will need no other invitation. That all prudential means be used to encourage the Scots to come hither, as being very good servants, and to prevent them from going to Poland and other nations. That they may have license gratis or at moderate rates to trade for negroes in Africa. "Did those Honorable persons, which make that Royal Company so glorious, but fall into considerations, how much more it is his Majesty's interest to increase the number of his subjects than bullion of Gold or Silver (which by law all nations may import) they would not only freely consent to this proposal for us, but for the whole nation and foreigners also mankind is the principal, gold the accessory, increase the first considerably and the other must follow." From 24 years' experience Governor Modyford affirms, that Barbadoes had never risen to its late perfection, had it not been lawful for Dutch, Hamburghers, our own whole nation and any other to bring and sell them Blacks or any other servants in their infancy. That they may have a coin allowed, by a mint set up either there or in England, or may be permitted to export to Jamaica, as much English coin as they import bullion." This the jealous Spaniard allows in the Indies as essentially necessary to their traffic, though in most other things he be austerely reserved to his no small prejudice." Lastly. That the Laws made by the Assembly, long since sent home for the Royal assent, be returned confirmed under the Great Seal, or so many of them as his Majesty shall approve. Together 7 pp. [ Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., Nos. 59, 59 I., II., III.]
Sept. 20. Jamaica.	265. Governor Sir Thos. Modyford to Sec. Lord Arlington. Copy of preceding letter and also of the three enclosures to same. [Col. Entry Bk., No. 27, pp. 54–60.]
Sept. 20. Jamaica.	266. Extract from the above letter of Sir Thos. Modyford that the merchants have buzzed in the people's ears that the King may impose what taxes he pleases. Also copies and extracts from inclosures to same. Endorsed by Williamson, Rec. from Sir Thos. Modyford. Together 5 1/2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., Nos. 61–63.]
1670 ?	267. An Act for Naturalization. Be it enacted by his Excellency the Governor of this H.M. island and the Assembly, that it shall be lawful for any Governor of this island, by public instrument under the broad seal, to declare any foreigner settled in this island, who shall take the Oath of Allegiance, or otherwise give security thereof, to be fully naturalized, as if born within his Majesty's Dominions. And the Governor shall receive for the same 10l., and his clerk for writing it 10s. and no more. And whereas several aliens have patented or purchased lands, houses, &c., and afterwards sold the same to his Majesty's liege people it is enacted that all who have so bought of aliens, shall be confirmed in the peaceable possession of said purchases. Endorsed by Williamson, "Jamaica." 2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV, No.60.]
Sept. 22.	268. Petition of divers planters and merchants trading to the Leeward Isles to the Council for Foreign Plantations. That said Islands are one hundred leagues to leeward of Barbadoes and producing better indigo and sugar, their trade is so much to the disadvantage of Barbadoes, that the inhabitants thereof rather wish that said islands were displanted, than that they should contribute to their safety and prosperity, as may appear by their delay in re-establishing St. Christopher's. Wherefore petitioners pray that a Governor of said islands be constituted under his Majesty, and not subordinate to the Governor of Barbadoes nothing doubting that said islands will be enabled not only to defend themselves, but to help even Barbadoes itself. And further that the English and their negroes who are to be removed from Surinam, may be sent to St. Christopher's to plant which will be a great security to his Majesty's people there against the French, who are very powerful and unneighbourly in that island. Signed by Geo. Gamiell, Wm. Burt, Geo. Hill, Wm. Sewster, H. Lawrence, Wm. Baxter, Hen. Bale, and Val. Austin.Annexed,
	268. I. Report of the Council for Foreign Plantations to the King on above petition. Have called before them divers planters and merchants belonging to Barbadoes, as well the petitioners as Lord Willoughby, and heard the reasons and objections on all sides. Are of opinion that it would be for his Majesty's service that there were a Governor-in-Chief over said islands, not subordinate to the Governor of Barbadoes for the annexed—
	268. II. Reasons, because 1, the French are seated upon part of St. Christopher's, and have much increased the number of their people and their forces, trade, and plantations there and in the neighbouring islands: 2. Because St. Christopher's lying 100 leagues north-west from Barbadoes, the wind commonly blowing east, north-east, or south-east, and there setting a great current westwards, the passage to Barbadoes is uncertain, sometimes in 7 or 8 days, but for the most part in as many weeks and on a sudden attack, any of the islands may be lost, before relief could come from Barbadoes, or indeed notice be given of danger: 3. Because it was found most agreeable to the desires of the planters and inhabitants of the Leeward Isles. Together 3 pp. [Col. Entry Bk., No. 45, pp. 1–3.]
[Sept. 22.]	269. Copy of the above petition of planters and merchants trading to the Leeward Isles, received and read in Council 22nd Sept. 1670. Annexed,
	269. I. Reasons why the petitioners desire there may be a General commissionated over them not subordinate to the Barbadoes. The Council and Assembly being all planters there, it is to their interest that the Caribbee Islands be destroyed, and petitioners can prove that several have wished these islands sunk, declaring it would be better for them. How then can said islands upon invasion expect any relief from Barbadoes, who already wish their ruin, as appears by their late delay in re-establishing St. Christopher's. Besides Lord Willoughby has detained for the use of Barbadoes 10 barrels of powder and two guns procured of his Majesty for the defence of Nevis, and has not sent a good proportion of ammunition as commanded by his Majesty. That the great distance from Barbadoes will not admit of her assisting these islands at a juncture which cannot possibly be gained in less than five or six weeks, in which time they might be overrun. St. Christopher's after the French had taken it might have been regained if assistance had appeared within a reasonable time. That insolencies lately committed by the French are unavoidable, without a General in chief to take care of these islands, who is very necessary for the future safety of the same. Read in Council 27th Sept. 1670. [Col. Entry Bk., No. 94, pp. 4–5.]
Sept. 23. Jamaica.	270. Gov. Sir Thos. Modyford to Sec. Lord Arlington. Has recovered the promised Survey, &c., by the extraordinary diligence of his Majesty's Receiver-General. Could wish it were more perfect, but hopes betwixt this and March to reduce it to a more certainty. His Majesty will find great quantities of land granted to some persons, among whom his son, 6,000 acres granted, whose name he made use of for himself, having about 400 (sic) persons in his family, and so but half their due 5,000 to Capt. Noy, waste land by the sea side, mostly covered with salt water, where is a very hopeful work begun for salt, &c. and 3,200 to one Styles, who never had hands proportionable, nor will, as Modyford judges, but who within a year of the Governor's coming made oath that his Majesty had granted him a Privy Seal for that quantity, which he had lost by the way desires his Lordship to direct Modyford's son to search the Privy Seal Office, whether there be any such grant. As to the rest, the proportion of hands is not wanting, and on the whole grants added together his Lordship will find double the number. Encloses,
	The Census names are shown in a previous section on Landholders

		ABSTRACT OF THE WHOLE.
		PARISHES.						ACRES PATENTED.	FAMILIES.	NUMBER OF PERSONS.
		St. Thomas' Parish -	-	-	-	-	-	14,825 1/2	59	590
		St. David's Parish -	-	-	-	-	-	11,946 3/4	80	960
		St. Andrew's Parish -	-	-	-	-	-	29,199 3/4	194	1,552
		St. Katherine's Parish -	-	-	-	-	-	68,590	158	2,370
		St. John's Parish -	-	-	-	-	-	25,197 3/4	83	996
		Clarendon Parish -	-	-	-	-	-	39,260 3/4	143	1,430
		We likewise calculate the Privateers, Hunters, Sloop, and Boatmen which ply about this Island, and are not reckoned in any of the above Parishes, to be at least 2,500 lusty able men - - }						---	---	2,500
		The four Parishes on the North Side, vizt., St. George's, St. Marie's, St. Anne's, and St. James, and the Leewardmost parish, St. Elizabeth, hath not been yet collected, as not worth it, by reason of its distance and new settlements, where we find about 20,000 acres patented, and calculate there cannot be less than 1,500 people - - - - - - - - - - - - - }						20,000	---	1,500
								209,020 1/2	717	11,898
		More We calculate of Persons in the Towns of Port Royal and St. Jago to be no less than, men, women and children - - - - - - - }								3,300
										15,198
		"The Receiver-General hath not yet received any rent these two years, it not being worth the going so far every year, the last collection amounting to but 151l. 9s., whereof some being for three and some two years but now this Michaelmas he begins to collect for two years, and is ordered at the same time to take an exact account of all the persons in. every family, which, with the rental (when finished) shall be presented for his Majesty's view, and we are confident will amount to one half more at least than the above calculation, this being guessed at according to the last collection, made two years since." [Col. Entry Bk., No. 27, pp. 61–80 and p. 82.]
[Sept. 23.]		271. "Commodities which this island produceth, with a calculation of the quantities of some of them." There are 57 sugar works, producing yearly 1,710 thousand weight of sugar 47 cocoa walks, yielding 188,000 lb. of nuts, in seasonable years in these improving 49 indigo works, producing 49,000 weight of indigo per annum, and other walks and works daily adding. Three salt ponds, containing upwards of 4,000 acres, under the management of Captain John Noye, yielded this year 10,000 bushels, he affirming to have been able to make as many tons if he could have had vent for it. The mountains are full of pimento or Jamaica pepper, and, if there were encouragement, 50,000 weight might be yearly sent off. An undestroyable quantity of fustick, brasilletto, lignum vitæ, ebony, sweet-smelling, and other curious woods, of which great quantities are daily exported. Anotto (by the Spaniards called Acheot), vanillas, china roots, cassia, fistula, and tamarinds, the planters endeavour to increase, being very good drugs. The land very good for cotton and tobacco, but the other commodities being more profitable, very few busy themselves with it. Large savanas and great stocks of cattle, which have increased within these six years from 60 tame cattle to 6,000. Sheep, goats, and tame hogs in great plenty, so that they are past all danger of want, and hope in a short time to furnish the ships homeward bound. Signed, by the Governor's command, by Thos. Tothill, Receiver-General. 1 p. [Col. Entry Bk., No. 27, p. 81].
Sept. 23. Whitehall.		272. Commission (with corrections by Williamson) to Colonel Lynch. Appointing him Lieut.-Governor of Jamaica, to command in chief in the want, absence, or disability of Sir Thos. Modyford, or other his Majesty's chief governor there, during pleasure. Parchment. Endorsed, Minute of Sir Thomas Lynch's Commission. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 64.]
Sept. ?		273. Draft of preceding, with corrections by Williamson. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 65.]
Sept. 25.		274. The King to the Duke of York. Directing him forthwith to give order for the hiring of two good merchant ships of 150 to 200 tons, well fitted and victualled for five months at least, for bringing off such of his Majesty's subjects as yet remain upon Surinam. 1/2 p. [Dom. Entry Bk., Chas. II., Vol. 31, p. 61 đ.]
Sept. 28.		275. Petition of Chas. Modyford in behalf of Sir Tho. Modyford and the planters and traders of Jamaica, to the King. That Sir Thos. Modyford, Governor of Jamaica, was strictly commanded to call in the privateers and endeavour a trade with the Spaniard which he did to his utmost perform, by hanging six privateers and restoring two ships, as by the affidavits annexed will appear. This civility to the Spaniards, who in retaliation used his Majesty's subjects worse than formerly, occasioned all the privateers to betake themselves to Tortugas to the French which had been undoubtedly the less of the Island had not the Governor had order from his Majesty, by the Duke of Albemarle, to grant or not commissions against the Spaniards as to him should seem most advantageous whereupon, proclaiming war against the Spaniard, all the privateers came in. Prays that his Majesty, if he deems it fitting that the privateers should be called in, will signify his pleasure, since Gov. Modyford ought to persist in the way he is in, till his Majesty order the contrary, when he prays that Sir Wm. Godolphin, Envoy Extraordinary for Spain, have order to have an article added to the Articles of Peace, whereby the King of Spain may acknowledge that Jamaica belongs to his Majesty for if the privateers are ordered to be reduced and that omitted, it will discourage all persons to trade or plant there, since the Spaniards have raised and do at this present raise men to attempt the island. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol, XXV., No. 66.]
		276. Reasons presented by Chas. Modyford to the King in Council why privateers should not wholly be discontinued in the West Indies, it being of great concernment and at present the security of the island of Jamaica. 1. By the frequent intelligence which by means of privateering it hath of the coming of the King of Spain's fleet, and of designs against the island, which if wanted, the islanders may grow secure and being set upon unawares be easily overcome, for hunting, upon which privateers greatly depend, would be laid aside on the north of Jamaica where the Spaniards might easily land, fortify, and become impregnable, and the English lying in the midst of the King of Spain's dominions, are so great an eye sore to them, that they would be glad on any terms to be rid of such a neighbour. 2. What is gotten by the privateers is brought into Jamaica, and assists the planters, and encourages the merchants to come there. 3. It will appear but reasonable to have privateers, when it shall be considered how inhumanly treacherous and cruelly the Spaniards use the English there that fall into their hands, making them work like slaves, and forcing their shipping and goods from them as will appear by the oaths of Roger Baker, commander of the Leghorn Merchant, Major Samuel Smith, late Governor of Providence, Henry Wasey, commander of the Concord, and Francis Steward, herewith delivered. 4. Privateering 'tis feared cannot now be well reduced without great charge to his Majesty and much prejudice to the island for Sir Thos. Modyford used his utmost endeavour to reduce them, but they went to Tortugas to the French, turned pirates and took English as well as Spaniards, who reaped no benefit, and the island lost above 1,000 men and 8 or 9 ships so that it was much feared, that had not his Majesty's letter to the Governor given timely encouragement to countenance them, the island might have been in the time of the late war lost by their joining with the French. 5. If there should be no men-of-war in the Indies, the Spaniards would undoubtedly attempt Jamaica, or at least take every ship sent from Jamaica to England. Will only add that if it be his Majesty's pleasure the privateers should be reduced, he would send sufficient forces, and order Sir William Godolphin, Envoy Extraordinary for Spain, to procure an acknowledgment from the King of Spain that Jamaica doth belong to his Majesty's Crown, and that an attempt on it shall be an absolute violation of the peace for without it, if the privateers be reduced no merchants will trade, or any person settle a plantation there. Endorsed by Sec. Lord Arlington, Pretended reasons why privateers ought to be maintained in the West Indies. 1 1/2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 67.]
1670. Sept. 28.		277. "Additional Propositions" to the Privy Council about Jamaica, "offered by order from Sir Thos. Modyford, by Chas. Modyford." In regard by contract with the Assembly here his Majesty's subjects are to pay one penny per acre for all that is planted, and that the rents amount not yet to 150l., and that it is a great trouble for his Majesty's officers always to be running out the manured land to find how many pennies are due, it is proposed that his Majesty send order that after 200,000 acres are granted, the Governor reserve 1d. per acre for every acre granted whether manured or not, there being as yet but 165,000 granted, and after 500,000 be granted to reserve 2d., and after 750,000 4d., till there be a million for these reasons:—(1.) The island is so well settled, that so great an encouragement as formerly is not so absolutely necessary. (2.) There is not that reason for obliging future settlers as there was for the first settlers and old soldiers, the first settlers having borne the heat of the day, to make it easy and safe for new comers. (3.) Trade will increase and every man's land prove more profitable so the augmented rents will be easier paid. (4.) A considerable revenue which is necessary to repay his Majesty's great charges and support the government cannot be better raised than by annexing it to the Estates, which can never be thought a grievance to posterity, as all aids, taxes, impositions, and subsidies generally are. (5.) This his Majesty will receive as a right, and not be obliged to lessen any part of his prerogative for it and therefore after the first million acres are granted, it is presumed that a reasonable fine of ready money, as well as a rent of 6d. or 12d. per acre may be reserved, not judging it reasonable the rents should be generally the same, lest in time their interest should be too much united. (6.) It will be some satisfaction to the first settlers, to find how much they have been favoured. (7.) This will be a great revenue, Barbadoes, which consists but of 126,000 acres, every year loading away 200 ships with sugar, indigo, and cotton, and this Island is above 60 times as big, with better land here being also cattle, horses, and pastures in great plenty, "so that there is nothing wanting but whites and blacks to go through stitch with our designs of planting." To hasten this settlement and forward the revenue all means are to be endeavoured for filling the Island with people. (1.) By ordering all such as lie on the parishes in the three nations that are of able body, and all other superfluous persons whom the owners of shipping will willingly transport, the price being males 12l. to 15l., females 10l. to 12l.ready money with which they buy cocoa which near doubles at their return, so that many have been brought hither within these ten months. (2.) By ordering the Governors of the Windward Islands, especially Barbadoes, to encourage superfluous planters and servants to come hither, forbid them other new settlements, and suppress false scandals of this place which his Majesty's letter required of the late Lord Willoughby, but without effect, for he sent near 1,500 lusty men to Sta. Lucia, most of whom subscribed to come with Sir Thos. Modyford, where they were all lost therefore its necessary to have it enquired how his Majesty's commands are observed. (3.) By inclining the nobility, gentry, and merchants to settle plantations some of which have already begun to their great advantage, among whom Alderman Beckford can tell of 2,000l. per annum he gets, clear of all charges. (4.) By inclining the Royal Company to send plenty of negroes, the war with Holland and France having been a great hindrance to this Settlement, and the having no blacks from the Royal Company since 1665 a greater. 2 1/2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 68.]
[Sept. 28.]		278. Copy of the above propositions of Sir Thos. Modyford to the Privy Council, with additions, "To the intent I may never incur the real or seeming displeasure of his Majesty's Council, but walk enntirely by their directions, humbly desire their Lordships' considerations and solutions to these ensuing queries "—1. Whether he may continue to allow our men-of-war, who else could not subsist and carry always in their vessels a gang of dogs, to victual at certain parts of Cuba and Hispaniola, which are infinitely stocked with cattle and hogs and have very few or no inhabitants, which are brought to this market, and is a great help to the poorer sort of planters and but little detriment to the Spaniard. 2. Whether he should forbid our seamen and merchants holding a trade and correspondence with the Indians of Darien and Yucatan to the southward of Campeachy, whom the Spaniards account rebels, but have no actual authority over them, and from whom our people have tortoiseshell, logwood, and other commodities for beads and knives. 3. Whether if they happen to take Indians who are under the Spanish Government and will not hold peace with the English, they may not sell them for slaves in Jamaica. Modyford has never suffered any Indians to be sold in Jamaica for slaves, except the Caribbees of St. Vincent, with whom Lord Willoughby had war, so that many Indians live very contentedly amongst them. Received from Charles Modyford, Sir Thos. Modyford's son, 28th September 1670. 3 1/2pp. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. 27, pp. 36–39.]
Sept. 28.		279. "Sir Thos. Modyford's proposal about logwood, &c.," being the second query in the preceding copy of his propositions to the Privy Council. Endorsed by John Locke, Logwood and as above. 28 Sept. 1670. Lord Ashley, afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury, was a member of his Majesty's Privy Council at this time, and John Locke was his private secretary. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., No. 69.]
1670 ?		280. Propositions of Chas, Modyford, by order of Sir Thos. Modyford, to his Majesty's Privy Council concerning Jamaica. That they would take notice that, according to order from his Majesty's ministers, Sir Thos. Modyford did proclaim peace with the Spaniard, upon which 'twas certain the privateers would have gone to the French at Tortugas, had not Sir Thos. prevailed with them to stay till answer came to his letters to the Duke of Albemarle and the Lord Keeper which he desires may be sent as soon as possible, with the Council's approbation of what he has already done. And if his Majesty think not fit he should, or the Spanish Ambassador, decline employing the privateers there, that his Majesty would authorise the Governor to keep 1,000 of them, with 10 of their most considerable ships, in pay, for security of the island for these reasons:—(1.) Because the French increase daily in those parts, having already ships of 70 guns. (2.) They live encompassed by the Spanish quarters, who, whatever they pretend, intend their supplanting, knowing the island was taken from them by force, which consideration will never die. (3.) It is necessary to keep up a military spirit in that people, which when reduced to dull trained bands will come to nothing, (4.) 1,000 men under good pay and discipline will do more than 5,000 train soldiers or new raised men. (5.) The reputation of such a force will prevent the enemies' attempts, so that planting will go on uninterrupted. (6.) Such a force may be in a readiness on all emergencies to execute his Majesty's commands. (7.) In regard the state of the island is not yet fully assured from the pretensions of the Spaniard, the settlement of plantations is hindered: and therefore he prays that if his Majesty do not approve of the aforesaid reasons, Sir W. Godolphin may be ordered to conclude on what terms that island stands with the Spaniard, it not being positively mentioned or understood to be included in any articles of peace yet made they having granted commissions against all to the southward of the Tropic of Cancer, and did, last June 1669, make prize of one ship, one ketch, and three sloops at Caimanos, as appears by affidavits annexed. The resolutions of the Council to the following queries as soon as possible are also desired. The first three queries are the same as are in Modyford's propositions calendared ante, No. 278. The remaining query has reference to the Spaniards having many of his Majesty's subjects in irons, and having lately carried away some fishermen from Caimanos whether in such new actions of hostility, the Governor may not retaliate until he has received his Majesty's orders, in regard of the time the obtaining those orders must take up ? Annexed,
		280. I. Affidavits of Sam. Hutchinson, commander of the Hopewell, and Edward Attenberry, giving account of the Spaniards' attempt upon the English fishermen at Caimanos, the burning of the Governor's house, carrying away all his goods, taking one ship, one ketch, and three sloops, and destroying all the fishing boats upon the island. Jamaica, 1669, June 16. Together 3 1/2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXV., Nos. 70, 70 I.].
1670 ?		281. Copy of the preceding propositions of Modyford, but without the queries and affidavits. 1 1/2 pp.[Col. Entry Bk., No. 27. pp. 30– 40.]

17 HISTORICAL SOURCES and OTHER EXTRACTS

17.1 Caribbeana by Vere Langford Oliver (1910).

Also on the Cambridge University Library, Royal Commonwealth Society Library Collection,

Vol 1: Andrew Wright:
Mitcham, Co Surrey, Parish Record Burial:
1806 Feb 24: Andrew Wright esq aged 54 years late of the Parish of St Elizabeth & Mitcham Penn in the Island of Jamaica.
He has a high stone tomb, formerly enclosed with iron railings to the east of the church and on the top there is the inscription " Here lies interred the body of Andrew Wright esq formerly of this Parish and late of the Parish of St Elizabeth and of Mitcham Pen, in the Island of Jamaica, who departed this life on the 18th February 1806, aged 54 years. For his great partiality to this place (ed: Mitcham Surrey) he named his Pen in Jamaica Mitcham.
The iron railings were removed from his tomb in 1883 by order of the Mitcham Burial Board. His baptism is not recorded in the register.
In his will dated 21 January 1806, proved in PCC 5th March the same year (265 Pitt), he is described as Andrew Wright of St Elizabeth co Cornwall, Jamaica, esq, and of Great Tower St, London. He mentions: to my son in law John Pusey Wint of St Elizabeth, to my Relation and Godson Andrew Wright Booth of the Parish of Vere esq at 21 years to my wife Elizabeth Mary Wright to my reputed daughters Ann Wright and Elizabeth Wright, born of the body of Ruth Sinclair, at the ages of 21 years my Trustees John Chambers of St Elizabeth aforesaid, Jeremiah Snow of Broad St, Ratcliffe highway co Middlesex, hatter, said John Pusey Wint, and James Cross of Southwark, Gent, my Pen and Plantation at St Elizabeth called Mitcham. He directs that if the said Ann and Elizabeth Wright go to Jamaica unmarried that they should forfeit all benefit under this will.

The will is a large one and fills 13 pages in the register.

Vol 2. "Deeds Relating to the West Indies"
#79 John Hyde, Geo Healey and Ebeneezer Maitland, all of London, plantations in St Andrew, Jamaica, signatures of Hyde and Healey. 1783.
1783 Mch 26 Indenture between John Hyde of St George, Hannover Sq only son and heir and residuary legatee of John Hyde of Cornhill Merchant, and Geo Healey of the one part and Ebeneezer Maitland of the other, Lease for a year of the Constant Spring plantation by Hyde to Maitland (Coleman Deeds). (2 found in 1811: St Andrew's and St George's. Constant Spring in St Andrew owned by Hon Geo Cuthbert, 417 slaves and 206 stock)

Wills proved in Jamaica:
Alexander Sinclair 1746             John Sinclair 1741
Andrew Wright      1746             John Wright   1741, 1745
Bazilla Wright     1746             Nathaniel Wright 1738
Mary Wright        1748             Robert Wright    1748

Brooks of St Elizabeth - Pedigree
1. George Brooks of Burnt Ground m. Sarah Tharp Petgrave, dau of William Burt Wright of Enfield, J and his wife Frances. Born 1784/5 married 13/4/1807, died 13/6/1855-57 bur Snowden, Jamaica.
2. Frances Brooks married 11/3/1817 William Burt Wright in Westmoreland (brother of Sarah Tharp P Wright). He died 20/2/1821 aged 30.

Walcot Burial Ground, Bath: the sister of Capt Patrick Sinclair, RN and relict of a former naval officer at Jamaica.

Vol 3 p122: 1777 ref Unity in St James/Trelawney sale to John Morse & Tho Smith.

Will of George Brooks legacy to Ann Sherman, widow of Nich. Sherman and other daus of Mary Powell, free mulatto "who lives with me" "each a negro woman" ....

Extract of will of Wm Williams 1761: "... To that vile rogue and impostor Gershom Williams pretending to be a son of mine, 1s to buy him a halter wherewith to hang himself...."

Parish Church of Brompton (on the North Wall of nave) (London)
In memory of Elizabeth Mary Pusey, dau of Benjamin Pusey of Cherry Hill and Cherry Garden Estate in the Parish of St Dorothy, Jamaica. Relict of Samuel Wint, esq of Spanish Town and Andrew Wright, esq of Mitcham Pen St Elizabeth of the same Island. She was interred in the cemetery of this church 6th August 1821 aged 78 years. This tablet is erected in her memory by John Pusey Wint esq, her son.
Note following: Benjamin Pusey was M(ayor) for St Dorothy 1738, 48 & 49.
Refer Andrew Wright will for son (in law).

Will in PCC (Jamaica) 1805 Reb(ecca) Wright 484 Nelson.

Vol 4 - Extracts from the Columbian Magazine
1797 Nov: died st Golden Grove Estate (Trelawney) Mr Robert Maitland, millwright.
1797 Sept: died at Falmouth, Mr William Sinclair, shopkeeper.
1799 July: married Robert Sinclair, esq, to Miss Mary Herriott.
1796 Dec: Alex. Wright died at Palmetto Grove, St Mary's
1798 Sept: James Wright married Miss Redwas in Vere.
1798 Sept: Robert Benstead Wright esq, St Elizabeth.
Vol 5: nil
Vol 6: From Family Bible of Sarah Tharp Petgrave Brook, (now in possession of Miss Mabel Nembhart, 1918).
Entries: GB born 22/5/1781, SB born 13/6/1784
          Married 19/6/1807, Southampton, J.
Elizabeth Frances Brooks b 15/7/1808, Burnt Ground. St Elizabeth
George Brooks, born 3/12/1809, Blenheim, Vere.
Nicola Brooks born 11/5/1815, died 12/7/1815 at sea.
Sarah Brooks born 26/9/1816, died 6/10/1816, London.
Charlotte Augusta Brooks born 14/12/1817, 41 Dorset St, Portman Sq.
Died Robert Benstead Wright, brother 19/11/1820
Died 20/2/1821(?) William Burt Wright, drowned in Bathroom.

(MI for Jamaica, Kingston Parish Church, gives: William Butt(as transcribed) Wright esqr, late Merchant of Kingston, obt 20 February 1821, Aet 30, Erected by his wife.)

MI for Kingston also: Wright, Alexander, died 30/6/1864, aged 23.
                        Wright, Susanna died 15/5/1857 aged 90.

St Catherines Cathedral:
Children of John & Ann Wright, Robert born 1786, Mary Frances born 1791, Edward born 1790, died 1792.

WEST INDIA COMMITTEE

A Group of merchants with interests in Jamaica who gathered to protect their interests in the latter half of the 18thC and first half of the 19thC, after which they became moribund.

A "pressure group" of London merchants with interests in the West Indies, formed about 1769 and included several Maitlands: Richard, Robert and Alexander. They were from time to time members of the committee between 1769 and 1805. A Mr Fuller was a member in 1770, and referred to as "agent for Jamaica".
Pimento: source of Allspice. 11d/lb in 1825.

(records At Archives of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, 26, Russell Sq, London (0207862 8844)).

The minutes of the Committee show several Maitland interests.
1769 members:
Richard,
Robert prob 1709/10 - 1789 of Kings Arms Yard, Coleman St, City of London.

or: his son, 1744 - 1810 of Blue Stile (Maitland House), Greenwich & Basinghall St West India Merchant.
Alexander M. prob. 1715 - 1775 of Stoke Newington, & City of London, Merchant.
1770 discussions re rum trade etc. Maitland-Fuller also a member "agent for Jamaica".
1772 Beckford appears
->1777 Maitlands in committee.
1803 Agreement re Sugar Sale conditions, signed by inter alia, Edward & Alexander Maitland.
1801-03 Mr Maitland on committee
1803-05 Robert Maitland on committee, prob 1744 - 1810 of Blue Stile (Maitland House), Greenwich & Basinghall St West India Merchant.
On West India Planters and Merchants, Maitland on 1787 list A number of books relevant to us in listing.
More on this subject is shown in the file on John Maitland.

Jamaica Society - Beckford

A Descriptive Account of the Island of Jamaica (Beckford)

- Circa 1790 -

Excerpted from: Beckford, William, Esq., A Descriptive Account of the Island of Jamaica, London, 1790. Vol I & II.
Excerpts transcribed by David Bromfield[iii].
------------------------------------

Pens and Pen-keepers:

(ref: Vol II, pp 167 – 175)
The farms, or pens as they are denominated, are replete with pastoral imagery and the appearance of immense droves of horned cattle, that expatiate at large over the unbounded pasture, or that are seen to browse in the different enclosures, which are surrounded by the prickly penguin, or the logwood fences, afford a pleasing spectacle to him who has not been used to behold the carpet of nature thus giving the means of labour to the industrious, and wholesome provision to the wealthy. Upon one range of land is observed an immense quantity of horses, and of mules, from the foal at the side of its dam, to the colt that is impatient of the bit or the mule that is soon to feel the trammels of the mill, or the pinchings of the crook, but which now are seen to frolic and to bound over the resounding sod, to dash through the stagnant pond, to scour across the dusty road, and at last to bury themselves amidst the cooling shadows of the forest.
Over another region are seen to wander the heat-enduring sheep and gathered together into a social stock, they nibble thus collectively the level lawn, which hardly seems to afford them a scanty bite, but upon which they produce their fertile burthens twice a year, and load the wholesome banquet with their flesh, which is of a very particular and delicate taste. Of their hair indeed no use is made for even English sheep degenerate, and lose their wool in a short period of time in that intemperate climate and yet it is remarked that the Creole flocks will not thrive upon the mountains, where the dews are frequent, and the air is chill, in any comparison of advantage with those that are bred and fostered upon the plains.
Of their coats a kind of camblet might certainly be made but, as the subordinate ideas of comfort and of use are sacrificed in Jamaica to the manufactory of sugar and of rum, it will take some time before any reformation can be made in the operations, or the customs, of the country.
The pen-keepers in Jamaica are generally found to be, if not the most opulent, at least the most independent, of those who cultivate the soil. Their capitals indeed are not so large as those possessed of sugar-plantations but then their risks are few, and their losses, except in buildings and provision-grounds, in consequence of storms, are very trifling.
The proprietor who lives upon his pen has almost all the material necessaries, and many of the subordinate comforts of life immediately within his reach and I do not believe that there are many people in any country, of the same rank and capital, that either do, or can afford to entertain with more abundance and hospitality.
Their herds will supply them with beef and veal both of which, if the pasture be good, and they are allowed a sufficient time to fatten, would not be at all inferior, if the meat in that climate could have the advantage of keeping, to the same provisions in England. And I cannot help remarking in this place, that I have seen as fine cattle in Jamaica as I have ever beheld in any country and it seems likewise extraordinary, that the breeding and the young flock are in general in very high condition, although they are raised upon pastures the feeding of which is so very short that a stranger would hardly think they could afford the least bite whatever: but then the sod is exceedingly thick, the grass of a nutritive quality, and the vegetation rapid.
Upon some pens there are from two to three thousand horned and other cattle and of the former species there are many of considerable size, insomuch that it is not uncommon to see an ox at the slaughterhouse that shall exceed twelve hundred weight. The price of working steers is from twelve to twenty pounds currency, but sometimes more, and sometimes less that of mules, from twenty-five to thirty-five per head currency: and when a pen can make such large return, it is more economically productive than a sugar-estate.
The pen-keeper kills his own mutton and pork, both of which are decidedly superior to the flesh of sheep and hogs in England. The flavour of the first is mild, and pleasant and that of the last is equally good throughout the year.
He raises his own poultry of every kind: he has fish, land-turtle, and crabs, in abundance and every species of wild-fowl, at particular seasons of the year, in profusion. He has wild-boars and pigeons from the mountains and fruit, without the necessity of purchase, or the pains of cultivation. Sugar indeed he must buy, as likewise rum, if he have not, as many have, a plantation and as for other liquors, and the more refined luxuries of life, with them his means, his savings and economy, may easily supply him. A man of this description is the one in Jamaica who is the most independent, and consequently the most happy. The pens in the mountains, and those upon less lofty elevations, very widely differ, in prospect and appearance, from those in the plains.
Upon the former, the grass is oftentimes long and nash and they are often subject to a dreadful inconvenience, the want of water and when the drought shall be excessive, and the cattle are consequently obliged to be driven to some river at a considerable distance, the mortality is oftentimes excessive but as it is but seldom that, in such situations, the seasons are for a long time withheld, a misfortune of this kind can only be considered as an uncommon calamity, and as one that is not to be compared to the hurricane that devasts and sweeps away productions of a sugar-plantation.
Upon mountain-land the Guinea-grass is cultivated in preference to that which is flat: it is generally planted in the spring, ad at a distance of six or eight feet it grows considerably through the rainy season, and in October and November it blossoms. The cattle are then turned into it, to eat it down: they shake out the seed the stalks become dry, and are then cut: the stubble is consumed by fire, from the vegetative properties of which the young grass springs up, and in a short time becomes one entire carpet, the verdure of which has a very brilliant, and a pleasing appearance.
A piece of Guinea-grass in the month of November, when observed either upon the mountains, more gentle elevations, or even upon flat land, affords a variety of interesting scenes, and which are varied according to situation, time, and growth.
In a young state, when it begins to cover the ground, the colour of the grass is particularly brilliant and when the drops of dew hang trembling upon their pensile leaves, or the silken threads of the cobwebs are spread over the verdant surface, or when, broken by the brushing tread of some straggling heifer that has found its way into the inclosure, they float, like gossamer, , through the air, the lover of nature cannot help observing with delight these incidental changes which chance so frequently occasions.
This production, I think, appears to most advantage when it is in the state I have just described, and interests more, as adding beauty to a picture, when it is seen cultivated upon gently-swelling hills, which insensibly lose their depressions upon the plains.
When a piece of this description is dotted over by straggling trees, or clumped in particular situations by the bastard cedars, which are singular ornaments of the Jamaica farms, or is darkened by the shadows which are spread by the deep and spiced leaves of the pimento, it is hardly possible to conceive any natural scenery more rich and beautiful and if there be cattle or sheep observed, or cropping the herbage, or recumbent in glooms, these living objects of rural profit and delight cannot help giving a double interest to the surrounding scenery.
Upon some pens there is but little water for the use of the cattle, excepting such as is confined in ponds, and the resources of which are often precarious but yet I have heard it remarked, and I rather think with seeming justice, that they fatten more kindly where they drink of what is stagnant and muddy, than of that which is flowing and pellucid.

Planters, Attorneys, Overseers, etc:

(Ref: Vol II, pp 364 – 380)

The attorney draws 6 per cent upon the produce of the plantation makes an allowance, according to its extent and revenues, to a person to keep the books of the property, and to do in his absence such business as the overseer, from a different line of occupation, is either incompetent to, or has not leisure to superintend. He appoints the overseer, and affixes his salary according to his pretensions and his skill and among this class of people I have seen and been personally acquainted with some, that are an honour to their profession, and who would make as responsible agents as those by whom they have been, in a subordinate capacity, employed.
The attorney who manages for the proprietor in England, derives his emoluments from the produce of the property, and charges 6 per cent for every thing he makes, and every thing he sells and if he be not scrupulous in his trust, he may likewise draw many other advantages from his situation, which some have not scrupled to take. He may order the states to supply him with corn, may direct their carts to carry it may be from thence supplied with mules for his servants, and with provisions and delicacies for himself and may likewise order the attendance of any Negroes he may prefer, to wait upon him in menial capacities: and all this he may do, and all this is often done, without any ceremony or compensation.
If he have extensive concerns, he is followed about the country with a retinue of carriages, of servants, and of horses, which shake the ground as they thunder along and when he arrives upon the plantation, the command goes forth, to catch and kill the table is covered with profusion, and few are suffered to go empty. I had almost said sober, away.
There is not a profession in the country so much sought after as this and if it be not the most honourable, it is certainly the most profitable, and that in which is often the greatest mediocrity of talents: for a situation that individually does not either require thought, or insist upon action, may be equally exercised by the vacant and inactive. The only things required, are confidence and protection from home, an hospitable way of life in the island, a costly table, a full cellar, and good attendance and if you have besides an easy carriage, and am ambling horse, "all the rest shall be added unto you."
The business of an attorney, when residing upon the plantation, is to attend the overseer in a circuitous visit of the cane fields, and to obtain from him a calculation of what they may produce and as his emoluments arise from the magnitude of the crops, his interest will point out the means of making them productive and hence the exorbitant expence of hired labour will be added, to swell the list of payments under which the planter already labours, and for which, in seasons of storms and famine, he may find it very difficult, if not impossible, to provide: the attorney having the means of payment in his own hands, may say "that charity begins at home," and provides for his own wants before he considers those of his employer.
He makes it a point to be upon good terms with the captains of ships, and all those in short who have an opportunity to report favourably of him to his constituents in England and according to the extent of his concerns, will be his consequence, and the respect that will be shown to him in the country.
Of this description of persons there are many who hold the first places in the community, and who are independent legislators, useful magistrates, and men of property and who are besides attentive and just to the interest of their employers, and respectable both in public and private life: but yet I must still say, that I do not think even the best of them are so successful in the management of a property which they conduct under a mortgagee in possession, as when they hold the direction under the appointment, and confidence, of the planter alone and I must still observe, that the latter will be in general found to be the best steward of his own affairs, as his own interest would be so much blended with his conduct and his Negroes would more cheerfully obey his orders than attend to those of strangers and they will go forward with warmer hopes of a redress of their complaints, to him who is so much a party in their content and welfare, than they would to one who has the same motives to direct him.
When a merchant and a planter shall have found it necessary to enter into terms for their mutual government and safety, I think it always bad policy, and ruinous to both, when the latter is deprived of the possession and management of his estate. The former might appoint an attorney to see his rights ascertained, and that justice be in the first instance done to his claims respecting the consignments, the payment of contingencies, and for whatever sums he is, from the nature of the connection, become responsible: but the actual possession and superintendence should still continue in the proprietor of the soil for there is hardly a situation more deplorable than one of this last description, when he is obliged to turn out of his own house, without any provision being made for his wants, to make room for a man who was perhaps only the day before his servant and dependent.
If the creditor could only know the heart-felt miseries, and the neglect and insult which the planter sustains, when, in consequence of debts accumulated by the dreadful visitations that have descended from the hand of God, or the unfeeling rapacity and inhumanity of man - if the rigorous could only feel what he endures at being ejected from his home, deprived of his attendants, and struggling under disease, and without a common subsistence to procure the means of life, he would startle at the power which the law, or an unguarded confidence, has given him and would ultimately find, that his views of interest or importance would hardly compensate the reproach with which his rigour would be attended.
I would recommend it to the planter, to consider how very serious a thing it is, to become indebted to a merchant of an illiberal and parsimonious turn of mind and to be particularly cautious how he entrusts him with a security that is of great magnitude compared to a small advance. That he should be just and punctual, his interest will point out the necessity, as well as the advantage: but it is much better to suffer at once a pecuniary humiliation and distress, than to behold a weight in continual pendence above him, when he has every reason to think that it will, some time or other, descend and crush him.
The merchant wants no caution to remind him of his interest: if he meet with disappointment, he has recourse to his security at last and by advancing money upon pledges of land in Jamaica, I have never heard that one has ultimately been a loafer: but the instances of ruin to the planter under such bonds have been too frequent to require proof.
It will not, I hope, be imagined that I wish to throw the most distant reflections upon merchants of credit and honour: they are beyond my reach, and would look down with contempt upon him who could have the injustice to revile them. My remarks and strictures therefore will only apply to those of a different cast and to them, if any such there be, I will not even condescend to make an apology.
When the proprietor takes upon himself the management of his own plantation, there are many little circumstances which he attends to as objects of amusement, which an attorney might possibly consider as irksome and disgusting and who thinks, and perhaps wisely, that he very fully discharges his duty if he superintend the gross of affairs, without entering into those minutiae which, being trifles, are better neglected.
The planter is in general too fond of trying experiments and his private caprice cannot fail to injure his public views. If a man be clear of debt, and is contented with what he has, the community ought to think itself obliged to every individual who may make them. He is the only person who can be injured by the miscarriage and by his failure of success no creditor is hurt: but in those of a contrary description, the straight road of management will more certainly conduct to ease or wealth.
Every planter entertains a good opinion of his own management and being sanguine in his expectations, he is of consequence very frequently deceived. He is tempted, in proportion to this expectations, to purchase Negroes and stock and hence increases his debts, which were before oppressive: whereas, if he would be satisfied with what the strength and condition of his estate would give him, without clogging its wheels with unnecessary expence, he might be enabled to wipe off annually some portion of his encumbrances and when the merchant finds that his correspondent provides with punctuality for the interest, and reduces, from year to year, however little, the principal sum, his confidence will probably increase, and he may be disposed to make allowances for seasons of hurricanes and droughts.
As the planter seems to be the spring of action in the West Indies, his manners have an effect upon those of the country. Every one pretends to be, more or less, a man of business and trifles appear of consequence to those who are not habituated to the practice of regular and systematic occupation.
For the interested bustles of life, for that industry that begets wealth, and that circumspection that knows how to keep it, there is not a character in the world less adapted than a West Indian. Unsteady in thought, and desultory in action, he knows not how to combine his ideas for use, nor to direct their exertion to a given point. His warmth of temper is not followed by a coolness of judgement but then I have seldom known the heat of passion to conduct him to revenge. Too indolent for the exertions of the mind, his body seems to partake of its languor and though his spirits will sometimes lead him to the highest flights of extravagance, yet will reflection often sink him to the lowest despair. His disposition is, in some instances, not unlike that of a Frenchman, who is as easily elevated, as soon depressed. He is seldom a miser, and more often a spendthrift than barely generous and when he is impunctual, I should rather attribute it in many instances to a want of arrangement, and a foresight of contingencies, than to the failure of an honest principle.
It is somewhat singular, that there is hardly an instance of a Creole who has excelled in the liberal professions, or in works of genius: and for this it would be difficult to account, were it not in some manner apparent from their natural indolence, and aversion to one steady and unremitting pursuit. Of one quality they are certainly possessed, and that is hospitality and which may, some measure, cover their other failings: nor do I think that their generosity is often the handmaid of ostentation.
Their lives are certainly full of vexation and trouble: their means depending upon the favour of the climate, and the preservation of a capital so liable to incidents and mortality, make them look for danger when remote, and anticipate misfortunes that may not happen. They live well while they have the means and think, perhaps too much, upon the entertainment that they are to give their friends: and this anxiety of making welcome, and of crowding their table with profusion, and of drinking, very frequently, to excess, is a custom that prevails too much among all classes of people in the country.
The women in Jamaica superintend the domestic affairs, and provide for the necessaries and comforts of the table. Their occupations are always unpleasant, and they too often meet with causes of disgust. In that island they suffer much, submit to much, and lead a life of toil and misery, which the most commendable patience, and the most amiable resignation, cannot brook, though doomed to bear.
The overseer has many advantages of comfort, which his employer cannot share. He has few wishes, and few cares: his provisions are found him, and those he enjoys without expense or trouble. His profession does not subject him to labour, nor his situation ame him responsible: he may be discharged indeed for mal-practices, but cannot be punished for neglect, excepting in cases of notoriety which call aloud for public example. He directs the management of the property, if he have a sensible driver and obedient Negroes, with ease to himself and his daily orders recur, and are executed, without investigation, and without punishment. If the gross of business be well attended to, he is not difficult about trifles. He takes his daily rides into the cane pieces, to see that the work goes on with regularity and dispatch and when he is absent, the book-keeper attends but the driver is person whom he trusts. In crop-time he does not continue much in the field, but gives his particular attention to the works, and takes care that the Negroes are not idle, and that they do not waste, or steal, the produce. These remarks apply to a person of character and diligence nor have I had any personal connection with any people of this rank, whose honesty I could impeach, or whole industry upbraid.
Upon some plantations there are many white people engaged and the full establishment will be found to consist of the overseer, with a salary from 100 pounds sterling, to two, three, or more a distiller, with 40 pounds two book-keepers, with 30 pounds or 20 pounds a mason, a carpenter, a blacksmith, and perhaps a cooper and wheelwright, at different rates, from indented servants at 50 pounds a year, to 100 pounds or more. Fore these the overseer provides and these he directs and superintends in their different avocations. Upon some properties there is besides a doctor, upon a fixed salary but otherwise he is allowed to 5 shillings currency per head for every Negro, and finds the medicines himself.
The above is a large establishment and the average of estates in the island are contented with an overseer at 100 pounds a year, and one, or at most two book-keepers: but every white man will stand the property in the full amount of his salary besides. Where there are many servants, there will be but little work and that which is expected to be done by many, will be frequently at last left undone by one. Besides, the lower classes of white people in Jamaica are unworthy of confidence and power: they are idle, drunken, worthless, and immoral and it is chiefly owing to the infamy of their example, that the Negroes become idle, and turn out thieves and villains. Until therefore a reformation can be made in the manners of those with whom the slaves are so much connected, it will be impossible to enact any salutary and efficient institutions for their better government, for the decency of their conduct, the improvement of their minds, or the enforcing the comfortable or the moral duties of obedience.

PEN KEEPERS & SLAVERY - Shepherd

Extract from:
"Slavery without Sugar in Jamaica's Plantation Society.
      Some Implications for Enslaved and Enslavers."
      Verene A. Shepherd (2000)

i): Some Implications of Penkeeping for the Enslavers:
      By 1782, according to W.J. Gardner's estimate, Jamaica probably had 300 pens   owned by both independent pen-keepers and by sugar planters who had established their own 'satellite' livestock farms (some of which incorporated food production) to serve the needs of their estates. Whatever the objectives of their establishment, both types of pen owners had helped to diversify the Jamaican economy by the end of the 18th century and lessened the island's dependence on external sources of supply for some plantation inputs, particularly within the context of the articulated mercantilist ideology of the imperial power.   Edward Long, a sugar planter and author, well-qualified to comment on Jamaica's 18th century economy, having spent some 12 years in the island from 1757-1769 at the height of the sugar plantation system   consistently supported the idea of a self-sufficient agriculture in Jamaica, though not to the extent of dismantling the mercantilist system drastically as he later revealed in the amendments to his original volumes published in 1774. He advocated the expansion of the area of white settlement to include areas unsuited for the cane but suitable for other types of farming and grazing, a reduction in dependence on external trade, especially with North America and diversification of the economy with attention to foodcrops, coffee, cattle and horses. He went to great lengths to articulate his views on the local livestock industry. Indeed, he regarded the restoration of the local livestock industry, started by the Spanish and initially destroyed by the English colonizers, as so essential a project that he urged legislative action

      ...to encourage the island breed and throw gradual restraints upon
      ... importation by which means, beef might possibly, in course of
      a few years, return to a more moderate price... thus might be saved
      many thousand pounds now paid for foreign salted beef, which is neither
      so wholesome, nutritious, nor pleasing ... as fresh meat.

But was it possible for penkeepers in Jamaica to compete with foreign suppliers and service the island's needs for livestock? Long himself admitted that there were obstacles to diversification and self-sufficiency. Among the obstacles he identified were i) planter conservatism as reflected in their reluctance to dismantle the traditional economic relations dictated by the mercantilist system ii) the reluctance of white settlers to live in interior locations iii) the tendency of white settlers to look to the sugar industry, rather than any alternative husbandry, for upward social mobility iv) the failure of the sugarocracy to give wider support to local efforts of diversification, many lobbying instead for the restoration of traditional trading relationships with North America, rejecting local products as inferior and alternative lines of trade as expensive. In fact, it is clear that while some locally-born whites and free-coloureds participated in non-sugar economic activities, such activities remained marginal to sugar production and subject to the imperatives of sugar production. In his seminal work on the development of creole society in Jamaica, Brathwaite reiterated Long's sentiments, concluding that "at every step...the creatively 'creole' elements of the society were being rendered ineffective by the more reactionary 'colonial'". Their conclusions seemed to be that despite the fundamental importance of local penkeepers within Jamaica's colonial economy, they could not support the island's total needs for livestock.

      What factors other than those articulated by Long and Brathwaite kept the island dependent on external sources of work animals, despite the existence of local livestock farms? What were the socio-political implications for the independent penkeepers of their inability to realize the full potential of their occupation? I offer the following six tentative explanations: competition from Spanish Caribbean islands, the virtual ineffectiveness of local opposing voices, the existence of relatively small pens with low livestock density, market behaviour of the local buyers, the heavy dependence of pen-keepers on the sugar sector and the persistent colonial mentality of the creole producers. Each is explored below:

      i): Competition from Spanish America:
      The passing of the British Free Port Act of 1766 had opened up Spanish trading to Jamaica. This Act sanctioned a branch of colonial trade that had hitherto been conducted in a clandestine manner. It facilitated the import and export of certain types of goods at certain ports in the British Caribbean by small vessels from neighbouring foreign colonies. This did not, however, represent a departure from the Navigation Acts which still attempted to control the trade of staple commodities and English manufactures. The Free Port Act was designed to allow only trade in goods which did not compete with the products of Britain and her colonies. The slave trade, North American supplies and the carrying trade between the mother country and her colonies remained firmly in British hands. In Jamaica, Lucea, Savanna-la-mar, Kingston and Montego Bay were declared free ports in 1776 and with the passing of the Act and the opening up of ports other than Kingston, the Spanish trade with Jamaica was revived.

      ii): The virtual ineffectiveness of local opposing voices:
      The existence of the trade with Spanish America was a controversial issue in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Jamaica. The opponents of the trade blamed it for the failure of a larger number of small settlers to engage in penkeeping. The proponents argued that its continuation was vital to the better regulation of the price of beef and plantation stock. But the trade continued despite the opposition. At first, the numbers imported were small. Between 1729 and 1739, for example, 124 horned cattle, 1,500 horses, 4,285 mules, 243 asses, 129 horses and 825 sheep, or an annual average of 826 animals had been imported, primarily from Cuba and Puerto Rico. A total of 14,456 was imported in the following decade and averaged £11,000 per annum. The same level of importation in 1773 was estimated at £16,000.   By 1825, the annual number imported cost £11,836. The largest share of the total expenditure on imported livestock in the eighteenth century was spent on mules. Between 1729 and 1749, a total of 10,477 mules was imported. In 1774, when 745 mules were brought in, the cost to the island was £11,175 sterling.

      Edward Long elaborated on two reasons that necessitated the import of mules, asses, horses, and cattle, and emphasized that once these were removed, the trade would end. The first obstacle to Jamaican self-sufficiency, he explained, was a lack of "... a sufficient stock of industrious inhabitants to have been employed in breeding the number of these animals proportioned to the annual consumption".   The second was the absence of:

... the patriotic endeavours and subsidies of the Assembly, as well as for encouraging such breeding farms, as for making good roads in every district, at the public charge, whereby the internal parts of the country must have been settled and improved with greater facility and the waste of cattle in great measure prevented.

One of the reasons put forward by Long for the failure of more settlers to engage in penkeeping was the fear of overproduction and a consequent price fall. Long records that

... many persons have been deterred from engaging their time and capitals in this way imagining that a glut would be the consequence and the price of cattle and mules would be lowered because the Spanish breed are imported and sold at a cheaper rate than they can afford and make a suitable profit.

In addition, the lack of a 'creole consciousness' and the existence of prejudice against local products which were vital to encourage the local industry, impeded Jamaica's progress towards the development of a 'domestic economy'. Thus Long's view that "... most men have a prejudice in favour of foreign articles, despising their own far superior in value" might not have been too far off the mark. He however fails to recognize the economic fact that import substitution cannot be feasible where local producers are unable to produce goods competitively, and where government policies protect foreign suppliers.

Some of the pen-keepers themselves echoed Long's sentiments. In a petition to the Governor in 1790, the pen-keepers in the St. Ann vestry complained of

...the distressing Prospect arising in the Community in general ... and this Parish ... in Particular of the trade carried on between the Spaniards of Cuba and a few of the trading or commercial Persons of this country from the vicinity of the coasts which facilitates the impolitic Intercourse.

Like Edward Long, they stressed that the trade posed an obstacle to the expansion of the pen-keeping industry

...which is being partly discontinued by the Introduction of Spanish Horses, mules, mares, and neat cattle, subject to no Impost or Duty whatever, and that at a time when we are paying Taxes towards the support of Government from the time of sale.

      As the Spaniards were underselling local producers, Spanish cattle, horses, and mules were generally about one-third to one-half cheaper than local breeds. Spanish American horses could fetch as low a £10 sterling each, for example. Local breeds cost much more as their cost of production was higher.

      The drain of capital occasioned by the import trade from Spanish America was a matter of concern towards the end of the eighteenth century. According to Long, "... vast amounts of our small hammered silver rials [ryalls] and pistorins are constantly exported together with dollars for purchasing mules and cattle".   Planters even sold some of their rum internally in order to obtain cash to purchase Spanish stock. This "... in every respect", said Long, "... seems to be a traffick extremely pernicious to the island and it is from this consideration probably that it has been more connived at by the Spaniards than any other". He urged that immediate steps be taken to end this `pernicious trade'. Two solutions were first, for the Assembly to impose a tax on imported stock and, second, for local pen-keepers to give credit -say of six to nine months - to enable the poorer proprietors to defray the cost of their purchase out of the rent or succeeding crop.

      Up to 1816, however, neither solution seems to have been adopted. The matter of taxation was especially problematic and Long's call for a tax to be imposed on foreign stock was echoed by pen-keepers all over the island. In 1816, for example, the pen-keepers of St. Elizabeth and Manchester petitioned the House of Assembly to impose a tax on imported stock on account of the hardships they suffered from the allowance of foreign imports. The St. Elizabeth graziers, supported by those in Manchester, complained that:

... from late large importation of horned or neat cattle, mules and horses, the stock of the native breeder and grazier has become almost unsaleable, more particularly in respect of mules, there having been scarcely a spell of mules disposed of this season in the whole pen] district ....

      The complaints of the penkeepers were referred to a Committee of the House of Assembly and in 1817 `An Act for laying a duty on all horses, mares, geldings, mules, and horned cattle, imported into this island, except from Great Britain and the United States of America', was effected. The duty initially levied on each head of cattle was £11.70 but this was increased to £12 in the 1830s after repeated agitation by the penkeepers that the stock duties be raised. By 1843 the duties seemed to have been lowered, with those on neat cattle being once more just around £11 0s. 0d. per head.

      The petitions of the penkeepers may not have had led to the level of tax increase desired and members of the House of Assembly continued to disagree over the cattle duty and even towards the end of the century, the matter was still not satisfactorily settled. But it should be stressed that the very imposition of an import tax on imported stock in the 19th century was testimony to the changing political situation among which was the declining power of the sugar interests in the Jamaican Assembly.

      It is evident that the lack of a high social standing in white society [in contrast to the sugar planters], of political power and an effective lobby in the House of Assembly clearly worked to the penkeepers' disadvantage. Indeed, the economic relations between planters and penkeepers while reciprocal in some regards, nevertheless, contained an exploitative element. The House was dominated by sugar planters who, naturally, advanced their economic self-interest this explains their failure to acquiesce to the growing petitions of the graziers for an increase in the duty imposed on Spanish livestock. They responded to economic imperatives rather than any blind support for local producers. This is clear from their argument that there was a great price differential in the horses, mules and cattle purchased from Spanish America, even after adding the profits of the middlemen merchants. They sought the cheapest markets when procuring these. Indeed, the very nature of the sugar plantation system, despite Jamaica's slight deviation from the classic model, made any non-economic considerations irrelevant. The sugar industry was primarily export-dependent it needed to control operational costs, and sugar planters naturally sought plantation inputs from the cheapest sources.

      iii): The existence of relatively small pens with low livestock density:
      Jamaica's relatively small pens with low livestock densities were incapable of meeting sugar estates' total livestock needs, estimated at over 700,000 in the late 18th century, and were unable to compete with external suppliers. Climatic and other physical environmental factors restricted their expansion in the period of slavery. Additionally, pens were not necessarily allowed to develop on lands eminently suitable for pasture. The greater commitment to the sugar industry meant that estates tended to develop on the flat, coastal lands and the interior plains. As the sugar economy expanded and created competition for landspace between agrarian units in the island, pens were unable to maintain the required acreage of pasture and livestock population to supply the market. Pens were, sometimes, confined to marginal interior lands. Even where estates went out of production due to changes in the climate [as in St Catherine where deforestation caused extremely dry conditions], abandoned estates lands were not necessarily turned over to pasture.

      Even with restricted space, the absolute numbers of pens in Jamaica, around 400 by the end of slavery, may have been sufficient to supply the total livestock needs of the island's sugar had they devoted all land space to pasture or maintained larger herds. The mean size of pens was 824.58 acres in the period 1780-1845 [with a range from 300-3,750 acres]. This was large by island standards but not all of this land was suitable for pasture. Of the total of 1,248 acres comprising Shettlewood Pen, for example, 68.26% was devoted to grass and the average in grass for most pens was even lower. Pens were organized as self-sufficient units, much like sugar estates, and so had land devoted to buildings, provision grounds and forestland for timber.

      iv): Market behaviour:
      The fact that the potential earning power of small settlers engaged in livestock farming was undermined by the behaviour of the sugarocracy was another contributing factor. Some planters produced livestock on their estate or satellite pen, or bought from cheaper Spanish-American suppliers. Thus, although theoretically the sugar economy was capable of acting as a dynamic factor in the development of the local livestock industry, such dynamism was not directed entirely towards the pen sector.

      v): The heavy dependence of pen-keepers on the sugar sector.
      Although they had maintained an independent economic dynamic in the pre-sugar era, by 1740, penkeepers were heavily dependent on the sugar sector. Livestock farmers relied on the sugar planters to purchase their output such as animals and ground provisions. The section of the sugar estate market to which independent penkeepers had access, however, fluctuated according to the state of the market for sugar. This precariousness of the market caused many livestock farmers to diversify their economic activities in an effort to cushion the effects of a low demand and thus a low price for working animals. The precariousness of the sugar market, particularly in the 19th century, caused many pens to intensify their diversification efforts, often incorporating pimento, logwood, coffee and food production. This contributed to the comparatively low livestock density and drew off slave labour for activities unconnected with livestock husbandry. The lack of a larger number of monocultural pens, therefore, had important implications for the supply of livestock in the island. Furthermore, the need to maintain a larger number of slaves than was usual for livestock husbandry (usually a ratio of one slave to 50 head of livestock was adequate but in Jamaica the ratio was higher) increased the production costs on the pens. The estates had a high import co-efficient in foodstuffs some planters established their own supplementary food-producing units and the existence of the slave provisioning system combined to limit the portion of the food market to which independent pens had access.

      vi): The persistent colonial mentality of the creole producers:
      The penkeepers in Jamaica evinced no blind adherence to what Brathwaite has termed 'creole society'. Jamaica's colonial society, despite its diversified landholding class, was also culturally dominated by the planter-class. Despite the obvious development of a creole society to which Brathwaite refers, white norms prevailed among the islands European and free-coloured elements. Resident white and free-coloured penkeepers aspired to the values of white elite society which aped English, metropolitan culture. This was reflected in their lifestyle, the education of their children in the metropole and their trek to Britain as soon as their financial circumstances permitted. Thus, the ownership and operation of livestock farms, while generating goods for the local, 'creole' market, did not necessarily imply a commitment to creole [as opposed to white metropolitan] ideals on the part of penkeepers. Indeed, as soon as financial circumstances permitted, some penkeepers themselves became a part of the absentee proprietary class in Britain. Many independent penkeepers were former overseers and attorneys who used their accumulated wages to gradually buy stock and re-sell to the estates. The possibility of this route to property-ownership meant that there were always men available for such supervisory positions, freeing wealthy penkeepers to become absentees.

      The internal differences among the resident proprietors also served to reinforce the divisions in creole society. Brathwaite has duly noted that small settlers remained scattered, separate and without any consciousness of themselves as a group. He ascribes this primarily to their lack of political power and increasing marginalisation in creole society. However, the internal class and ethnic diversities even among particular groups of small settlers are other crucial factors. Pen-keepers, for example, comprised traditionally antagonistic sections - white and free-coloureds, creole born and metropolitan born, small entrepreneurs and larger more profitable proprietors - among whom there was no common social goals outside of the context of their similar aspirations to the socio-economic status of the sugar barons. Furthermore, resident sugar planters and resident pen-keepers were economically linked, yet socially separated, with the latter aspiring to the social status of the former. Consequently, to have been born in Jamaica and to participate in the production of locally-produced plantation inputs and to display a colonial mentality at the same time was entirely possible in colonial Jamaica there was no necessary dichotomy.

      These realities did not signal the end of penkeeping in Jamaica on the contrary, the number had reached 400 on the eve of emancipation, with pens continuing to provide an alternative location and way of life for enslaved peoples.

BRETT ASHMEADE-HAWKINS

See also Jamaica Maitlands, Cooper line.

My Godfather is Russell Pulford Earle, the son of the late John Calder Earle of Mitchum Estate and the nephew of the late Charles Earle of Ashton Pen. I have quite a lot of family history on Ashton Pen and also some on Mount Charles.
My family owns a house in Miami and I spend several months a year there, but I also own a cattle and citrus plantation in Belize and I live there for the rest of the year. I'm actually planning to sell up soon and buy a coffee plantation, 4,000 to 5,000 feet up in the mountains of Costa Rica. The climate is so much cooler there. I usually go down to Jamaica for a week or so every year.

19 Oct 2006 20:44:35 -0400
In 18th Century Jamaica the Sugar Planters thought themselves a cut above the Coffee Planters and the Penkeepers, much as the Nobility in England thought themselves a cut above the Gentry. Ironically the greater wealth of the Sugar Planters in Jamaica eventually allowed most of them to become absentee proprietors in Britain, while the more modest fortunes of the Coffee Planters and Penkeepers kept them in Jamaica. By the 1830s four-fifths of the Sugar Planters in Jamaica has become absentees, while at the same time two-thirds of the Coffee Planters and four-fifths of the Penkeepers remained resident in the Island. This meant that the Coffee Planters and the Penkeepers now formed the majority of the Plantocracy and their political power and social prestige now matched that of the remaining Sugar Planters and the great Planting-Attorneys.
During the late 19th Century and early 20th Century as the sugar industry in Jamaica continued to decline and many sugar and coffee plantations were either abandoned or converted to cattle estates, the social status of the Penkeepers reached its highest peak. By the early 20th century many of the remaining sugar estates were now amalgamating and they were increasingly owned by companies and run by a new managerial class imported from Britain. Thus the Old Plantocracy, as the late historian Ansell Hart put it, was being replaced by a New Plantocracy. In contrast the old-fashioned Penkeepers, as individual owners of estates, were now seen as the upholders of tradition and the true Landed Gentry of Jamaica.
By the 1960s the Penkeeper was almost a mythical figure in Jamaican society, seen as the equivalent of the English country squire. He became a sort of living stereotype. An elderly White Jamaican gentleman, well-bred and well-mannered, usually educated in England and more British than the British, sometimes bluff and often befuddled, living in an old decaying Great House in the countryside, with his horses and his dogs, enjoying polo and shooting, and reminiscing endlessly about boarding school in England, garden-parties at King's House and the last Royal visit to Jamaica.
These old-time Planters and Penkeepers were an anachronism in the New Jamaica, where they were increasingly no longer appreciated or wanted. When I was a child in Jamaica during the 1960s there were still a lot of them about, having lunch at the Country Clubs, attending Polo Matches and Gymkhanas, exhibiting at the annual Agricultural Shows. Quaint elderly figures with their solar topees and panama hats, their white linen suits, leaning on their canes and their shooting sticks. Now they are almost all dead and gone and Jamaica is a poorer place for it.
The tradition of a separate kitchen, detached from the main house and connected by a pillared covered walkway, continues in Jamaica to this day. I know many old town houses and country houses in Jamaica where this is still the case. My first experience of this was in January 1967 when we stayed with Tony Hart's aunt at Overton House in Montego Bay. It was a lovely old 19th Century colonial mansion set in about three acres of manicured lawns.[iv]
I attach for you a photo of an old print of Government Penn, near Spanish Town, drawn by Lady Nugent in 1803, which gives an excellent view of a Great House with a pillared, covered walkway connecting it to the seperate outside Kitchen. I have photographs of many other old Great Houses in Jamaica showing the same arrangement.
Thank you for the photograph of the interior of Mount Charles Great House in 1899. I must tell you that any 18th and 19th Century interior views of plantation houses in Jamaica are extremely rare. It is interesting to see the Jamaican colonial furniture in the photo. There is a glimpse of a Planter's chair, a Windsor armchair, a Card Table and a Half-Moon table, all typical examples of the sort of Early 19th Century Jamaican furniture that you would expect to find in any Great House in the Island. I'm sure that John Cross would love to see this photo, given his expertise on Jamaican furniture.

TROLLOPE’S SPANISH TOWN:

Project Gutenberg's Miss Sarah Jack, of Spanish Town, by Trollope
#16 in our series by Anthony Trollope
This etext was produced by David Price, email ccx074@coventry.ac.uk, from the 1864 Chapman & Hall edition "Tales of All Countries" edition.

Miss Sarah Jack, of Spanish Town, Jamaica

by Anthony Trollope

There is nothing so melancholy as a country in its decadence, unless it be a people in their decadence. I am not aware that the latter misfortune can be attributed to the Anglo-Saxon race in any part of the world but there is reason to fear that it has fallen on an English colony in the island of Jamaica.

Jamaica was one of those spots on which fortune shone with the full warmth of all her noonday splendour. That sun has set--whether for ever or no none but a prophet can tell but as far as a plain man may see, there are at present but few signs of a coming morrow, or of another summer.

It is not just or proper that one should grieve over the misfortunes of Jamaica with a stronger grief because her savannahs are so lovely, her forests so rich, her mountains so green, and he rivers so rapid but it is so. It is piteous that a land so beautiful should be one which fate has marked for misfortune. Had Guiana, with its flat, level, unlovely soil, become poverty-stricken, one would hardly sorrow over it as one does sorrow for Jamaica.

As regards scenery she is the gem of the western tropics. It is impossible to conceive spots on the earth's surface more gracious to the eye than those steep green valleys which stretch down to the south-west from the Blue Mountain peak towards the sea and but little behind these in beauty are the rich wooded hills which in the western part of the island divide the counties of Hanover and Westmoreland. The hero of the tale which I am going to tell was a sugar-grower in the latter district, and the heroine was a girl who lived under that Blue Mountain peak.

The very name of a sugar-grower as connected with Jamaica savours of fruitless struggle, failure, and desolation. And from his earliest growth fruitless struggle, failure, and desolation had been the lot of Maurice Cumming. At eighteen years of age he had been left by his father sole possessor of the Mount Pleasant estate, than which in her palmy days Jamaica had little to boast of that was more pleasant or more palmy. But those days had passed by before Roger Cumming, the father of our friend, had died.

These misfortunes coming on the head of one another, at intervals of a few years, had first stunned and then killed him. His slaves rose against him, as they did against other proprietors around him, and burned down his house and mills, his homestead and offices. Those who know the amount of capital which a sugar-grower must invest in such buildings will understand the extent of this misfortune. Then the slaves were emancipated. It is not perhaps possible that we, now-a-days, should regard this as a calamity but it was quite impossible that a Jamaica proprietor of those days should not have done so. Men will do much for philanthropy, they will work hard, they will give the coat from their back--nay the very shirt from their body but few men will endure to look on with satisfaction while their commerce is destroyed.

But even this Mr. Cumming did bear after a while, and kept his shoulder to the wheel. He kept his shoulder to the wheel till that third misfortune came upon him--till the protection duty on Jamaica sugar was abolished. Then he turned his face to the wall and died. His son at this time was not of age, and the large but lessening property which Mr. Cumming left behind him was for three years in the hands of trustees. But nevertheless Maurice, young as he was, managed the estate. It was he who grew the canes, and made the sugar--or else failed to make it. He was the "massa" to whom the free negroes looked as the source from whence their wants should be supplied, notwithstanding that, being free, they were ill inclined to work for him, let his want of work be ever so sore.

Mount Pleasant had been a very large property. In addition to his sugar-canes Mr. Cumming had grown coffee for his land ran up into the hills of Trelawney to that altitude which in the tropics seems necessary for the perfect growth of the coffee berry. But it soon became evident that labour for the double produce could not be had, and the coffee plantation was abandoned. Wild brush and the thick undergrowth of forest reappeared on the hill-sides which had been rich with produce. And the evil re-created and exaggerated itself. Negroes squatted on the abandoned property and being able to live with abundance from their stolen gardens, were less willing than ever to work in the cane pieces.

And thus things went from bad to worse. In the good old times Mr. Cumming's sugar produce had spread itself annually over some three hundred acres but by degrees this dwindle down to half that extent of land. And then in those old golden days they had always taken a full hogshead from the acre--very often more. The estate had sometimes given four hundred hogsheads in the year. But in the days of which we now speak the crop had fallen below fifty. At this time Maurice Cumming was eight-and-twenty, and it is hardly too much to say that misfortune had nearly crushed him. But nevertheless it had not crushed him. He, and some few like him, had still hoped against hope had still persisted in looking forward to a future for the island which once was so generous with its gifts. When his father died he might still have had enough for the wants of life had he sold his property for what it would fetch. There was money in England, and the remains of large wealth. But he would not sacrifice Mount Pleasant or abandon Jamaica and now after ten years' struggling he still kept Mount Pleasant, and the mill was still going but all other property had parted from his hands.

By nature Maurice Cumming would have been gay and lively, a man with a happy spirit and easy temper but struggling had made him silent if not morose, and had saddened if not soured his temper. He had lived alone at Mount Pleasant, or generally alone. Work or want of money, and the constant difficulty of getting labour for his estate, had left him but little time for a young man's ordinary amusements. Of the charms of ladies' society he had known but little. Very many of the estates around him had been absolutely abandoned, as was the case with his own coffee plantation, and from others men had sent away their wives and daughters. Nay, most of the proprietors had gone themselves, leaving an overseer to extract what little might yet be extracted out of the property. It too often happened that that little was not sufficient to meet the demands of the overseer himself.

The house at Mount Pleasant had been an irregular, low-roofed, picturesque residence, built with only one floor, and surrounded on all sides by large verandahs. In the old days it had always been kept in perfect order, but now this was far from being the case. Few young bachelors can keep a house in order, but no bachelor young or old can do so under such a doom as that of Maurice Cumming. Every shilling that Maurice Cumming could collect was spent in bribing negroes to work for him. But bribe as he would the negroes would not work. "No, massa: me pain here me no workee to-day," and Sambo would lay his fat hand on his fat stomach.

I have said that he lived generally alone. Occasionally his house on Mount Pleasant was enlivened by visits of an aunt, a maiden sister of his mother, whose usual residence was at Spanish Town. It is or should be known to all men that Spanish Town was and is the seat of Jamaica legislature.

But Maurice was not over fond of his relative. In this he was both wrong and foolish, for Miss Sarah Jack--such was her name--was in many respects a good woman, and was certainly a rich woman. It is true that she was not a handsome woman, nor a fashionable woman, nor perhaps altogether an agreeable woman. She was tall, thin, ungainly, and yellow. Her voice, which she used freely, was harsh. She was a politician and a patriot. She regarded England as the greatest of countries, and Jamaica as the greatest of colonies. But much as she loved England she was very loud in denouncing what she called the perfidy of the mother to the brightest of her children. And much as she loved Jamaica she was equally severe in her taunts against those of her brother-islanders who would not believe that the island might yet flourish as it had flourished in her father's days.

"It is because you and men like you will not do your duty by your country," she had said some score of times to Maurice--not with much justice considering the laboriousness of his life.

But Maurice knew well what she meant. "What could I do there up at Spanish Town," he would answer, "among such a pack as there are there? Here I may do something."

And then she would reply with the full swing of her eloquence, "It is because you and such as you think only of yourself and not of Jamaica, that Jamaica has come to such a pass as this. Why is there a pack there as you call them in the honourable House of Assembly? Why are not the best men in the island to be found there, as the best men in England are to be found in the British House of Commons? A pack, indeed! My father was proud of a seat in that house, and I remember the day, Maurice Cumming, when your father also thought it no shame to represent his own parish. If men like you, who have a stake in the country, will not go there, of course the house is filled with men who have no stake. If they are a pack, it is you who send them there--you, and others like you."

All had its effect, though at the moment Maurice would shrug his shoulders and turn away his head from the torrent of the lady's discourse. But Miss Jack, though she was not greatly liked, was greatly respected. Maurice would not own that she convinced him but at last he did allow his name to be put up as candidate for his own parish, and in due time he became a member of the honourable House of Assembly in Jamaica.

This honour entails on the holder of it the necessity of living at or within reach of Spanish Town for some ten weeks towards the chose of every year. Now on the whole face of the uninhabited globe there is perhaps no spot more dull to look at, more Lethean in its aspect, more corpse-like or more cadaverous than Spanish Town. It is the head-quarters of the government, the seat of the legislature, the residence of the governor--but nevertheless it is, as it were, a city of the very dead.

Here, as we have said before, lived Miss Jack in a large forlorn ghost-like house in which her father and all her family had lived before her. And as a matter of course Maurice Cumming when he came up to attend to his duties as a member of the legislature took up his abode with her.

Now at the time of which we are specially speaking he had completed the first of these annual visits. He had already benefited his country by sitting out one session of the colonial parliament, and had satisfied himself that he did no other good than that of keeping away some person more objectionable than himself. He was however prepared to repeat this self-sacrifice in a spirit of patriotism for which he received a very meagre meed of eulogy from Miss Jack, and an amount of self-applause which was not much more extensive.

"Down at Mount Pleasant I can do something," he would say over and over again, "but what good can any man do up here?"

"You can do your duty," Miss Jack would answer, "as others did before you when the colony was made to prosper." And then they would run off into a long discussion about free labour and protective duties. But at the present moment Maurice Cumming had another vexation on his mind over and above that arising from his wasted hours at Spanish Town, and his fruitless labours at Mount Pleasant. He was in love, and was not altogether satisfied with the conduct of his lady-love.

Miss Jack had other nephews besides Maurice Cumming, and nieces also, of whom Marian Leslie was one. The family of the Leslies lived up near Newcastle--in the mountains, that is, which stand over Kingston- -at a distance of some eighteen miles from Kingston, but in a climate as different from that of the town as the climate of Naples is from that of Berlin. In Kingston the heat is all but intolerable throughout the year, by day and by night, in the house and out of it. In the mountains round Newcastle, some four thousand feet above the sea, it is merely warm during the day, and cool enough at night to make a blanket desirable.

It is pleasant enough living up amongst those green mountains. There are no roads there for wheeled carriages, nor are there carriages with or without wheels. All journeys are made on horseback. Every visit paid from house to house is performed in this manner. Ladies young and old live before dinner in their riding-habits. The hospitality is free, easy, and unembarrassed. The scenery is magnificent. The tropical foliage is wild and luxuriant beyond measure. There may be enjoyed all that a southern climate has to offer of enjoyment, without the penalties which such enjoyments usually entail.

Mrs. Leslie was a half-sister of Miss Jack, and Miss Jack had been a half-sister also of Mrs. Cumming but Mrs. Leslie and Mrs. Cumming had in no way been related. And it had so happened that up to the period of his legislative efforts Maurice Cumming had seen nothing of the Leslies. Soon after his arrival at Spanish Town he had been taken by Miss Jack to Shandy Hall, for so the residence of the Leslies was called, and having remained there for three days, had fallen in love with Marian Leslie. Now in the West Indies all young ladies flirt it is the first habit of their nature--and few young ladies in the West Indies were more given to flirting, or understood the science better than Marian Leslie.

Maurice Cumming fell violently in love, and during his first visit at Shandy Hall found that Marian was perfection--for during this first visit her propensities were exerted altogether in his own favour. That little circumstance does make such a difference in a young man's judgment of a girl! He came back fall of admiration, not altogether to Miss Jack's dissatisfaction for Miss Jack was willing enough that both her nephew and her niece should settle down into married life. But then Maurice met his fair one at a governor's ball--at a ball where red coats abounded, and aides-de-camp dancing in spurs, and narrow-waisted lieutenants with sashes or epaulettes! The aides-de-camp and narrow-waisted lieutenants waltzed better than he did and as one after the other whisked round the ball-room with Marian firmly clasped in his arms, Maurice's feelings were not of the sweetest. Nor was this the worst of it. Had the whisking been divided equally among ten, he might have forgiven it but there was one specially narrow-waisted lieutenant, who towards the end of the evening kept Marian nearly wholly to himself. Now to a man in love, who has had but little experience of either balls or young ladies, this is intolerable.

He only met her twice after that before his return to Mount Pleasant, and on the first occasion that odious soldier was not there. But a specially devout young clergyman was present, an unmarried, evangelical, handsome young curate fresh from England and Marian's piety had been so excited that she had cared for no one else. It appeared moreover that the curate's gifts for conversion were confined, as regarded that opportunity, to Marion's advantage. "I will have nothing more to say to her," said Maurice to himself, scowling. But just as he went away Marian had given him her hand, and called him Maurice--for she pretended that they were cousins--and had looked into his eyes and declared that she did hope that the assembly at Spanish Town would soon be sitting again. Hitherto, she said, she had not cared one straw about it. Then poor Maurice pressed the little fingers which lay within his own, and swore that he would be at Shandy Hall on the day before his return to Mount Pleasant. So he was and there he found the narrow-waisted lieutenant, not now bedecked with sash and epaulettes, but lolling at his ease on Mrs. Leslie's sofa in a white jacket, while Marian sat at his feet telling his fortune with a book about flowers.

"Oh, a musk rose, Mr. Ewing you know what a musk rose means!" Then she got up and shook hands with Mr. Cumming but her eyes still went away to the white jacket and the sofa. Poor Maurice had often been nearly broken-hearted in his efforts to manage his free black labourers but even that was easier than managing such as Marion Leslie.

Marian Leslie was a Creole--as also were Miss Jack and Maurice Cumming--a child of the tropics but by no means such a child as tropical children are generally thought to be by us in more northern latitudes. She was black-haired and black-eyed, but her lips were as red and her cheeks as rosy as though she had been born and bred in regions where the snow lies in winter. She was a small, pretty, beautifully made little creature, somewhat idle as regards the work of the world, but active and strong enough when dancing or riding were required from her. Her father was a banker, and was fairly prosperous in spite of the poverty of his country. His house of business was at Kingston, and he usually slept there twice a week but he always resided at Shandy Hall, and Mrs. Leslie and her children knew but very little of the miseries of Kingston. For be it known to all men, that of all towns Kingston, Jamaica, is the most miserable.

I fear that I shall have set my readers very much against Marian Leslie--much more so than I would wish to do. As a rule they will not know how thoroughly flirting is an institution in the West Indies--practised by all young ladies, and laid aside by them when they marry, exactly as their young-lady names and young-lady habits of various kinds are laid aside. All I would say of Marian Leslie is this, that she understood the working of the institution more thoroughly than others did. And I must add also in her favour that she did not keep her flirting for sly corners, nor did her admirers keep their distance till mamma was out of the way. It mattered not to her who was present. Had she been called on to make one at a synod of the clergy of the island, she would have flirted with the bishop before all his priests. And there have been bishops in the colony who would not have gainsayed her!

But Maurice Cumming did not rightly calculate all this nor indeed did Miss Jack do so as thoroughly as she should have done, for Miss Jack knew more about such matters than did poor Maurice. "If you like Marion, why don't you marry her?" Miss Jack had once said to him and this coming from Miss Jack, who was made of money, was a great deal. "She wouldn't have me," Maurice had answered.

"That's more than you know or I either," was Miss Jack's reply. "But if you like to try, I'll help you."

With reference to this, Maurice as he left Miss Jack's residence on his return to Mount Pleasant, had declared that Marian Leslie was not worth an honest man's love.

"Psha!" Miss Jack replied "Marian will do like other girls. When you marry a wife I suppose you mean to be master?"

"At any rate I shan't marry her," said Maurice. And so he went his way back to Hanover with a sore heart. And no wonder, for that was the very day on which Lieutenant Ewing had asked the question about the musk rose.

But there was a dogged constancy of feeling about Maurice which could not allow him to disburden himself of his love. When he was again at Mount Pleasant among his sugar-canes and hogsheads he could not help thinking about Marian. It is true he always thought of her as flying round that ball-room in Ewing's arms, or looking up with rapt admiration into that young parson's face and so he got but little pleasure from his thoughts. But not the less was he in love with her--not the less, though he would swear to himself three times in the day that for no earthly consideration would he marry Marian Leslie.

The early months of the year from January to May are the busiest with a Jamaica sugar-grower, and in this year they were very busy months with Maurice Cumming. It seemed as though there were actually some truth in Miss Jack's prediction that prosperity would return to him if he attended to his country for the prices of sugar had risen higher than they had ever been since the duty had been withdrawn, and there was more promise of a crop at Mount Pleasant than he had seen since his reign commenced. But then the question of labour? How he slaved in trying to get work from those free negroes and alas! how often he slaved in vain! But it was not all in vain for as things went on it became clear to him that in this year he would, for the first time since he commenced, obtain something like a return from his land. What if the turning-point had come, and things were now about to run the other way.

But then the happiness which might have accrued to him from this source was dashed by his thoughts of Marian Leslie. Why had he thrown himself in the way of that syren? Why had he left Mount Pleasant at all? He knew that on his return to Spanish Town his first work would be to visit Shandy Hall and yet he felt that of all places in the island, Shandy Hall was the last which he ought to visit.

And then about the beginning of May, when he was hard at work turning the last of his canes into sugar and rum, he received his annual visit from Miss Jack. And whom should Miss Jack bring with her but Mr. Leslie.

"I'll tell you what it is," said Miss Jack "I have spoken to Mr. Leslie about you and Marian."

"Then you had no business to do anything of the kind," said Maurice, blushing up to his ears.

"Nonsense," replied Miss Jack, "I understand what I am about. Of course Mr. Leslie will want to know something about the estate."

"Then he may go back as wise as he came, for he'll learn nothing from me. Not that I have anything to hide."

"So I told him. Now there are a large family of them, you see and of course he can't give Marian much."

"I don't care a straw if he doesn't give her a shilling. If she cared for me, or I for her, I shouldn't look after her for her money."

"But a little money is not a bad thing, Maurice," said Miss Jack, who in her time had had a good deal, and had managed to take care of it.

"It is all one to me."

"But what I was going to say is this--hum--ha. I don't like to pledge myself for fear I should raise hopes which mayn't be fulfilled."

"Don't pledge yourself to anything, aunt, in which Marian Leslie and I are concerned."

"But what I was going to say is this my money, what little I have, you know, must go some day either to you or to the Leslies."

"You may give all to them if you please."

"Of course I may, and I dare say I shall," said Miss Jack, who was beginning to be irritated. "But at any rate you might have the civility to listen to me when I am endeavouring to put you on your legs. I am sure I think about nothing else, morning, noon, and night, and yet I never get a decent word from you. Marian is too good for you that's the truth."

But at length Miss Jack was allowed to open her budget, and to make her proposition which amounted to this--that she had already told Mr. Leslie that she would settle the bulk of her property conjointly on Maurice and Marian if they would make a match of it. Now as Mr. Leslie had long been casting a hankering eye after Miss Jack's money, with a strong conviction however that Maurice Cumming was her favourite nephew and probable heir, this proposition was not unpalatable. So he agreed to go down to Mount Pleasant and look about him.

"But you may live for the next thirty years, my dear Miss Jack," Mr. Leslie had said.

"Yes, I may," Miss Jack replied, looking very dry.

"And I am sure I hope you will," continued Mr. Leslie. And then the subject was allowed to drop for Mr. Leslie knew that it was not always easy to talk to Miss Jack on such matters.

Miss Jack was a person in whom I think we may say that the good predominated over the bad. She was often morose, crabbed, and self-opinionated. but then she knew her own imperfections, and forgave those she loved for evincing their dislike of them. Maurice Cumming was often inattentive to her, plainly showing that he was worried by her importunities and ill at ease in her company. But she loved her nephew with all her heart and though she dearly liked to tyrannise over him, never allow herself to be really angry with him, though he so frequently refused to bow to her dictation. And she loved Marian Leslie also, though Marian was so sweet and lovely and she herself so harsh and ill-favoured. She loved Marian, though Marian would often be impertinent. She forgave the flirting, the light-heartedness, the love of amusement. Marian, she said to herself, was young and pretty. She, Miss Jack, had never known Marian's temptation. And so she resolved in her own mind that Marian should be made a good and happy woman--but always as the wife of Maurice Cumming.

But Maurice turned a deaf ear to all these good tidings--or rather he turned to them an ear that seemed to be deaf. He dearly, ardently loved that little flirt but seeing that she was a flirt, that she had flirted so grossly when he was by, he would not confess his love to a human being. He would not have it known that he was wasting his heart for a worthless little chit, to whom every man was the same--except that those were most eligible whose toes were the lightest and their outside trappings the brightest. That he did love her he could not help, but he would not disgrace himself by acknowledging it.

He was very civil to Mr. Leslie, but he would not speak a word that could be taken as a proposal for Marian. It had been part of Miss Jack's plan that the engagement should absolutely be made down there at Mount Pleasant, without any reference to the young lady but Maurice could not be induced to break the ice. So he took Mr. Leslie through his mills and over his cane-pieces, talked to him about the laziness of the "niggers," while the "niggers" themselves stood by tittering, and rode with him away to the high grounds where the coffee plantation had been in the good old days but not a word was said between them about Marian. And yet Marian was never out of his heart.

And then came the day on which Mr. Leslie was to go back to Kingston. "And you won't have her then?" said Miss Jack to her nephew early that morning. "You won't be said by me?"

"Not in this matter, aunt."

"Then you will live and die a poor man you mean that, I suppose?"

"It's likely enough that I shall. There's this comfort, at any rate, I'm used to it." And then Miss Jack was silent again for a while.

"Very well, sir that's enough," she said angrily. And then she began again. "But, Maurice, you wouldn't have to wait for my death, you know." And she put out her hand and touched his arm, entreating him as it were to yield to her. "Oh, Maurice," she said, "I do so want to make you comfortable. Let us speak to Mr. Leslie."

But Maurice would not. He took her hand and thanked her, but said that on this matter he must he his own master. "Very well, sir," she exclaimed, "I have done. In future you may manage for yourself. As for me, I shall go back with Mr. Leslie to Kingston." And so she did. Mr. Leslie returned that day, taking her with him. When he took his leave, his invitation to Maurice to come to Shandy Hall was not very pressing. "Mrs. Leslie and the children will always be glad to see you," said he.

"Remember me very kindly to Mrs. Leslie and the children," said Maurice. And so they parted.

"You have brought me down here on a regular fool's errand," said Mr. Leslie, on their journey back to town.

"It will all come right yet," replied Miss Jack. "Take my word for it he loves her."

"Fudge," said Mr. Leslie. But he could not afford to quarrel with his rich connection.

In spite of all that he had said and thought to the contrary, Maurice did look forward during the remainder of the summer to his return to Spanish Town with something like impatience, it was very dull work, being there alone at Mount Pleasant and let him do what he would to prevent it, his very dreams took him to Shandy Hall. But at last the slow time made itself away, and he found himself once more in his aunt's house.

A couple of days passed and no word was said about the Leslies. On the morning of the third day he determined to go to Shandy Hall. Hitherto he had never been there without staying for the night but on this occasion he made up his mind to return the same day. "It would not be civil of me not to go there," he said to his aunt.

"Certainly not," she replied, forbearing to press the matter further. "But why make such a terrible hard day's work of it?"

"Oh, I shall go down in the cool, before breakfast and then I need

not have the bother of taking a bag."

And in this way he started. Miss Jack said nothing further but she longed in her heart that she might be at Marian's elbow unseen during the visit.

He found them all at breakfast, and the first to welcome him at the hall door was Marian. "Oh, Mr. Cumming, we are so glad to see you" and she looked into his eyes with a way she had, that was enough to make a man's heart wild. But she not call him Maurice now.

Miss Jack had spoken to her sister, Mrs. Leslie, as well as to Mr. Leslie, about this marriage scheme. "Just let them alone," was Mrs. Leslie's advice. "You can't alter Marian by lecturing her. If they really love each other they'll come together and if they don't, why then they'd better not."

"And you really mean that you're going back to Spanish Town to-day?" said Mrs. Leslie to her visitor.

"I'm afraid I must. Indeed I haven't brought my things with me." And then he again caught Marian's eye, and began to wish that his resolution had not been so sternly made.

"I suppose you are so fond of that House of Assembly," said Marian, "that you cannot tear yourself away for more than one day. You'll not be able, I suppose, to find time to come to our picnic next week?"

Maurice said he feared that he should not have time to go to a picnic.

"Oh, nonsense," said Fanny--one of the younger girls--"you must come. We can't do without him, can we?"

"Marian has got your name down the first on the list of the gentlemen," said another.

"Yes and Captain Ewing's second," said Bell, the youngest.

"I'm afraid I must induce your sister to alter her list," said
Maurice, in his sternest manner. "I cannot manage to go, and I'm
sure she will not miss me."

Marion looked at the little girl who had so unfortunately mentioned the warrior's name, and the little girl knew that she had sinned.

"Oh, we cannot possibly do without you can we, Marian?" said Fanny. "It's to be at Bingley's Dell, and we've got a bed for you at Newcastle quite near, you know."

"And another for--" began Bell, but she stopped herself.

"Go away to your lessons, Bell," said Marion. "You know how angry mamma will be at your staying here all the morning" and poor Bell with a sorrowful look left the room.

"We are all certainly very anxious that you should come very anxious for a great many reasons," said Marian, in a voice that was rather solemn, and as though the matter were one of considerable import. "But if you really cannot, why of course there is no more to be said."

"There will be plenty without me, I am sure."

"As regards numbers, I dare say there will for we shall have pretty nearly the whole of the two regiments" and Marian as she alluded to the officers spoke in a tone which might lead one to think that she would much rather be without them "but we counted on you as being one of ourselves and as you had been away so long, we thought--we thought--," and then she turned away her face, and did not finish her speech. Before he could make up his mind as to his answer she had risen from her chair, and walked out of the room. Maurice almost thought that he saw a tear in her eye as she went.

He did ride back to Spanish Town that afternoon, after an early dinner but before he went Marian spoke to him alone for one minute.

"I hope you are not offended with me," she said.

"Offended! oh no how could I be offended with you?"

"Because you seem so stern. I am sure I would do anything I could to oblige you, if I knew how. It would be so shocking not to be good friends with a cousin like you."

"But there are so many different sorts of friends," said Maurice.

"Of course there are. There are a great many friends that one does not care a bit for,--people that one meets at balls and places like that--"

"And at picnics," said Maurice.

"'Well, some of them there too but we are not like that are we?"

What could Maurice do but say, "no," and declare that their friendship was of a warmer description? And how could he resist promising to go to the picnic, though as he made the promise he knew that misery would be in store for him? He did promise, and then she gave him her hand and called him Maurice.

"Oh! I am so glad," she said. "It seemed so shocking that you should refuse to join us. And mind and be early, Maurice for I shall want to explain it all. We are to meet, you know, at Clifton Gate at one o'clock, but do you be a little before that, and we shall be there."

Maurice Cumming resolved within his own breast as he rode back to Spanish Town, that if Marian behaved to him all that day at the picnic as she had done this day at Shandy Hall, he would ask her to be his wife before he left her.

And Miss Jack also was to be at the picnic.

"There is no need of going early," said she, when her nephew made a fuss about the starting. "People are never very punctual at such affairs as that and then they are always quite long enough." But Maurice explained that he was anxious to be early, and on this occasion he carried his point.

When they reached Clifton Gate the ladies were already there not in carriages, as people go to picnics in other and tamer countries, but each on her own horse or her own pony. But they were not alone. Beside Miss Leslie was a gentleman, whom Maurice knew as Lieutenant Graham, of the flag-ship at Port Royal and at a little distance which quite enabled him to join in the conversation was Captain Ewing, the lieutenant with the narrow waist of the previous year.

"We shall have a delightful day, Miss Leslie," said the lieutenant.

"Oh, charming, isn't it?" said Marian.

"But now to choose a place for dinner, Captain Ewing--what do you say?"

"Will you commission me to select? You know I'm very well up in geometry, and all that?"

"But that won't teach you what sort of a place does for a picnic dinner--will it, Mr. Cumming?" And then she shook hands with Maurice, but did not take any further special notice of him. "We'll all go together, if you please. The commission is too important to be left to one." And then Marian rode off, and the lieutenant and the captain rode with her.

It was open for Maurice to join them if he chose, but he did not choose. He had come there ever so much earlier than he need have done, dragging his aunt with him, because Marian had told him that his services would be specially required by her. And now as soon as she saw him she went away with the two officers!--went away without vouchsafing him a word. He made up his mind, there on the spot, that he would never think of her again--never speak to her otherwise than he might speak to the most indifferent of mortals.

And yet he was a man that could struggle right manfully with the world's troubles one who had struggled with them from his boyhood, and had never been overcome. Now he was unable to conceal the bitterness of his wrath because a little girl had ridden off to look for a green spot for her tablecloth without asking his assistance!

Picnics are, I think, in general, rather tedious for the elderly people who accompany them. When the joints become a little stiff, dinners are eaten most comfortably with the accompaniment of chairs and tables, and a roof overhead is an agrement de plus. But, nevertheless, picnics cannot exist without a certain allowance of elderly people. The Miss Marians and Captains Ewing cannot go out to dine on the grass without some one to look after them. So the elderly people go to picnics, in a dull tame way, doing their duty, and wishing the day over. Now on the morning in question, when Marian rode off with Captain Ewing and lieutenant Graham, Maurice Cumming remained among the elderly people.

A certain Mr. Pomken, a great Jamaica agriculturist, one of the Council, a man who had known the good old times, got him by the button and held him fast, discoursing wisely of sugar and ruin, of Gadsden pans and recreant negroes, on all of which subjects Maurice Cumming was known to have an opinion of his own. But as Mr. Pomken's words sounded into one ear, into the other fell notes, listened to from afar,--the shrill laughing voice of Marian Leslie as she gave her happy order to her satellites around her, and ever and anon the bass haw-haw of Captain Ewing, who was made welcome as the chief of her attendants. That evening in a whisper to a brother councillor Mr. Pomken communicated his opinion that after all there was not so much in that young Cumming as some people said. But Mr. Pomken had no idea that that young Cumming was in love.

And then the dinner came, spread over half an acre. Maurice was among the last who seated himself and when he did so it was in an awkward comfortless corner, behind Mr. Pomken's back, and far away from the laughter and mirth of the day. But yet from his comfortless corner he could see Marian as she sat in her pride of power, with her friend Julia Davis near her, a flirt as bad as herself, and her satellites around her, obedient to her nod, and happy in her smiles.

"Now I won't allow any more champagne," said Marian, "or who will there be steady enough to help me over the rocks to the grotto?"

"Oh, you have promised me!" cried the captain.

"Indeed, I have not have I, Julia?"

"Miss Davis has certainly promised me," said the lieutenant.

"I have made no promise, and don't think I shall go at all," said Julia, who was sometimes inclined to imagine that Captain Ewing should be her own property.

All which and much more of the kind Maurice Cumming could not hear but he could see--and imagine, which was worse. How innocent and inane are, after all, the flirtings of most young ladies, if all their words and doings in that line could be brought to paper! I do not know whether there be as a rule more vocal expression of the sentiment of love between a man and woman than there is between two thrushes! They whistle and call to each other, guided by instinct rather than by reason.

"You are going home with the ladies to-night, I believe," said Maurice to Miss Jack, immediately after dinner. Miss Jack acknowledged that such was her destination for the night.

"Then my going back to Spanish Town at once won't hurt any one--for, to tell the truth, I have had enough of this work."

"Why, Maurice, you were in such a hurry to come."

"The more fool I and so now I am in a hurry to go away. Don't notice it to anybody."

Miss Jack looked in his face and saw that he was really wretched and she knew the cause of his wretchedness.

"Don't go yet, Maurice," she said and then added with a tenderness that was quite uncommon with her, "Go to her, Maurice, and speak to her openly and freely, once for all you will find that she will listen then. Dear Maurice, do, for my sake."

He made no answer, but walked away, roaming sadly by himself among the trees. "Listen!" he exclaimed to himself. "Yes, she will alter a dozen times in as many hours. Who can care for a creature that can change as she changes?" And yet he could not help caring for her.

As he went on, climbing among rocks, he again came upon the sound of voices, and heard especially that of Captain Ewing. "Now, Miss Leslie, if you will take my hand you will soon be over all the difficulty." And then a party of seven or eight, scrambling over some stones, came nearly on the level on which he stood, in full view of him and leading the others were Captain Ewing and Miss Leslie.

He turned on his heel to go away, when he caught the sound of a step following him, and a voice saying, "Oh, there is Mr. Cumming, and I want to speak to him" and in a minute a light hand was on his arm.

"Why are you running away from us?" said Marian.

"Because--oh, I don't know. I am not running away. You have your party made up, and I am not going to intrude on it."

"What nonsense! Do come now we are going to this wonderful grotto. I thought it so ill-natured of you, not joining us at dinner. Indeed you know you had promised."

He did not answer her, but he looked at her--full in the face, with his sad eyes laden with love. She half understood his countenance, but only half understood it.

"What is the matter, Maurice?" she said. "Are you angry with me? Will you come and join us?"

"No, Marian, I cannot do that. But if you can leave them and come with me for half an hour, I will not keep you longer."

She stood hesitating a moment, while her companion remained on the spot where she had left him. "Come, Miss Leslie," called Captain Ewing. "You will have it dark before we can get down."

"I will come with you," whispered she to Maurice, "but wait a moment." And she tripped back, and in some five minutes returned after an eager argument with her friends. "There," she said, "I don't care about the grotto, one bit, and I will walk with you now--only they will think it so odd." And so they started off together.

Before the tropical darkness had fallen upon them Maurice had told the tale of his love,--and had told it in a manner differing much from that of Marian's usual admirers, he spoke with passion and almost with violence he declared that his heart was so full of her image that he could not rid himself of it for one minute "nor would he wish to do so," he said, "if she would be his Marian, his own Marian, his very own. But if not--" and then he explained to her, with all a lover's warmth, and with almost more than a lover's liberty, what was his idea of her being "his own, his very own," and in doing so inveighed against her usual light-heartedness in terms which at any rate were strong enough.

But Marian here it all well. Perhaps she knew that the lesson was somewhat deserved and perhaps she appreciated at its value the love of such a man as Maurice Cumming, weighing in her judgment the difference between him and the Ewings and the Grahams.

And then she answered him well and prudently, with words which startled him by their prudent seriousness as coming from her. She begged his pardon heartily, she said, for any grief which she had caused him but yet how was she to he blamed, seeing that she had known nothing of his feelings? Her father and mother had said something to her of this proposed marriage something, but very little and she had answered by saying that she did not think Maurice had any warmer regard for her than of a cousin. After this answer neither father nor mother had pressed the matter further. As to her own feelings she could then say nothing, for she then knew nothing--nothing but this, that she loved no one better than him, or rather that she loved no one else. She would ask herself if she could love him but he must give her some little time for that. In the meantime--and she smiled sweetly at him as she made the promise--she would endeavour to do nothing that would offend him and then she added that on that evening she would dance with him any dances that he liked. Maurice, with a self-denial that was not very wise, contented himself with engaging her for the first quadrille.

They were to dance that night in the mess-room of the officers at Newcastle. This scheme had been added on as an adjunct to the picnic, and it therefore became necessary that the ladies should retire to their own or their friends' houses at Newcastle to adjust their dresses. Marian Leslie and Julia Davis were there accommodated with the loan of a small room by the major's wife, and as they were brushing their hair, and putting on their dancing-shoes, something was said between them about Maurice Cumming.

"And so you are to be Mrs. C. of Mount Pleasant," said Julia. "Well I didn't think it would come to that at last."

"But it has not come to that, and if it did why should I not be Mrs.C., as you call it?"

"The knight of the rueful countenance, I call him."

"I tell you what then, he is an excellent young man, and the fact is you don't know him."

"I don't like excellent young men with long faces. I suppose you won't be let to dance quick dances at all now."

"I shall dance whatever dances I like, as I have always done," said Marian, with some little asperity in her tone.

"Not you or if you do, you'll lose your promotion. You'll never live to be my Lady Rue. And what will Graham say? You know you've given him half a promise."

"That's not true, Julia--I never gave him the tenth part of a promise."

"Well, he says so" and then the words between the young ladies became a little more angry. But, nevertheless, in due time they came forth with faces smiling as usual, with their hair brushed, and without any signs of warfare.

But Marian had to stand another attack before the business of the evening commenced, and this was from no less doughty an antagonist than her aunt, Miss Jack. Miss Jack soon found that Maurice had not kept his threat of going home and though she did not absolutely learn from him that he had gone so far towards perfecting her dearest hopes as to make a formal offer to Marion, nevertheless she did gather that things were fast that way tending. If only this dancing were over! she said to herself, dreading the unnumbered waltzes with Ewing, and the violent polkas with Graham. So Miss Jack resolved to say one word to Marian--"A wise word in good season," said Miss Jack to herself, "how sweet a thing it is."

"Marian," said she. "Step here a moment, I want to say a word to you."

"Yes, aunt Sarah," said Marian, following her aunt into a corner, not quite in the best humour in the world for she had a dread of some further interference.

"Are you going to dance with Maurice to-night?"

"Yes, I believe so,--the first quadrille."

"Well, what I was going to say is this. I don't want you to dance many quick dances to-night, for a reason I have--that is, not a great many."

"Why, aunt, what nonsense!"

"Now my dearest, dearest girl, it is all for your own sake. Well, then, it must out. He does not like it, you know."

What he?"

"Maurice."

"Well, aunt, I don't know that I'm bound to dance or not to dance just as Mr. Cumming may like. Papa does not mind my dancing. The people have come here to dance and you can hardly want to make me ridiculous by sitting still." And so that wise word did not appear to be very sweet.

And then the amusement of the evening commenced, and Marian stood up for a quadrille with her lover. She however was not in the very best humour. She had, as she thought, said and done enough for one day in Maurice's favour. And she had no idea, as she declared to herself, of being lectured by aunt Sarah.

"Dearest Marion," he said to her, as the quadrille came to a close, "it is an your power to make me so happy,--so perfectly happy."

"But then people have such different ideas of happiness," she replied. "They can't all see with the same eyes, you know." And so they parted.

But during the early part of the evening she was sufficiently discreet she did waltz with Lieutenant Graham, and polk with Captain Ewing, but she did so in a tamer manner than was usual with her, and she made no emulous attempts to dance down other couples. When she had done she would sit down, and then she consented to stand up for two quadrilles with two very tame gentlemen, to whom no lover could object.

"And so, Marian, your wings are regularly clipped at last," said Julia Davis coming up to her.

"No more clipped than your own," said Marian.

"If Sir Rue won't let you waltz now, what will he require of you when you're married to him?"

"I am just as well able to waltz with whom I like as you are, Julia and if you say so in that way, I shall think it's envy."

"Ha--ha--ha I may have envied you some of your beaux before now I dare say I have. But I certainly do not envy you Sir Rue." And then she went off to her partner.

All this was too much for Marian's weak strength, and before long she was again whirling round with Captain Ewing. "Come, Miss Leslie," said he, "let us see what we can do. Graham and Julia Davis have been saying that your waltzing days are over, but I think we can put them down."

Marian as she got up, and raised her arm in order that Ewing might put his round her waist, caught Maurice's eye as he leaned against a wall, and read in it a stern rebuke. "This is too bad," she said to herself. "He shall not make a slave of me, at any rate as yet." And away she went as madly, more madly than ever, and for the rest of the evening she danced with Captain Ewing and with him alone.

There is an intoxication quite distinct from that which comes from strong drink. When the judgment is altogether overcome by the spirits this species of drunkenness comes on, and in this way Marian Leslie was drunk that night. For two hours she danced with Captain Ewing, and ever and anon she kept saying to herself that she would teach the world to know--and of all the world Mr. Cumming especially--that she might be lead, but not driven.

Then about four o'clock she went home, and as she attempted to undress herself in her own room she burst into violent tears and opened her heart to her sister-- "Oh, Fanny, I do love him, I do love him so dearly! and now he will never come to me again!"

Maurice stood still with his back against the wall, for the full two hours of Marian's exhibition, and then he said to his aunt before he left--"I hope you have now seen enough you will hardly mention her name to me again." Miss Jack groaned from the bottom of her heart but she said nothing. She said nothing that night to any one but she lay awake in her bed, thinking, till it was time to rise and dress herself. "Ask Miss Marian to come to me," she said to the black girl who came to assist her. But it was not till she had sent three times, that Miss Marian obeyed the summons.

At three o'clock on the following day Miss Jack arrived at her own hall door in Spanish Town. Long as the distance was she ordinarily rode it all, but on this occasion she had provided a carriage to bring her over as much of the journey as it was practicable for her to perform on wheels. As soon as she reached her own hall door she asked if Mr. Cumming was at home. "Yes," the servant said. "He was in the small book-room, at the back of the house, up stairs." Silently, as if afraid of being heard, she stepped up her own stairs into her own drawing-room and very silently she was followed by a pair of feet lighter and smaller than her own.

Miss Jack was usually somewhat of a despot in her own house, but there was nothing despotic about her now as she peered into the book-room. This she did with her bonnet still on, looking round the half-opened door as though she were afraid to disturb her nephew, he sat at the window looking out into the verandah which ran behind the house, so intent on his thoughts that he did not hear her.

"Maurice," she said, "can I come in?"

"Come in? oh yes, of course" and he turned round sharply at her. "

tell you what, aunt I am not well here and I cannot stay out the session. I shall go back to Mount Pleasant."

"Maurice," and she walked close up to him as she spoke, "Maurice, I have brought some one with me to ask your pardon."

His face became red up to the roots of his hair as he stood looking at her without answering. "You would grant it certainly," she continued, "if you knew how much it would be valued."

"Whom do you mean? who is it?" he asked at last.

"One who loves you as well as you love her--and she cannot love you better. Come in, Marian." The poor girl crept in at the door, ashamed of what she was induced to do, but yet looking anxiously into her lover's face. "You asked her yesterday to be your wife," said Miss Jack, "and she did not then know her own mind. Now she has hada lesson. You will ask her once again will you not, Maurice?"

What was he to say? how was he to refuse, when that soft little hand was held out to him when those eyes laden with tears just ventured to look into his face?

"I beg your pardon if I angered you last night," she said.

In half a minute Miss Jack had left the room, and in the space of another thirty seconds Maurice had forgiven her. "I am your own now, you know," she whispered to him in the course of that long evening. "Yesterday, you know--," but the sentence was never finished.

It was in vain that Julia Davis was ill-natured and sarcastic, in vain that Ewing and Graham made joint attempt upon her constancy. From that night to the morning of her marriage--and the interval was only three months--Marian Leslie was never known to flirt.

“MORANT BAY REBELLION”

ADDRESSES TO HIS EXCELLENCY EDWARD JOHN EYRE

Letter from the Parish of St. Elizabeth
St Elizabeth's, February, 1866.

To His Excellency E. J. Eyre, Esquire, &c.

The Magistrates, Clergy, and Inhabitants of the Parish of St. Elizabeth, feel it a great duty which they owe to your Excellency to express to you, at this time especially, their conviction that to you the Island is indebted for the checking and putting down the Rebellion, which, commencing in Saint Thomas in the East, unless for the prompt measures and energy exhibited, we believe, would have spread death and misery through the Island.
Your Excellency, by wise and immediate action, has saved our families from worse than death. It will be our duty to impress on our sons and on our daughters that to you they owe life and honour. Your own heart will tell you as a husband, and a parent what you have done for us. Our hearts say, may God reward you, and deliver you from all your enemies.
Your Excellency we hesitate not to tell you that we have no faith in the present calm we know not what will come, or how soon services such as you have rendered us may be required again. We trust such Counsels and action as lately preserved us, may not be wanting in a like emergency.
With every good wish towards yourself and Mrs. Eyre, with whom we sincerely sympathise, and for your family, we shall ever be,

Your Excellency's
Grateful and faithful friends,
(Signed)

John Salmon                   J. Isaacs               Charles Isaacs
Robert Smith                  William Finlason M. Myers
Arthur P. Rowe                F. Hendricks            A. J. Hendricks
John Finlason                 Thomas Doran            W. G. K. Boxer
John W. Earle, J.P            Sol. Myers DaCosta      T. Salmon Maxwell JP.
Nathaniel Stevens             Stephen B.Parchment     Henry Labor
William Weller                John Calder, J.P.       Louis Lindo
William Simpson, J.P.         Samuel Anderson         William Lewis
John A. T. Calder             Alfred J. Wray          Abraham J. Hyam
John Clarke                   R. P. White             Thomas Wetherby
George E. Levy                H. M. Belenfante       Edwin Levy
Frederick Alberga             Joseph Peart            Isaac R. Dacosta
E. T. Allen                   J. R. Tuckett           B. Wells
Stephen Peynado, J.P.         E. A Sherlock           N. R. Hyam,
C. P. D.W. O'Francis Nangle
F. A. Petgrave                Myer Polack
Thomas W. Petgrave            Stephen Bondsell       Thomas A. Baguie
W. A. Roberts                 H. C. Taylor            J. R. Tomlinson
J. Sinclair                   Raynes W.Smith, J.P     John C. C. Thompson
Robert Watson, jnr            George G. Nicholson     William Smith
Thomas McDaniel               W. H. Coke, J.P.       J. E. Kerr, J.P
Arthur Beswick, J.P.          William Freckleton      George Beswick
John A. Roberts               William Doran           Elias Quallo
J. M Muschett                 John Blake             Henry Thomson
G. W. Cator                   M. H. Smith, Island Curate
N. J. Heath                   J. R. Usher             John Hudson, J.P.
Peter Byone                   D. Sullivan, J.P. D     aniel Fogarty
A. A. Finlason                William Sullivan       Thomas McTaggart
Henry McDonald                C. J. Monteath          W. E. Bennett
J. W. Bean                    William Bean            John O'Sullivan
John Shaw                     J. J. Gruber            William B. Crawly
John M. Cooper, J.P.          Francis Maxwell, J.P.

----------------------------------------------------------------

His Excellency's Reply
To the Honorable John Salmon, I. Isaacs, C. Isaacs, R. Smith, W. Finlaison, (sic) Esquire, &c, &c, &c.

Mr. Custos, Reverend Gentlemen, and Gentlemen,

Accept my grateful thanks for your warm hearted address expressing your appreciation of my services in putting down and preventing the spread of the late rebellion.

It is a very great gratification (sic) to me to know that whatever may be the misrepresentations I am subjected to by a section of the English public and press, the colonists of Jamaica who have the best means of estimating the emergency which existed and of understanding the limited resources available to meet it, recognized both the necessity and the justice of the course adopted, and that that course was crowned with success.

I deeply regret to learn that you have no faith in the present calm, but I fervently trust, that through the naval and military protection afforded by Great Britain, and by and the watchful vigilance of the colonists themselves, any further recurrence of disturbances may be averted, and that in the course of time the excitement or ill feeling which have existed or yet exist may gradually subside and a renewed state of confidence be restored between the different classes of the community

For your good wishes and sympathy towards myself and family, I thank you most heartily

(signed) E. EYRE.

Flamstead, 1st March, 1866.

---------------------------------------------------------------

Extracted from a typewritten book entitled Addresses to his Excellency Edward John Eyre, Esquire, 1865, 1866.
Birmingham Central Library, Birmingham, West Midlands, England Local Studies, 6th floor,
Shelved at A 972.92, Eyre. (Has just been relocated to the Black History Collection section, same floor)

Background to the book:
The names of the inhabitants appear as two vertical columns on page 54, same on page 55.

This book has hundreds more inhabitants listed from other parishes in Jamaica (but not Kingston and others). On a visit to the Public Records Office, London a few years ago, I quickly searched their 'Original Correspondence' files (I think!) and noted that they have the original documents to the above book in original handwritten form, some but not all, showing the 'original' signatures. I would imagine the above book was written using a selection of those original documents from the Public Records Office.

Reading through the book one learns that Edward Eyre was the Governor of Jamaica at the time and had been slated by some of the British public and press for not keeping the black people under control in Jamaica, whereby they believed the famous 'Morant Bay Rebellion' riots started. He apparently quickly deployed the British Army, Navy and Maroons etc. to quell the troubles. The white colonist inhabitants who had feared for their lives, wrote to him expressing their thanks.
Contributed by Robert Hodgson

19 Delaroche Family & Giddy Hall

Thornbury Roots
55 High St
Tenants of Ralph Grove

James Main (or Maine) – was listed as a tenant in the 1781 and 1782 land tax records. We don’t know anything about him.

Benjamin Addis – was tenant of Ralph Grove in the 1783 and 1784 land tax records. We suspect that he was probably the one who died in 1792 aged 93 and described then as an alderman. He was a cooper and in 1749/50 he was Mayor of Thornbury. Click here to read more

William Delaroche – William was the member of the Delaroche family connected with property near St Elizabeth in Jamaica. In his will dated 23rd May 1800 William describes himself as being ‘formerly of the parish of Saint Elizabeth in the island of Jamaica, afterwards of Thornbury in the County of Gloucester but late of Woolaston in the same county’. William left ‘his capital messuage or mansion house called Giddy Hall’ with land totally about 950 acres in trust to his appointed executors, ‘his friends, William Osborne and George Rolph both of Thornbury gentlemen’. He left an annuity to his sister, Frances Galuido wife of Philimon Galuido (an actor in 1799 and Commandant of Bocatora in 1836), late of Bristol and made bequests for his two nieces, Frances’s daughters.

In Memory of William De la Roche late of Giddy hall, Saint Elizabeth’s, Jamaica, Gentleman Who died at Woolaston In this county and was (by his particular define) Intered here the 11 day of June 1800 aged 38 years Also of Elizabeth Woodruffe widow of the late William De la Roche Who died Decr 18th 1806 Aged 28 years.

William left the rents and profits of his estate to his wife, Elizabeth and the rest of the personal estate were left to William’s brother, John. William was born on 2nd December 1771 and baptised on 8th April 1773 at St Elizabeth, Jamaica. He was the son of William Delaroche and his wife, Frances (nee Clarke) and grandson of Thomas Delaroche. Records on the Internet show that William was resident in Thornbury in 1793. He was certainly in Thornbury in 1796 and 1797 when the land tax records show him to be the tenant in this house when it was owned by ‘Mrs Day’. On 14th August 1797 William married Elizabeth Gillam in Olveston. There are several records available on the Internet referring to William. Two of them refer to inventories of William’s assets in 1794 and 1803 (presumably after his death for sorting out the probate) which show he owned 98 slaves in 1794 and 95 slaves in 1803. William died aged 38 on 7 June 1800 and buried at Almondsbury on 11th June 1800. The inscription on his gravestone indicates that he was buried there ‘at his particular define’. We note that the grave inscription also includes ‘Elizabeth Woodruffe, widow of the late William De La Roche’ who died 18th December 1806 aged 28 years. We assume that Elizabeth married again after William’s death.

There was also a John Delaroche who was living in Thornbury around this time. In 1800 he was occupying 49 High Street and then in 1809 and 1820 he was at 10 and 11 The Plain. It seems likely that John was William’s brother. John was baptised in 1769 in St Elizabeth, Jamaica. John married Elizabeth Shapland on 14th September 1789 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire. In 1797 John was described as being a ‘Gentleman of Thornbury’ when he was fined £5 for using a greyhound to kill game at Slimbridge. John also had property in Jamaica, in his case a large plantation called Carisbrook’ which is listed as having 142 slaves and 200 stock in 1811. It is interesting that John’s will written in 1812 suggests he may have had at least two black or mulatto ‘wives’ with whom he had had children. He made sure that the proceeds of his estate were used for the benefit of those wives and their children. The will was proved in 1823. We note that in 1851 the Bristol Mercury reported the death “on April 6th in the 85th year of her age Martha widow of John Delaroche Esq of Carisbroke Castle in the island of Jamaica”. We are not sure why William and John came to live in Thornbury. We assume that it was because their cousin, Sarah, has married George Rolph, the Thornbury solicitor in 1785. Sarah was the daughter of Sampson Delaroche and grand-daughter of Thomas Delaroche. Following William’s death, George Rolph as his executor, arranged for the sale of Giddy Hall and William’s other estate in 1809 to enable him to repay mortgages still outstanding on William’s property.

Thomas Delaroche Burial: May 22, 1776, Giddy Hall, (White)
His eldest son, Sampson, left Carisbrook Estate, St E to his daughter the estate later passed to John, one of his nephews.
His second son, John was buried at Giddy Hall 27/12/1779 he was the owner of 955 acres in 1754. He left several coloured children.
His nephew William, the son of brother William, owned Giddy Hall in 1793 William by then resident in Thornbury, Gloucester.

There are some deeds in the Gloucester Record Office pertaining to William Delaroche. The first is a deed dated November 10, 1793 by which William grants Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth to Joseph Longman of Thornbury for ten shillings. The deed identifies him as the nephew of John Delaroche mentioned in John's Will, and the second and youngest son of William Delaroche, John's brother.

The second deed, dated November 22, 1793, grants the property from Joseph Longman back to William Delaroche for ten shillings.

The following lands are listed as part of Giddy Hall:
400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom.
250 acres patented August 12, 1689 in the name of Thomas Spencer.
300 acres patented in 1697 in the name of Elisabeth Jones – seen 2/20.
950 acres of land situated in Luana Mountains cutting and bounding northerly on land belonging to Henry Louis Esq. Easterly on Robert Smith. Southerly on David Fyffe, and Westerly on lands belonging to Matthew Smith Senior Esq.
George Rolph was witness to both deeds.

1811: Smith Thomas, Fonthill and Hapstead 606/ 1,128
Smith John, Mount Charles 66/ 12
Smith James L., Hazle Grove 52/ 50
Smyth Francis George, Goshen and Longhill 379/ 1,447
Smyth Alexander, deceased, Ballynure 125/ 42

JG: 7/8/1813:
Westmoreland, July 10 1813:
For sale Carisbrook Pen, in the Parish of St Elizabeth, containing about 1275 acres with 145 negroes and 227 head of stock, consisting of cattle and horsekind, the property of the late John Delaroche esq. For particulars apply to John Wright of the Parish of St Elizabeth or the subscriber.
William Forbes. About 2-3 miles north of Lacovia.

Elizabeth's, Jan. 30, 1816. FOR SALE, that delightful and healthy Spot, CARRISBROOK Pen, the property of the late John Delaroche, Esq. containing 1265 Acres of Land, between five and six hundred of which are in well- established Guinea-Grass, well fenced and divided by Stone-Walls, the remainder in excellent Common pasture. Woodland, and Negro-Grounds, great part of that also well adapted for Guinea-Grass pastures: there are also several Ponds, and a well-built Tank, which contains about 50.000 gallons of Water. The Pen is also well supplied with water from the Maggotty River which runs at the extremity of the line. On the above Property is a well built, commodious, and substantial Dwelling-House, capable of-great improvement, with sundry Out-Offices, very conveniently attached, and well adapted for a large Family. With the said Property will also be sold upwards of 90 fine prime Creole Negroes, and from 2 to 300 Head of excellent Homed Stock, and Horse kind, amongst which are from two to three spells of very fine young Steers, and a spell of Mules, nearly fit for immediate work. For further particulars please apply to William Forbes, Esq. Westmorland; John Wright, Esq. St. Elizabeth’s; Henry Coote, Esq. Lucea; or to the Subscriber. No incitement, but that of the family’s with a return to England, occasions this Property being offered for Sale. WILLIAM DELAROCHE.

1816: John Delaroche at Carisbrook 150 slaves, 250 stock
1816: 29 March William Delaroche of St E to leave the island
1817:

Carisbrook, St Elizabeth, June 18, 1817.
Sir, HAVING been Informed that Dr. R. B. Wright had asserted that I had, on a late trial at Black- River, perjured myself, I deemed it necessary to call upon him for an explanation; he denied the charge in the strongest terms, and which it was my intention to have published, but our correspondence having involved a number of family concerns, I felt a repugnance at it, although at the same time I held it absolutely necessary for my justification that some thing should be done on the occasion, in order to clear me of to base and disgraceful an aspersion: t did in consequence apply to in my friend Mr. Allen for his advice how to act on the occasion, and showed him our correspondence, and he in a friendly manner undertook to converse with Dr. Wright on the business. The following letter has been transmitted to me by Mr. Allen, which I deem necessary to have published, in order to clear me of so gross and foul a calumny. I am, Sir,
your obedient servant,
J. DELAROCHE.
Kensworth, May 24, 1817.
To Isaac Allen, Breadnut Valley,
Dear Sir, In consequence of your friendly communication to me, respecting the report of my asserting that Mr. Joseph Delaroche had perjured himself on a late trial at Black-River, and that the young man’s character laboured under some imputations in consequence thereof, I beg leave to thank you in the first place for the kind manner, and for the candour, with which you have detailed the circumstances to me. I do assure you that I never did make such a serious and severe reflection on his character, and that the report, originate from what quarter it w ill, is void of foundation. I waited on the parties where its supposed origin took place, and a total denial was given to my having made use of such expression. I am, with faithful respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient servant,
R. B. WRIGHT.

1818: 1 Aug: Sailed in the Swift Joseph Delaroche
1818: est of John Delaroche at Carisbrook, 91/265

George Rolph acted as attorney on the Giddy Hall sale to Francis Maitland
George Rolph From Brice Salmon – 1807
569/73 Feb-18 Date 28/10/1806 Ent 22/4/1808.
Ind btw Brice Vassall Salmon late of St E now of Bristol and Sarah his wife of 1st part & George Rolph of Thornbury of 2nd part for docking etc entail and vesting land in Salmon. Brice Vassall Salmon sells land to George Rolph at Gravesend, or Black River 20 A S on Kings Rd leading to Black River, N on logwood fence bounding on Lower Works estate E on church land S on the sea. deed reverses 31st Oct. Land was Brice Vassall Salmon's father, John Salmon. Reference to Dr Rose dwelling round here.

John Delaroche From Dell – 1807 546/71 Feb-18 Date 3/2/1806 Ent 13/6 1806.
At Grand Court Sale, John Delaroche bought Binneba, Sylvia, Beff, Dido, Naney, Hannah, Margaret, cuba, Pinkey, Romulus Reamus, Will, Lewis, Bristol, Primus & Peter . Wright v Clark, J£905

Descendants of Thomas Delaroche

A Nicholas De la Roche a holder of 6 acres in St Andrew in 1670 (Cal of St Papers).

19 Aug 1668, St Andrew: Nichola(s) Delaroche & Elizabeth Woodin married.

Thomas Delaroche was born Abt. 1704.
He married Sarah (Delaroche). She was born Abt. 1704, and Buried: May 22, 1776, at Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth
Children of Thomas Delaroche and Sarah (Delaroche) are:
1/1. Sampson Delaroche, b 01/12/1729, Baptism: 26/7/1732, St. E

Burial: May 15, 1777, St. Elizabeth as clerk of the Vestry Lacovia
He married Elizabeth (Delaroche).
Child of Sampson Delaroche and Elizabeth (Delaroche) is:
2/1. Sarah Delaroche, born November 16, 1767.

Baptism: June 13, 1768, St. Elizabeth
Residence: 1785, Parish of Olveston, England
She married George Rolph 1786, son of George Rolph. He died 1815.
More About George Rolph:
Residence: 1785, Thornbury, England
Marriage Notes for Sarah Delaroche and George Rolph:
From Gloucester Record Office, a marriage settlement:
George Rolph to Miss Sarah Delaroche 1 Jan 1786.
Marriage contract: December 28, 1785, Gloucester Record Office
(Source: B992 Gloucester Records Office, D340A\T108.)
Status of bride/groom: Spinster

George Rolph as Trustee for William Delarohe’s will sold Giddy Hall to Francis Maitland in 1809.

George Rolph the younger of Thornbury........Sarah Delaroche late of the parish of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica but now of the parish of Olveston, spinster an infant under the age of twenty one.....only child and heiress at law of Sampson Delaroche late of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica .....plantation or estate called Carrisbrooke in the said parish of St Elizabeth with the stock of negroes cattle buildings and appurtenances........also of a certain legacy or sum of seven hundred pounds

Jamaican currency given to her by the will of her late uncle John Delaroche late of the said Island of Jamaica deceased to be paid to her at twenty one years or marriage and also of a considerable sum in the hands of William Salmon late of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica but now residing in England being the savings and gain of the plantation since Sampson Delaroche died.........

Children of Sarah Delaroche and George Rolph are: (Source: B652 Thornbury, Gloucestershire, Parish Registers.)
3/1. George Rolph, born June 26, 1789 Baptism: August 06, 1789, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/2. William Rolph, born August 20, 1791. Baptism: October 03, 1791, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/3. George Rolph, born May 07, 1793. Baptism: June 24, 1793, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/4. Annis Rolph, born July 29, 1794. Baptism: September 18, 1794, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/5. Susannah Rolph, born December 20, 1796. Baptism: January 22, 1797, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)
3/6. Susannah Rolph, born August 06, 1799. Baptism: September 09, 1799, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
3/7. George Rolph, born October 08, 1800. Baptism: November 20, 1800, Thornbury, Gloucestershire

1/2. Mary Delaroche, born May 03, 1731, ch 26/7/1732, St Elizabeth.

1/3. John Delaroche, born Bet. 1732 - 1744

died December 1779.
UCL:
John Delaroche I

Profile & Legacies Summary

No Dates

Biography

Resident slave-owner in Jamaica, owner of Giddy Hall in St Elizabeth, dead by 1780.

John Delaroch was listed in the Jamaican Quit Rent books for 1754 as the owner of 955 acres of land in St Elizabeth.

Sources

'A List of landholders in the Island of Jamaica together with the number of acres each person possessed taken from the quit rent books in the year 1754', TNA CO 142/31 transcribed at http://www.jamaicanfamilysearch.com/Samples2/1754lead.htm.

He met Sarah Brown. She was born Abt. 1748.
John is being attached as a child here, based on (1) "John" being the Uncle of Sarah, (2) being buried at Giddy Hall, (3) death before 1785
(4) bearing no legitimate heirs.
Addressed as: Esquire
1754 John Delaroche 955 acres St Elizabeth
Burial: December 27, 1779, Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 336.)
Race/nationality/color: White
Will: August 03, 1778

John Delaroche To John Markman 1774
266 99 Feb-17 Dated 3/11/1774 ent 17/11/1774
John Delaroche of Giddy Hall esq sells to John Markman planter for £50 1 acre being part of a run patented by Elizabeth Jones in the Middle Quarter mountains for John Markman's life. (Plat 18F264 – noted 2/20)

Children of John Delaroche and Sarah Brown are:
(Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 54.)
2/1. Catherine Delaroche, born Bef. April 08, 1773.

Fact: "reputed daughter of John Delaroche"
Race/nationality/color: Not white

2/2. John Delaroche, born Bet. 1773 - 1779.

Baptism: June 25, 1788, St. Elizabeth
Other facts: "reputed son of John Delaroche Esq., deceased"
Race/nationality/color: Not white

1/4. William Delaroche (Thomas) was born Abt. 1742.

He married Frances Clarke June 02, 1767 in St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 295.). She was born Abt. 1742. Residence: 1767, St. Elizabeth
More About Frances Clarke: Residence: 1767, St. Elizabeth
Ceremony by: Thomas Coxeter, rector of Vere Marriage license: 1767
Inventory of Francis Delarorche, late wife of William Delarcohe dcd. 17 slaves valued at £925 dated 6/2/1773.

UCL:
William Delaroche II

Profile & Legacies Summary

???? - 1800

Biography

Son of William Delaroche I, brother of John Delaroche II and nephew of John Delaroche I. Married at Olveston in Gloucestershire in 1797 and died of Woolastone Gloucs. in 1800.

Will of William Delaroche of Woolastone Gloucestershire proved 22/01/1801. Under the will he left Giddy Hall and all his other property in trust (his trustees included George Rolph, his cousin Sarah's husband) to secure an annuity of £50 p.a to his sister Frances Galindo wife of Philimon Galindo late of Bristol and after her death a like annuity of £50 p.a. to her daughters Charlotte and Portia Galindo, and £100 to his own wife Elizabeth, together with the right for Elizabeth to leave an annuity of £20 p.a to whomever she chose. The residue of his estate went to his brother John Delaroche.

Sources

PROB 11/1352/224.

He was the owner of Giddy Hall, which his executors sold to Francis Maitland, 1808/9:
Full text in another section.
581/161 Dated 20 March 1808, Ent 25 April 1809
Long Document detailing William Delaroche's will and subsequent mortgages by George Rolph, and necessity to sell to repay mortgages.
George Rolph of Thornbury Esq, Devised in Trust under the Will of William Delaroche of Great Britain esq by John Salmon of St Elizabeth his true and lawful attorney duly constituted and appointed of the one part John Delaroche of St Elizabeth esq residuary & Francis Maitland of the parish of Westmoreland a free man of colour gentleman.
Ref William Delaroche executor William Osborne and George Rolph for Giddy Hall about 950 acres and all slaves etc.
William Delaroche died 7 June 1800
Mortgage to George Rolph 1/4/1794 £2209-17-11d also £284-9-5 =£2903-7-4
Became necessary to sell GH together with several negroes and other slaves. £5000 Jamaican

Bought off George Rolph with title from John Delaroche. No direct info if conveyance included slaves.

Children of William Delaroche and Frances Clarke are:
2/1. John Delaroche, born Bet. 1768 - 1769.

Baptism: 1769, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 30.) Fact: There is no month and day on the baptismal record, and no date of birth
Residence: Bet. 1790 - 1792, St. Elizabeth
Residence (2): Bet. 1797 - 1799, Gloucestershire, England
He married Martha Shapland September 14, 1789 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B772 British newspapers, Sept. 19, 1789, Vol XL (No2135), Felix Farley's Bristol Journal.), daughter of John Shapland and Martha (Shapland). She was born Bet. 1767 - 1774 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire, England (from C1851)
In the 1811 Almanac (the first containing the names of property-owners) John is listed as the holder of Carisbrook, St. Elizabeth, with 142 slaves and 200 stock. When the Almanac next lists proprietors in 1815 the numbers are 150 slaves and 250 stock.

John Delaroche From Dell 1806 546/71 Feb-18 Date 3/2/1806 Ent 13/6 1806. At Grand Court Sale, John Delaroche bought Binneba, Sylvia, Beff, Dido, Naney, Hannah, Margaret, cuba, Pinkey, Romulus Reamus, Will, Lewis, Bristol, Primus & Peter. Wright v Clark, J£905

1818: est of John Delaroche, Carisbrook.

The 1822 Almanac lists the holder of Carisbrook as Donald Cameron with 103 slaves and 343 stock. Cameron was dead by 1824, and his estate had evidently not yet been settled. There were 70 slaves and 95 stock. In 1919 John Dennis, a testator in St. Elizabeth, was resident at Carisbrook.

A John Delaroche was at Carisbrooke in 1819
Jamaica Gazette, 7 Aug 1819, Died:
At Rowington Park, in Clarendon, on the 4^th inst, deeply lamented, Charlotte, third daughter of the late John Delaroche, esq, of carisbrook pen in St Elizabeth, and, on the 8^th, Frances Bart Kelsall, the infant daughter of Joseph Delaroche esq.
Rowington Park was advertised for sale 13 March 1818, in Clarendon & Vere 531 acres, a never failing stream, 66 negroes & 120 head breeding stock, WE Nembhard[14].

Jamaica Gazette, July 6 1817.
Sir, Having been informed that Dr. R.B. Wright had asserted that I had, on a late trial at Black River, perjured myself; I deemed it necessary to call upon him for an explanation; he denied the charge in the strongest terms and which it was my intention to have published, but our correspondence having involved a number of family concerns; I felt a repugnance at it, although at the same time I held it absolutely necessary for my justification that something should be done on the occasion, in order to clear me of so base and disgraceful an aspersion: I did in consequence apply to my friend Mr Allen for his advice how to act on the occasion, and showed him our correspondence, and he in a friendly manner undertook to converse with Dr Wright on the business. The following letter has been transmitted to me by Mr. Allen, which I deem necessary to have published in order to clear me of so gross and foul a calumny. I am your obedient servant, J. Delaroche.

1825 & 1830: Coote & Delaroche at Longwood.

More About Martha Shapland:
Census: 1851, St Andrews Parish, Bristol, England.
Lodger, widow, Fund Holder, age 84

In same house:
Mary A. Coote, Lodger, Widow, 58, Annuitant, Carisbrook Jamaica,

Children of John Delaroche and Martha Shapland are:
Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth PR I & II, 1707-1825 x p nn,
3/1. John Shapland Delaroche, born May 27, 1790

Baptism: July 10, 1790, St. Elizabeth private baptism (Source, I. p. 57.)
Baptism (2): February 02, 1792, St. Elizabeth, received in Church and recorded in Register I, p. 57.) died January 1813, 23 years, in Burial Register
Burial: January 28, 1813, Carisbrook, St. Elizabeth (Source, I, p. 347.) Addressed as: Esquire Race/nationality/color: White
Post script to the Gaz 12/2-120/2/1813 died Carisbrook St E John Shapland Delaroche, surgeon, a young man universally respected, from his engaging manner and extensive information.

3/2. Martha Shapland Delaroche, born June 05, 1791.

Baptism: February 02, 1792, St. Elizabeth (Source: I, p. 62.)
Race/nationality/colour: White

3/3. Mary Ann Delaroche,

born August 18, 1792 in Carisbrook, St. Elizabeth (birthplace found in 1851 Census) Baptism: March 22, 1793, St. Elizabeth (Source: I, p. 65.).
She married ? Coote died Bef. 1851.

The 1822, 1824, and 1833 Almanacs list "Coote & Delaroche" as holders of Longwood in St. Elizabeth. The number of slaves there was 29, 29, and 26 respectively. The number of stock 321, 345, and 198.
Census: 1851, Bristol, England.
Lodger, widow, Annuitant, age 58. Race/nationality/color: White

3/4. (male) Delaroche, born Bet. 1793 - 1795.
3/5. (male) Delaroche, born Bet. 1794 - 1796.
3/6. Joseph Delaroche, born February 24, 1797.

Baptism: June 04, 1797, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)
He married Rebecca (Simons) October 23, 1817 in St. Elizabeth (Source: I, p. 318.).
Marriage license: 1817 Status of bride/groom: Widow
The Almanacs for 1820, 1822, and 1824 list him as the owner of Rowington, Clarendon. The number of slaves was 69, 65, and 63 respectively. The number of stock was 131, 136, and 23.
Addressed as: Esquire
More About Rebecca (Simons): She was born Abt. 1786, and died March 1826. Age: 40 years
Burial: March 23, 1826, Vere by Revd John Smith (Source: B0024 Jamaica PR Burials I & II, 1826-1844, I, p. 309 #1.)
Residence: 1826, Clarendon
Child of Joseph Delaroche and Rebecca (Simons) is:
4/1. Frances Burt Kelsall Delaroche, Baptism: August 04, 1819, Vere in a private baptism by G. C. R. Fearon, rector (Source: B0063 Vere PR I, 1694-1825, I, p. 140.) died August 08, 1819 in Rowington Park, Clarendon^RGJ.
Burial: August 10, 1819, the Church yard, Vere by G. C. R. Fearon (Source: B0063 Vere PR I, 1694-1825, p. 215.)

3/7. Charlotte Delaroche, born February 27, 1798

Baptism: April 11, 1798, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.) died August 04, 1819 in Rowington Park, Clarendon^RGJ. Burial: August 05, 1819, the Church yard, Vere (Source: B0063 Vere Parish Register I, 1694-1825, I, p. 215.)

3/8. Frances Delaroche, born February 25, 1799.

Baptism: March 27, 1799, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)

2/2. Frances Delaroche, born August 15, 1770

Baptism: April 08, 1773, St. Elizabeth (Source, I, p. 35.)
Fact: 1773, The St. Elizabeth Baptism Register spells her name "Francis"

She married Philemon Galindo November 13, 1789 in St. Augustin's Church, Bristol, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.). He was born 1770.

Notes for Philemon Galindo:
By later marriages he was the father of Juan and Philip. See Philip's Diary at Galindo diary.
Occupation 1: 1799, Actor
Occupation 2: 1836, Commandant of Bocatoro
Residence: 1799, Bristol, England
Children of Frances Delaroche and Philemon Galindo are:

3/1. [male] Galindo, born Bef. July 14, 1790

Baptism: July 14, 1790, St. Augustin's church, Bristol, England
Burial: August 31, 1790, St. Augustin's church, Bristol.

3/2. Charlotte Delia Galindo, born Abt. 1794.

She married John Bragge 1814.
Children of Charlotte Galindo and John Bragge are:
4/1. Charles William Bragge.
4/2. John Delaroche Bragge.
4/3. Mary Frances Bragge.
4/4. Caroline Portia Bragge.

3/3. Portia Galindo, born Abt. 1798

Burial: April 13, 1850

2/3. William Delaroche, born December 22, 1771

died June 1800.
Baptism: April 08, 1773, St. Elizabeth (Source: I, p. 35.)
Burial: June 11, 1800, Almondsbury, Gloucestershire, England
(Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.)
Occupation: 1797, Gentleman
Residence: 1793, Thornbury, Gloucestershire, England
Residence (2): 1797, Parish of Olveston, County of Gloucester,
Diocese of Bristol, England
He married Elizabeth Gillam August 14, 1797 in Olveston, Gloucestershire, England (Source: B650 English records researched by John Chappell.).
Marriage license: 1797
Status of bride/groom: Spinster

MI Almondsbury[15]:
In Memory of William De la Roche late of Giddy Hall, Saint Elizabeth’s, Jamaica, Gentleman, Who died at Woolaston In this County and was (by his particular define) interred here the 11^th day of June 1800 aged 38 years. Also of Elizabeth Woodruffe widow of the late William De la Roche, Who died Dec 18^th 1806 aged 28 years.

There are some deed in the Gloucester Record Office pertaining to William Delaroche. The first is a deed dated November 10,1793 by which William grants Giddy Hall, St. Elizabeth to Joseph Longman of Thornbury for ten shillings. The deed identifies him as the nephew of John Delaroche mentioned in John's Will, and the second and youngest son of William Delaroche, John's brother.

The second deed, dated November 22, 1793, grants the property from Joseph Longman back to William Delaroche for ten shillings.

The following lands are listed as part of Giddy Hall:
400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom.
250 acres patented August 12, 1689 in the name of Thomas Spencer.
300 acres patented in 1697 in the name of Elisabeth Jones.
950 acres of land situated in Luana Mountains cutting and bounding northerly on land belonging to Henry Louis Esq. Easterly on Robert Smith. Southerly on David Fyffe, and Westerly on lands belonging to Matthew Smith Senior Esq.
George Rolph was witness to both deeds.

More About Elizabeth Gillam:
Residence: 1797, Almondsbury, County of Gloucester, Diocese of Bristol, England.

DELAROCHE MARRIAGE CONTRACT

[This is the text of the first page of the marriage settlement between George Rolph and Sarah Delaroch(e), referred to in Delaroche 1]
This Indenture of three Parts made the twenty eighth day of December in the Twenty sixth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King defender of the Faith and so forth And in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty five Between George Rolph the Younger of Thornbury in the county of Gloucester Gentleman of the first part Sarah Delaroche late of the Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the Island of Jamaica but now of the Parish of Alveston in the said County of Gloucester Spinster an infant under the age of twenty one years (only child and heiress at Law and next of kin of Sampson Delaroch late of the said Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the said Island of Jamaica Esquire Deceased) of the second part and William Salmon of the Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the said Island of Jamaica Esquire now residing in England and William Osborne of Kington in the Parish of Thornbury aforesaid Gentleman of the third part. Whereas a marriage hath been agreed upon and is intended shortly to be had and solemnized between the said George Rolph and Sarah Delaroch And Whereas the Estate and Fortune of the said Sarah Delaroch consist of a certain Plantation or Estate called Carrisbrooke in the said Parish of Saint Elizabeth in the said Island of Jamaica with the stock of Negroes Cattle Buildings and Appurtenances theron and thereto belonging and appertaining and which on the Decease of the said Sampson Delaroche descended upon and came to her as his only child and heiress at Law and next of kin Also of a certain legacy or sum of Seven Hundred Pounds Jamaica Currency given to her by the will of her late Uncle John Delaroche late of the said Island of Jamaica Esquire deceased to be paid at her age of Twenty one Years or time of marriage which should first happen And also of a considerable Sum of Money now in the hands of the said William Salmon being the savings out of the gains and produce of the said Plantation and Estate since the decease of the said Sampson Delaroch to the present time after deducting and paying thereout the Charges and Expences incurred by reason of the Education Board Maintenance and Support of the said Sarah Delaroch And Whereas upon the Treaty for the said intended marriage it was by and with the Privity and good liking of the said William Salmon proposed and convented and agreed to by the said George Rolph and Sarah Delaroch That in consideration of the Grant and Release hereby or intended to be hereby made by the said George Rolph of the Messuage or Tenement Closes Lands and Hereditaments hereinafter particularly described to for and upon the several uses intents and purposes hereinafter expressed and declared of and concerning the same She the said Sarah Delaroch (in addition to her personal Estate and fortune intended for the said George Rolph and which he will become entitled to by the Rights of Marriage) should absolutely convey and assure the said Plantation or Estate with all the appurtenances thereto belonging (save and except such part or parts thereof as being personally the said George Rolph will so become entitled by the Rights of Marriage) unto and to the use of the said George Rolph his Heirs Executors Administrators and Assigns according to the nature and qualities of the same respectively But that in regard the said Sarah Delaroch being under the Age of Twenty one Years and therefore ‘till her arrival to such age incapable of effectuating such conveyance and assurance to the said George Rolph aforesaid It hath been further agreed on the Treaty for the said intended marriage with such privity and consent as aforesaid That the Grant and Release hereby made or intended to be made by the said George Rolph of the Messuages or Tenements Closes Lands and Hereditaments hereinafter particularly described to for and upon the several uses ends intents and purposes hereinafter thereof expressed and declared shall be subject and liable to the proviso or condition hereinafter contained for making void the same Grant and Release by the said George Rolph in Case of the said Sarah Delaroch’s death under the age of twenty one years or of her neglecting after attaining that age to make such conveyance and assurance of her said Estate in Jamaica to the said George Rolph his heirs or assigns as is hereinafter mentioned Now this Indenture Witnesseth that for and in consideration of the said intended marriage and in pursuance and performance of the said recited agreement made on the Treaty thereof in this behalf And for the conveying settling and assuring of the said messuage or Tenement Closes of Ground Lands and Hereditaments hereinafter particularly mentioned and described To for and upon the several uses ends intents and purposes and under and subject to the proviso Declaration and Agreement hereinafter mentioned expressed and declared of and concerning the same And also for and in consideration of the sum of ten shillings of lawful money of Great Britain

Carrisbrook

55 High Street, Westbourne House, Thornbury:[16]

William Delaroche - William was the member of the Delaroche family connected with property near St Elizabeth in in Jamaica. In his will dated 23rd May 1800 William describes himself as being 'formerly of the parish of Saint Elizabeth in the island of Jamaica, afterwards of Thornbury in the County of Gloucester but late of Woolaston in the same county'. William left 'his capital messuage or mansion house called Giddy Hall' with land totally about 950 acres in trust to his appointed executors, 'his friends, William Osborne and George Rolph both of Thornbury gentlemen'. He left an annuity to his sister, Frances Galuido wife of Philimon Galuido (an actor in 1799 and Commandant of Bocatora in 1836), late of Bristol and made bequests for his two nieces, Frances's daughters. William left the rents and profits of his estate to his wife, Elizabeth and the rest of the personal estate were left to William's brother, John.

William was born on 2nd December 1771 and baptised on 8th April 1773 at St Elizabeth, Jamaica. He was the son of William Delaroche and his wife, Frances (nee Clarke) and grandson of Thomas Delaroche. Records on the Internet show that William was resident in Thornbury in 1793. He was certainly in Thornbury in 1796 and 1797 when the land tax records show him to be the tenant in this house when it was owned by 'Mrs Day'. On 14th August 1797 William married Elizabeth Gillam in Olveston. There are several records available on the Internet referring to William. Two of them refer to inventories of William's assets in 1794 and 1803 (presumably after his death for sorting out the probate) which show he owned 98 slaves in 1794 and 95 slaves in 1803. William died aged 38 on 7 June 1800 and buried at Almondsbury on 11th June 1800. The inscription on his gravestone indicates that he was buried there 'at his particular define'. We note that the grave inscription also includes 'Elizabeth Woodruffe, widow of the late William De La Roche' who died 18th December 1806 aged 28 years. We assume that Elizabeth married again after William's death.

There was also a John Delaroche who was living in Thornbury around this time. In 1800 he was occupying 49 High Street and then in 1809 and 1820 he was at 10 and 11 The Plain. It seems likely that John was William's brother. John was baptised in 1769 in St Elizabeth, Jamaica. John married Elizabeth Shapland on 14th September 1789 in Marshfield, Gloucestershire. In 1797 John was described as being a 'Gentleman of Thornbury' when he was fined £5 for using a greyhound to kill game at Slimbridge. John also had property in Jamaica, in his case a large plantation called Carisbrook' which is listed as having 142 slaves and 200 stock in 1811. It is interesting that John's will written in 1812 suggests he may have had at least two black or mulatto 'wives' with whom he had had children. He made sure that the proceeds of his estate were used for the benefit of those wives and their children. The will was proved in 1823. We note that in 1851 the Bristol Mercury reported the death "on April 6th in the 85th year of her age Martha widow of John Delaroche Esq of Carisbroke Castle in the island of Jamaica".

We are not sure why William and John came to live in Thornbury. We assume that it was because their cousin, Sarah, has married George Rolph, the Thornbury solicitor in 1785. Sarah was the daughter of Sampson Delaroche and grand-daughter of Thomas Delaroche.

Following William's death, George Rolph as his executor, arranged for the sale of Giddy Hall and William's other estate in 1809 to enable him to repay mortgages still outstanding on William's property.

It seems the Rolph family spread his investments very widely. Perhaps some of the Rolph family's business interests were questionable by today's standards. In 1785 when George Rolph junior married Sarah Delaroche of Jamaica her property there included "a stock of Negroes, Cattle, Buildings and appurtenances." A mortgage indenture dated 27th December 1785 shows George had recently bought from Mrs Martha Cullimore the property described as being 'all that messuage or tenement newly erected and built by George Rolph on the spot of ground whereon a messuage or tenement formerly in the occupation of John Gayner apothecary stood heretofore called The Tavern'. We know from George's will that he had acquired the two other properties at the rear of his house fronting the High Street. However George continued to let these properties to tenants.

20 CROPS – General Information

20.1 Trade

20.2 Prices

Some prices quoted in the Gazette in 1794 are on the Crops spreadsheet
5 June 1779
Rum         2/4                     Flour       35s
Muscov Sug 26/36s                  Salt Fish   40s
Tobacco     50s                     Butter      2s
Ginger      30-35s                  Tallow Candles    2/6
Coffee      50s                     Me? Beef    130s
Cotton      22-25d                  Cargo ditto 90s
Mahogany    12d                     Pork        140s
Country Corn 12/6                   Madeira Wine £60 (Lon.)
Herrings    55s

11 March 1780
Rum         3s                      Flour             50s
Muscov Sug 30-37/6s                Salt Fish         60s
Tobacco     75s                     Butter            3/6

Ginger      35s                     Tallow Candles    2/6
Coffee      50s                     Me? Beef          10£
Cotton      125d                    Cargo ditto       £8
Mahogany    12d                     Pork              11£
Country Corn 10s                    Madeira Wine      £60 (Lon.)
Herrings    £3                      Logwood p ton     £6

638

WILLIAM AND MARY QUARTERLY

Table I

Volume of Commodities Exported from Barbados: Averages of Selected Years, 1665-1701

	1665-1666	1688, 1690-1691	1699-1701
Sugar Products
Muscovado Sugar^a	11,529	7,386	8,551
Refined Sugar^a	919	2	250
Molasses^b	529,943	3.017,676	3,842,729
Rumb	567,827	1,446,787	2,256,960
Nonsugar Products
Cotton^a	749	78	127
Dyewoods^a	3	0	0
Ginger^a	136	347	261
Tobacco^a	68	0	0
Lime Juiceb	5,008	59,176	18,696

^aMetric Tons
^bLiters

Sources: Barbados Customs Books (see note 6), and CO 33/13.

are converted to metric tons using ratios derived from the Barbados customs books of the 1660s.²³

The sugar equivalencies make calculation of the value of exports relatively straightforward. The one additional requirement is a reliable sugar price series. Price data are not abundant for this period, and much of what information there is comes from Europe rather than the Caribbean. In order to use European prices to calculate f.o.b. values in the Caribbean, account must be taken of the “wedge" of transatlantic shipping costs. The standard wedge during the late seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries encompassed wastage, freight rates, port charges, insurance, and duty where appropriate. These were such that the Caribbean f.o.b. price was 65 percent of the London price and 70 percent of the Nantes price.²⁴ This ratio probably held....

²³ It should be noted that whereas the size of a standard sugar cask, such as a hogshead, increased during the 17th and 18th centuries, rum and molasses containers appear to have remained the same size. It is not clear if containers for nonsugar products such as indigo did likewise. If containers for these products did expand, estimates here of indigo, cotton, and lime juice for the 1680s and 1690s will have a downward bias. Barrels of indigo are calculated at 107.4 lb. (9 ob.); small casks are calculated at 57.5 lb. (4 ob.). The sugar equivalencies are as follows: 1 gal. rum = 12 lb. sugar; 1 gal. molasses = 3 lb.; 1 lb. vine cotton 2lb.; 1 lb. raville cotton = 2.5 lb.; 1 lb. scalded ginger = 0.75 lb.; 1 lb. scraped ginger = 1.5 lb.; 1 lb. tobacco = 1 lb.; 1 lb. indigo - 14 lb. (calculated from Barbados Custom Books).

²⁴ Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London, 1962), 285-85. and in the French case. Robert Louis Stein, The French Sugar Business in the Eighteenth Century (Baton Rouge, 1988), 69, 160-61.

20.3 Rum

1781: cost to American troops As Mach 1781, the British commissary general in America was paying 6/6d for windward rum, 7/6d for Jamaican rum; by 20 November, the prices were 11/- and 10/- respectively. (internet)

20.4 Sugar

20.4.1 Mills

A Sugar Mill:

Edwards Vol 2 P222

March 20 1773 The Universal Magazine, Volumes 52-53
Edward Woolery, esq of Westmoreland, in the island of Jamaica, having invented a mill for grinding sugar canes, which is worked by any of the common methods, but will do more than double the executions of other mills, the Hon House of Assembly have voted him £300 sterling to purchase a piece of plate, in testimony of their approbation, it being very beneficial to the sugar planters.

Mr. William Gilchrist, a millwright in Jamaica, invented a new mill for grinding sugar canes, having the side rollers larger than the middle, or main, roller. The legislature of Jamaica in December 1768 passed an act for securing to him the exclusive benefit of his invention for fourteen years, and Mr. Gilchrist afterwards petitioned the king for a patent for all the other West-India Islands.

History of Technology Volume 19, edited by Graham Hollister-Short P66:

....In most of the islands for which early data are available, animal mills exceeded other sources of motive power (Table I Sugar Mills in Jamaica in 1768 were: wind, 23, Water, 235 & animal, 369), and it has been estimated that, at the end of the eighteenth century, approximately one- third of the British West Indies sugar crop passed through mule mills.20 Although the capital cost of a watermill was the highest of the three natural sources of power in the Caribbean, followed by that of a windmill, the housing provided for mill animals at some plantations, perhaps to extend the animals’ working lives, would seem to have been left out of the equation when the total fixed costs of power are compared. Moreover, the recurrent costs of animal power were higher than either of the other two natural prime movers. Animals had short working lives and had to be replaced, and feedstuff was required.

In contrast to the employment of animal power in Northern Europe (where the owner of a typical animal ‘engine’ would have from 2 to 10 beasts),21 a plantation sugar-mill in the Caribbean might have between 40 and 50 mules and steers on account of shorter working ‘shifts’ and the high mortality rates occasioned by the climate.22 Compared with Northern Europe, where animal power was a low-cost prime mover, in the Caribbean the total cost differential between animal power and other prime movers was less clear, and may even have been inverted. There was thus a considerable incentive to find a substitute for animal power, even though it was only for seasonal use.23

The potential market for steam power on sugar plantations was recognized in two patents granted in the mid-eighteenth century, in one of which the patentee focused on a prime mover for sugar milling, an unusually exact specification for a steam engine at that time.24 The first patent (no. 859) was granted in 1766 to John Stewart for an invention ‘to work mills ... [which] is particularly useful and profitable in grinding sugar canes’ (Figures 1 and 2). He claimed that his engine would ‘grind more than a windmill and a cattle mill usually do’25 and ‘is most profitable to grind sugar canes as one of them in which a cylinder of 30 inches diameter is provided will do as much work as four cattle mills that employ 160 or 200 steers’.26 This invention, Stewart claimed, could save up to £600 per annum on every estate employing eight or ten sugar boilers, in addition to £1200 to £1500, the initial cost of building a mill and purchasing cattle. The second patentee was Dugald Clark, whose patent (no. 949) was granted in 1770.27 Although many a patentee may have been tempted to claim rather more for an invention than was proven in fact, one of Stewart’s engines had been erected on Jamaica by 1769, receiving the endorsement of the Jamaica Assembly: ‘There is the greatest prospect of it [the engine] answering the purpose for which it was intended as the power of the said engine is found to be sufficient for the grinding of the canes’.28 A committee of the Assembly proposed that a Bill be brought in ‘to give the petitioner the sole right of erecting such mills for a certain time’, and an Act was passed in December 1770 enabling Stewart to ‘carry into execution his newly invented mill for the grinding of sugar canes with the power of a fire engine’.29 But after the engine’s installation Stewart encountered difficulties. From the outset there was insufficient water for the boiler because the island was in the grip of a drought. And then the engine met with carefully orchestrated local resistance on two fronts. First, a local millwright, the engine patentee Dugald Clark, tried to sell a pumping engine and waterwheel to the plantation owner on whose estate Stewart’s engine had been erected and then installed two alternative mills in an endeavour to demonstrate that Stewart’s mill would not work. Second, the estate overseer appears to have done what he could to deprive Stewart’s engine of water and fuel and the mill of sugar cane, asserting that it consumed more fuel than any estate could supply and stopped so frequently that it was unable to do as much work as two cattle mills.30 Thus the experiment ended.
Interest in the application of the Boulton & Watt engine to sugar milling
also dates from the 1770s. William Pultncy31 wrote to the partners in 1776, referring to the work of both Stewart and Clark and noting that neither could make steam power succeed, adding ‘I can hardly conceive any thing which is more likely to bring you a great return.’ In both 1786 and 1787 Lord Penryhn32 drew attention to the need for steam engines in Jamaica and in 1788 George Glenny,33 a millwright, wrote from Jamaica advising that a 16 inch cylinder engine would do the work of more than two cattle mills. Two years later John Dawson of Liverpool inquired after....

See: A plan and description of Mr John Stewart's Fire Engine (Copy in Reference Books), and transcript.

Edwards Vol 2 P222

20.4.2 Sugar Estate – The Economist 1844

Economist Oct 26 1844 P138

PROSPECTS OF THE WEST INDIES.—THE MANAGEMENT OF WEST INDIAN ESTATES.

In looking over our West India papers, received by the last packet, we find in the Jamaica Morning Journal an allusion to our remarks on the effects of the New Sugar Bill (July 20th) the following:—

" The West India sugargrowers contend that any reduction in the price of that article which shall be occasioned by the change in the duties, will be a clear annual loss to them. The free traders say it will not. Hear the Economist:—

“There is no greater fallacy than) to look at this (the fall in price) as so much loss to the producers: the practical and real effect of such changes, as all experience has shown has been to induce such improvements and economy in the process of production and the conducting of the trade generally as to be more than commensurate with such apparent reductions and in this way we have always found that the best interests of both producers and consumers have been consulted by such measures.1
" The West Indians contend that the fall in prices will produce loss to them. No, it is replied, the fall in prices will induce improvements and economy more than commensurate with such reduction. Here, then, is an assumption, that no improvements have been going on- no economy has been observed. Suppose, however, it is shewn that the most rigid economy has been resorted to, and that there is really nothing left to pare down, and that the best returns are obtained that can be. How, in such a case, we should like to know, is the interest of the producer consulted by the reduction in the price of his commodity. We can plainly perceive that he must suffer loss to the full extent of the reduction which has taken place.1

" Suppose, however, it is shown that the most rigid economy has been resorted to, and that there is really nothing left to paredown, and that the best returns are obtained |that can be"—then if such be the case, we arc driven to the conclusion that our West India possessions are lost, entirely lost, as far as regards the production of sugar, and we are not aware of any other produce for which they generally possess greater advantages.

Sugar is the only article of any importance, to which, for many years past, a practically perfect monopoly has been afforded by our law, either to the Colonial or the British producer it is the only article on which the duty, chargeable on the growth of foreign countries, has been so high as to act, at all times, as an entire practical prohibition its cultivation, moreover, has been carried on under a rigid state of slavery, and under a system of free labour.

Notwithstanding the complete monopoly of our market which the West Indies enjoyed, and notwithstanding the system of slavery which existed up to 1834, year after year the quantity of their produce rapidly diminished, instead of keeping pace with the increase of the home demand and, notwithstanding the encouragement of high prices and protection, year after year were those colonics sinking rapidly into ruin and decay. The quantities of sugar and coffee produced in the last seven years of that period efficiently indicate the truth of this assertion. They were as follows:—

proreduced. Imported Sugar. cwts.

1827 ... ... 1828 4,213,429 ... ... 29,840,785

1828 ... ... 1829 4,152,815 ... ... 26,862,528

1829 ... ... 1830 3,913,269 ... ... 27,429,144

1830 ... ... 1831 4,103,746 ... ... 20,116,181

lan ... ... 1832 3,786,574 ... ... 24,642,890

1R3J ... ... 1838 3,655,621 ... ... 18,883,830

1883 ... ... 1834 3,843,976 ... ... 22,081,489

1834 ... ... 1835 3,524,209 ... ... 14,866,580

—(Board of Trade Tablet.)

Such was the experience of the last years of slavery, with a perfect monopoly of the sugar trade, and with a differential duty in favour of coffee of 150 per cent, the rates being 6d and 1s 3d (the duty of 9d, via the Cape, not then existing). During the last ten years of the apprenticeship system and free labour, with the same strict protection against foreign sugar, and, moreover, with the number of consumers at home increased by millions, no better result has been experienced by the West India interest. With abundance of slave labour and strict monopoly, they were not prosperous. With free labour and the same protection, and not withstanding the general range of higher prices, they have not been more so. If, therefore, the hypothesis of the Jamaica Journal is true, then say we, there is no hope for these islands. But we have abundance of evidence that it is not so—we have abundance of evidence that, instead of everything having been done to secure prosperity, really everything has in fact been left undone. Time and energy have been spent hitherto to secure large majorities in Parliament, rather than large crops in Jamaica—to cultivate influence at the Colonial Office, rather than improvements in the Colonies themselves.—to secure a delusive protection and high prices, to the neglect of economy and increase in the production and the result now is, that such is the position of the colonies at this moment, that if we were to judge by the professions of those immediately interested, or by the experience of the proprietors resident in this country, we should, looking to what must be the future result of that which is going forward in other parts of our own possessions, and in the world generally, have no hope whatever for these colonies but looking to the symptoms which are becoming developed in the islands themselves, of which every packet brings us new evidences, we have hope—we have a high hope, that competition will lead to a state of prosperity to which protection has not, and never would. Nor is our hope for the future less when we find so little has been done in the past. We find an elaborate, well-written article on the cultivation of sugar in two Barbadoes papers, the West Indian and the Globe, which informs us how far " the most rigid economy has been resorted to," whether there is " anything left to pare down," and whether the " best returns are obtained that can be." We are here told—

" It is a most remarkable fact, that the art and practice of manufacturing sugar in the colonies should have been so long stationary, or should have made so little progress towards perfection, while almost every other branch of manufacture has been so greatly benefitted by the discoveries which science has made, and by the application of scientific principles to purposes of general utility. This is the more remarkable, when we reflect upon the vast magnitude of the interest involved, and the wealth and intelligence of those persons most deeply interested in this important branch of their staple production. It cannot be that the most decided enemies to innovation, those whose predilections are the strongest in favour of long-established custom, can contend that the present system is so perfect as to admit of no improvement, that none or so little has been mane. In point of fact, the process of making sugar has proceeded in nearly the same undevutti/ig course for centuries, and still continues to exhibit the rudest and most destructive features, involving a principle which in its operation subjects the planter to an enormous loss, the full amount of which he has been unable to estimate, because the absence of a better system has left him without the means of comparing Us results.
"Three centuries have now completed their revolution since the sugar cane was first introduced into the island of Barbadoes, from the Brazils.

Considerable improvement appears to have been made in the quality of sugar, between the years 1641 and 1656, the date at which Jamaica first fell into the possession of the British at which period, it is said, there were only three small sugar plantations established in this Queen of the English Antilles. After the lapse of three centuries of practical experience in the manufacture of sugar has ejected so little in the shape of improvement, it strongly tends to confirm the assumption, that this system hitherto pursued is radically defective, and that the evil is inherent and inseparable." This certainly shows how little protection has stimulated or contributed to improvements, and how little production has been advanced, and comports with the statistics of our imports thereof.
Another striking example of how little disposition has been hitherto shown by the parties immediately interested in the cultivation of the West Indies, to advance any measure really practically useful, is found in the facts connected with the railway, now constructing in Jamaica, of which we find so much notice in the journals of that island. The great complaint of late in these islands has been the scarcity and high price of labour. The bad state of the roads, and the want of any organized system of internal carrying trade, have, hitherto, been the means of absorbing a great number of labourers in conveying, at much cost, the produce to the seaports railways, therefore, presented the two-fold advantage of cheap and quick, transit, and of setting free a portion of labourers on every estate for other purposes. Their desirableness is thus summed up in a private letter, from a planter, now before us:—

" Jamaica, above all things, requires means of conveyance, so as to bring the distant settlers nearer to market for at present the cost of carriage is beyond the market value of many of the products of the Roil. Such rapid communication as railways afford will bring the distant parts of the island nearer to each other, cause a vast impetus to agriculture, and create traffic Indeed, it would be almost an endless task to calculate the numerous and important advantages that will attend such a revolution as will he produced by the introduction of railways, though they must be obvious and palpable to every prudent and reflecting colonist." Well, some time ago, a spirited individual, connected with the island, proposed to construct a railway, and, in the first place, was himself at the whole of the preliminary expense of obtaining a survey and an act for that purpose. He then invited, by circular, every individual, of any consideration, resident and non-resident, having an interest, direct or indirect, in the island, to join him in so desirable an undertaking and, strange to say, after all the complaint which we have heard of the want of labour, not one individual responded to his invitation —no planter, complaining as they do of the want of labour and good roads no proprietor, complaining as they do of the sinking value of their property no mortgagee, whose security has been wasting, and whose interest is in arrear no agent, whose annual consignments have been gradually diminishing, would step forward to make one effort to help themselves. Unfortunately it has not been their way. He then proposed it to some capitalists in this country, totally unconnected with the island, and the whole sum was quickly subscribed and, by a singular coincidence, entirely by men holding free trade principles, and advocating a removal of all protective and differential duties.
Parties who would have been ready for any exertion to retain the greatest amount of protection, could see no sufficient allurement in an economy of production parties who would be willing to use every effort to obtain loans to promote immigration were dead to the advantages of rendering their present population far more effective, by such simple and legitimate means and those who are charged with enmity and ill-will to the colonies—who are doing what they can to promote free trade and deprive them of the injurious artificial props on which they rely—were found ready and willing to advance to their practical assistance, by hazarding their money, when those connected with the colony would not. And, though it may be said it was done on the speculation of profit, yet is it a decisive proof that they at least are not fearful of the application of free trade to the colonies.
By the papers before us, we find that the undertaking is rapidly advancing, and every one is awakening to its importance to the island. The Jamaica Times speaks of it as " a spirited and praise worthy undertaking, which certainly needs, and should as cordially obtain, the support of every individual interested in the welfare of the island " and its influence on the value of property has already begun to shew itself. We are informed, by the Morning Journal, that the " Hog Hole estate, in St Thomas' in the Vale, consisting of 1400 acres of land and 39 head of stock, with the implements, was sold in this city on Friday, at public outcry, for 3350/. This estate is said to be capable of making from 50 to 200 hhds of sugar." And we know, from private sources, that the buyer of that property gave 350/ more than he had otherwise determined, only because the railway was coming within a mode rate distance ofit.
But another and perhaps more important source of future hope, is the effect which threatened competition is producing in awakening the energies of the resident proprietors and lessees of the islands, to agricultural improvement. In another part of this paper will be found a letter from a West Indian, in, which he refers to the fact that, on two estates last year, the crops were produced at a total nett cost of 10s 2d, and 6s 9£d per cwt, respectively. We specially refer our readers to the letter in question. We are led to believe from many quarters that resident proprietors and planters are rapidly improving their prospects, by various improvements in cultivation and systems of economy now being only for the first time introduced but if non-resident proprietors still find that they do not experience the profits and advantages of improving systems, we do not think that they can reasonably complain. We know of no business or pursuit, however good it may be, that, placed under similar circumstances, would be profitable. -£tOif

What if a landlord in England were to attemnJj/lS^pg^ijB London, to farm the whole of his estates by agents, bejieewi, that he would derive any rent therefrom ? Or if a iMiraf&C&jM& in Lancashire were to reside in Paris for years, and V^re'vall his affairs to be managed by clerks and overlookers, however faithful or attentive to his interests, would it be possible that his trade would yield a profit ? Then, why should proprietors of estates in the West Indies, who, perhaps, not once in a lifetime see them, expect a different result 1 A sugar plantation combines agriculture, manufacturing, and distilling, all requiring great care and attention to detail, and all capable of very different results, according to the management. This system is, therefore, drawing to an end, and this is another cause of our hope for the improvement of these colonies.

Either are the owners themselves becoming resident, or are they leasing their land to resident planters and we know that in both cases very favourable results have been experienced, even amid the great outcry of distress of the last two years and we have reason to believe that there are, at this moment, many planters in our West India colonies producing sugar cheaper than any slave-grown sugar in the world, and cheaper than any 'other sugar, of any produce, if we except some instances in our own East India possessions: and. this brings us to one of the most important considerations in relation to the future cultivation of the West Indies.
The days when high prices will be possible are rapidly passing away: justice to the consumer at home demands it our commercial relations with other great producing countries demand it and, even in the absence of these, our Indian territory will ere long render a high price impossible. With labour more abundant, and cheaper than any other place in the world—with the richest soil and the best climate—with improved tenure of land—with English enterprise and capital—and with the spur and stimulus of competition and coming free trade, it is not difficult to foresee that the cheap free produce? of India will abolish slavery throughout the world and that we shall be shippers of sugars to continental Europe, as we are now of indigo and other Indian produce.
There is, therefore, no safety in the future for our West Indian colonies, but in following the principle which secures a cheap production. Cheapness of cost must be the ruling principle for future guidance and even increased quantity must not be attempted where it involves a higher relative cost. Increased quantity can only safely be carried out by means of greater economy and improvements in the cultivation and manufacture.
Labour must be rendered more effective and productive, science and ingenuity must give their aid, and the increasing wants of free labourers will inspire greater exertion and skill. Planters and proprietors must think more of making and accumulating the capital needed for their objects, and less of continual borrowing and, above all, let them see that they do not burden themselves for the future with heaTy fixed charges. If they do their case is hopeless.
On an early occasion we will consider the proposed scheme of immigration.

Sugar and Slavery: Molasses to Rum to Slaves

Jean M. West

What's not to like about sugar? On the average, modern Americans consume 100 pounds of sugar per year. It's sweet, and it gives a big energy boost. Well, yes, there are calories, cavities, and diabetes, but, in moderation, sugar is harmless ... right? In 1700, English consumption empire-wide was about four pounds of sugar per person per year. That certainly seems moderate. Yet in 1700 alone, approximately 25,000 Africans were enslaved and transported across the Atlantic Ocean. Up to two-thirds of these slaves were bound for sugar cane plantations in the Caribbean, Mexico, and Brazil to produce "White Gold." Over the course of the 380 years of the Atlantic slave trade, millions of Africans were enslaved to satisfy the world's sweet tooth. A sugar by-product, molasses, was distilled into rum and sent to Africa to purchase more slaves--this is the infamous Triangle Trade in the history books. Sugar's most bitter legacy is that the labor of slaves fuelled the enslavement of even more Africans.

Sugar Comes to the New World

    Ironically, sugar cane is not a plant native to the Americas. It is a perennial grass whose tropical species seems to have originated in New Guinea, and subtropical species in India. During the invasion of India in 326 B.C., Alexander the Great's soldiers became the first Europeans to see sugar cane honey was the primary sweetener of the Western world at the time. Arab traders and Moorish conquerors spread the plant throughout the Mediterranean region, introducing it in Spain around 714 A.D.
     Centuries later, under Spanish sponsorship, Christopher Columbus is believed to have carried sugar cane stem cuttings from the Canary Islands to Hispaniola on his second voyage, planting the seed-cane in Santo Domingo by December 1493. Subsequent Spanish colonizers spread the crop to Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Jamaica. The Portuguese introduced sugar cane to Brazil and received shipments of sugar from Pernambuco by 1526. Sugar was introduced in the 17th century by the Dutch to the Guyanas, the British to Barbados, the French to Martinique and Saint-Domingue (Haiti), and the Swedes and Danes to other islands of the Antilles. Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne de Bienville, the first governor of French Louisiana, and French Jesuits both introduced sugar cane from Saint-Domingue to New Orleans in the 1700s however, the first commercially successful sugar planter in Louisiana was Etienne de Boré, who produced around 100,000 pounds of sugar in 1795.
     European settlers also brought with them the methods for growing and harvesting sugar cane. Cane was planted by plowing furrows spaced about a yard's width apart and then placing seed-cane stems flat in the furrows at one-yard intervals. In some cases, seed-cane stems were planted in holes to a depth of six inches. The first crop took from 9-24 months to mature, depending on the climate (sugar can be killed by freezing temperatures), but produced crops for three to six years before declining production yield made it necessary to replant the crop. Yield varied widely depending on climate, from 25 to 100 tons of sugar cane per acre. Jamaican planters might expect a hogshead (around 1600 pounds) of refined sugar to be produced per acre a typical plantation was around 750 acres in size. The mature sugar cane plant ranges from 4-12 feet in height its soft interior contains the juice with the highest calorie content of the plant world.
     Along with seed-cane and cultivation techniques, Spanish colonists brought the technology to produce sugar. Cane must be cut when it is fully ripened. To release the cane syrup (juice) from the sugar cane, it must be immediately ground in mills, usually located near the cane fields. The earliest mills were probably round millstones, set upright, pushed by humans or animals. The first shipment of milled sugar from the Hispaniola occurred around 1516. Four years later, a water-powered mill that ground the cane between two horizontal rollers was built in Hispaniola. In South America around 1600, a new type of sugar mill was invented that used three vertical rollers this was the typical mill used on sugar plantations throughout the New World during the colonial period. Modern mills can produce 50 pounds of juice from 100 pounds of cane.
     The extraction of sucrose from the juice and its crystallization into solid sugar required that the juice be cleaned by adding lime and straining the impurities from juice. The clarified sugar syrup was boiled in a series of kettles until it crystallized, producing granular sugar and molasses. Modern refining techniques produce roughly ten pounds of raw sugar (brown sugar), or 9.5 pounds of refined sugar from 100 pounds of cane. Molasses is the left-over syrup out of which no more sugar crystals can be refined the same 100 pounds of cane that produce ten pounds of sugar will also produce 2.7 pounds of molasses.

Slavery and Sugar

    Sugar planting, harvesting, and processing is tiring, hot, dangerous work and requires a large number of workers whose work habits must be intensely coordinated and controlled. From the very beginning of sugar cultivation in the New World, there were not enough European settlers to satisfy the labor requirements for profitable sugar plantations. Native Americans were enslaved to work on the earliest sugar plantations, especially in Brazil. Those who could, escaped from the fields, but many more died due to European diseases, such as smallpox and scarlet fever, and the harsh working conditions on the sugar plantations. A Catholic priest named Bartolomé de las Casas asked King Ferdinand of Spain to protect the Taino Indians of the Caribbean by importing African slaves instead. So, around 1505, enslaved Africans were first brought to the New World. For the next three and a half centuries, slaves of African origin provided most of the labor for the sugar industry in the Americas.
    A healthy, adult slave was expected to be able to plow, plant, and harvest five acres of sugar. Sugar planting was back-breaking work. Lines of slaves, men, women and children, moved across the fields, row by row, hand-planting thousands of seed-cane stems. Between 5,000 and 8,000 pieces had to be planted to produce one acre of sugar cane. Workdays in the fields typically lasted from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. with a noon-time break of perhaps two hours.
     During harvest, field slaves worked even longer hours, especially in Louisiana where workers raced against the weather to collect the harvest before the first frost and attacks by insects. Mature sugar cane's exterior skin is so hard that workers had to cut through the stem with cutlasses or machetes. They also had to stoop to cut the cane at ground level because the most sugary section of the cane is the lower stem. Harvesting cane was as backbreaking work as planting cane, and cuts from the sharp tools were common. Once the cane stalk was cut, slaves stripped any remaining leaves and stacked the cane. It then would be tied into bundles and loaded onto donkeys, wagons, or two-wheeled carts to be carried to the sugar mill. Throughout their work, overseers with whips supervised the field slaves.
    Once the harvest began, it was essential to process the cane immediately. Slaves ran the sugar mills, feeding the stalks between giant rollers. Up to a dozen boys and men typically worked around the clock to process sugar, working with the stench of rotting cane in intense heat. As machinery grew more complex, with conveyor belts, Rillieux's sugar processing evaporator and centrifuges, the slaves working the sugar houses became increasingly skilled mechanics. Yet, it was not unusual for slaves to be injured or crushed when trapped and pulled into the rollers as they fed stalks into the mill or tried to untangle stalks from flywheels and gears. Read more about African-American inventor, Norbert Rillieux, here. (link to his biographical essay)
      Slaves also boiled the cane juice, ladling scum from the surface of the scalding liquid and then transferring it from kettle to kettle, reducing the syrup to crystals. Slaves routinely suffered burns during this process, often referred to as the "Jamaica Train," and the heat in the sugar houses was so intense that slaves were rotated out after four hours, their limbs swollen from the heat and humidity. Once the crystals formed, there was still heavy labor ahead. The harder the solid cakes of sugar were, the better the sugar quality, but the pieces had to broken up with shovels, picks and crowbars. Finally, sugar was shoveled into hogsheads (wooden barrels) and packed solidly before the barrel holes were plugged with a piece of sugarcane. The sugarcane plug helped to siphon out the remaining molasses from the sugar in the hogshead the molasses dripped onto a floor angled so it would drain into a trough or cistern. Then, the slaves would scoop molasses into barrels by hand. By the 1850s, the expected yield from each slave's labor was five hogsheads of sugar and 250 gallons of molasses.
     During harvest, slaves worked day and night, especially in the mills and sugarhouses, so that there would be no bottlenecks in production. Shifts lasted up to 18 hours. Sugar production paused only as slaves cleaned out fireboxes or other equipment. Although some planters provided extra food and drink during the harvest and others encouraged competitions to boost production, sugar production was the result of coercion. Slaves in the sugar fields and mills were controlled by both the threat and use of deadly force.

The Triangle Trade

"Shall we dance to the sound of the profitable pound in Molasses and Rum and Slaves?"

--Sherman Edwards, lyricist 1776

    Sugar stands at the center of the Triangle Trade it was the engine that drove the African Diaspora. Slaves of the Caribbean sugar plantations produced molasses that was transported to New England for distillation into rum that was shipped to Africa in exchange for the slaves who would endure the final leg of the triangle, the horrific Middle Passage to the sugar islands.
     The origins of the word "rum," may come from sugar via the Latin word for sugar, "saccharum." Although the Spanish and Portuguese probably began distilling alcoholic beverages on their sugar plantations at an early date, the British in Barbados were producing rum by 1627. They fermented a gallon and a half of sugar cane molasses with yeast to create a "wash" that was distilled into a gallon of rum. An acre of sugar cane generated enough molasses by-product during the sugar-refining process to produce an average of 200 gallons of rum. However, owners of sugar plantations considered distilling to be too wasteful of labor and wood, which could be better used towards producing "white gold," sugar. A sugar house inventory from Bristol, England, in 1690 indicates a hogshead of raw sugar to be worth about £11 and a cask of molasses to be worth £3.~Great Britain's North American colonies had struggled from Jamestown onward with profitability. Sugar processing in the colonial era required large quantities of wood, a resource scarce on the islands of the Caribbean but abundant in New England. New Englanders began to trade wood for sugar and molasses. Around 1700, sugar refineries were erected in Baltimore and New York (sugar refining would be New York City's most profitable industry 1870-1917). However, European refiners dominated the market, so the manufacturers of the Northeast looked at molasses, sugar's by-product, for greater opportunities. Specifically, they distilled molasses into rum.
     As early as 1664, the Dutch were distilling rum on Staten Island in New York Boston's first rum distillery is recorded as operating in 1667. By the 1700s, New England distilleries were producing millions of gallons of cheap rum to supply traders with rum that could be exchanged for slaves. Once the slave ships arrived in Africa, merchants could buy adults for 110-130 gallons of rum or children for about 80 gallons. Rum cost as little to produce as five and a half pence per gallon in 1746, a slave could be purchased for about £5 and auctioned in the West Indies for £30-80. Rhode Island alone dominated between 60-90 percent of the exchange rum trade with its Guinea Rum. Slave traders owned and operated 30 rum distilleries in Newport whose casks they loaded onto over 150 slave ships. It is estimated that the slave traders of the single city of Newport, Rhode Island, exchanged rum for over 106,000 Africans. Once brought to the islands, the enslaved would produce sugar, yielding molasses to distill into rum to exchange for more slaves, in a vicious cycle of profit.

Sugar Prices:

Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History of the British West Indies, 1623-1775

By Richard B. Sheridan
Muscovado
1721: 22/- per cwt
1724: 28/4
1725: 21/6
1726: 26/4
1728: 24/10
1730: 21/8

1733: 16/11
1734: 25/8
1735: 18/9
1736: 19/5
1737: 21/-
1739: 26/-
1740: 1740 – war with Spain

Official and London market values of
brown sugar imported into England and Wales
(five-years annual averages)

	Quantities	Official	Market	Official	Market
Years	imported	value	value	Per cwt	Per cwt
	(000 cwt)	(£000)	(£000)		London
1700-04	379.3	525.0	821.9	1.38	2.17
1706-10	419.1	551.2	735.3	1.32	1.75
1711-15	499.4	691.7	834.5	1.39	1.67
1716-20	615.6	903.4	882.3	1.47	1.43
1721-25	671.4	932.4	805.7	1.39	1.20
1726-30	866.8	1,200.0	1,054.6	1.38	1.22
1731-35	846.5	1,175.8	832.3	1.39	0.98
1736-40	790.1	1,097.1	977.8	1.39	1.24
1741-45	820.9	1,139.0	1,286.0	1.39	1.57
1746-50	857.3	1,232.6	1,464.6	1.44	1.71
1751-55	962.2	1,334.7	1,656.8	1.39	1.72
1756-60	1,330.6	1,508.3	2,650.1	1.13	1.99
1761-65	1,450.7	2,035.0	2,587.1	1.40	1.78
1766-70	1,517.3	2,163.8	2,762.8	1.43	1.82
1771-75	1,768.3	2,347.5	3,154.1	1.33	1.78

Elizabeth B. Schumpeter, English Overseas Trade Statistics 1697-1808
(Oxford, 1960), pp. 48-56. For London market prices sec Appendix V
above.

	s	d	£		s	d	£
1731	19	8.25	0.984	1754	35	8.75	1.786
1732	17	10	0.892	1755	35	8.75	1.786
1733	16	11.25	0.847
1734	25	8.5	1.285	1756	34	3.25	1.714
1735	18	9.5	0.940	1757	37	1	1.854
				1758	42	5.75	2.124
1736	19	5.5	0.973	1759	45	9	2.288
1737	24	9	1.238	1760	39	7.75	1.982
1738	21	7.75	1.082
1739	25	8.25	1.284	1761	36	4	1.817
1740	32	0.5	1.602	1762	40	8	2.033
				1763	32	6	1.625
1741	30	5	1.521	1764	30	9	1.538
1742	29	1	1.454	1765	38	1	1.904
1743	27	3.5	1.365
1744	30	7	1.529	1766	38	3.25	1.914
1745	39	11	1.996	1767	35	11	1.796
				1768	34	8	1.733
1746	39	5	1.971	1769	37	2.5	1.860
1747	42	9.5	2.140	1770	36	0	1.800
1748	31	7.75	1.582
1749	28	11.75	1.449	1771	36	10.75	1.845
1750	27	9.5	1.390	1772	36	0	1.800
				1773	36	6	1.825
1751	30	6	1.525	1774	35	7	1.779
1752	38	7.75	1.932	1775	34	0	1.700
1753	33	0	1.650

Price/cwt.

From Newspapers:
Musc Sugar:
8 May 79 26-36s               27 Nov 79 30-37
11 Mch 80 30-37/6            5 May 81 40s-60s
26 Jan 93 50-70              24 Aug 1794 40-65

The Slave Trade, Sugar, and British Economic Growth, 1748-1776 Author(s): David Richardson.

Table 2 Average Annual Gross Revenues from Sugar Shipments to Britain from the Caribbean, 1713-1775

	AVERAGE	SUGAR PRICE	CONSUMER
	GROSS PROCEEDS	INDEX	PRICE INDEX
	(£000 PER ANNUM)	(1713-16 base)	(1713-16 BASE)
1713-16	959.1	100	100
1721-25	805.6	72	94
1726-30	1049-3	74	98
1731-35	824.8	60	88
1736-40	965.1	75	91
1741-45	1209.5	95	93
I746-50	1479.9	103	93
1751-55	1675.1	105	90
1756-60	2652.1	120	101
1761-65	2617.2	108	98
1766-70	2952. I	110	104
1771-75	3234.8	108	114

SOURCES: Sugar imports: Elizabeth B. Schumpeter, English Overseas Trade Statistics 1697-1808 (Oxford, 1960), 52-56. Sugar prices: Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery, 496-497. Consumer prices: Brian R. Mitchell and Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge, I962), 468-4

20.5 Coffee

Coffee prices are part of Tooke’s “History of Prices” 1837:
Per cwt 1793-4 1798-9 1800-1
Jamaica Coffee: 77-95s 185-196s 116-130s

Sources imply that Jamaican coffee boomed until the early 1800’s and then declined to almost nothing by the 1850’s.

Labour Regimen on Jamaican Coffee Plantations during Slavery

Kathleen E.A. Monteith

Research in West Indian history over the last twenty years indicates that the character of Jamaican society and economy of the slave period and beyond was more diverse and complex than previously thought. These works attest not only to the heterogeneous nature of the economy but also to the complexity of relationships among the inhabitants of the island, and to the varied demographic characteristics which existed among free people and the enslaved. B.W. Higman’s work in particular addresses the diverse experiences of the slaves, given the range of different economic units on which they laboured, and the implications which this had for their health, fertility and mortality.1 The present chapter is a contribution to the further exploration of the diversity of the Jamaican economy and society by offering an analysis of the labour regimen of slaves who worked on coffee plantations. By labour regimen we mean the way in which slaves were allocated to various occupations, the nature of the tasks they were required to perform, and the seasonality of these tasks. While the organization of slave labour on coffee properties was similar to that on sugar-producing properties, it did not necessarily follow that the slave experience was the same. Differences in the way in which plantation crops were cultivated and processed for export resulted in significant differences in the experiences of the slaves who laboured on the plantations. These differences do not imply that slaves on coffee plantations were more humanely treated than those on sugar-producing properties.2 The evidence does indicate, however, that the labour regimen on coffee properties was less oppressive and demanding than that of sugar properties.3

Expansion of the Jamaican Coffee Industry

Coffee was cultivated and processed in Jamaica for export from as early as 1728. However, it was not until the 1790s, when favourable conditions of high prices and scarcity were created by the Saint Domingue (Haitian) revolution, that the Jamaican coffee industry underwent dramatic expansion. The number of properties rose from 150 in 1774, to 607 by 1792. By 1799 there were 686 properties.⁴ These properties could be found in every parish of the island. However, two distinct regions became predominantly coffee-producing areas: the eastern parishes of St Andrew, Port Royal and St George, and the western parishes of St Elizabeth and Manchester. A significant number of properties were also to be found in St Thomas-in-the-East, Clarendon, and St Thomas-in-the-Vale.⁵ Production and exports from these properties rose from just under 2 million pounds in 1790 to 11 million pounds in 1800. By 1806 exports approximated just under 30 million pounds, reaching just under 35 million pounds in 1814. Thereafter the industry experienced relative decline as a result of increasing competition in the international market from other suppliers, due mainly to changes in British fiscal policy with regard to imports from other producer countries. In 1830 exports stood at 23 million pounds, and declined further to just under 18 million pounds by 1834, and to 13 million pounds in 1838.⁶ In spite of this decline coffee remained the second most important export crop from Jamaica in this period, contributing more than 25 per cent of the total value of exports between contributing more than 25 per cent of the total value of exports between 1805 and 1830.

Labour Organization

A significant number of slaves was to be found on coffee properties in Jamaica in this period. In 1792 some 21,000 slaves laboured on coffee properties, and by 1799 this number had increased to 34,000. In 1832 some 45,000 slaves, representing 14.4 per cent of the total slave population, laboured on coffee properties.⁸ Slave labour on coffee plantations, like labour on other agricultural properties, was organized on the basis of certain principles which included age, gender, colour, birthplace and health. The field slaves were organized into gangs, and age was probably the most important criterion in the distribution of these slaves among the various gangs. This system was regarded as essential for good plantation management, as it ensured that slaves were assigned to work best suited to their strength and ability. Generally a three-gang system prevailed. The most able-bodied slaves were assigned to the first or great gang, while the second gang was generally composed of those adjudged to be “of rather weakly habits”, such as “mothers of suckling children, youths drafted from the children’s gang from twelve to eighteen years of age, and elderly people who were considered sufficiently strong for field work”. The third gang was usually composed of all healthy children between the ages of five and twelve years. All gangs were supervised by drivers.⁹

In cases where there were four gangs, as was the case at Maryland in St Andrew and Radnor in St David (now St Thomas), both large coffee properties in the Blue Mountains, “the distinction between the First and Second Gangs seemed to have been for supervisory and administrative purposes”. This was clearly evident at Radnor where, from time to time, the first gang was split to form a second gang. Hence at Maryland and Radnor the third gang was more likely composed of those slaves generally classified for the second gang, and the fourth gang, of those generally classified for the third gang.¹⁰

The number of gangs into which field slaves were organized on agricultural properties was determined by the size of the slave labour force. Slaves on sugar estates in Jamaica were generally divided into three, sometimes four gangs, as the average number of slaves on these properties was 223.¹¹ On holdings of ten slaves or fewer, drivers were rarely appointed, suggesting that the slave labour force was too small for division. On plantations containing over fifty slaves differentiation was encouraged.¹² A significant number of coffee plantations in Jamaica fell within this category, and so it was to be expected that a two-gang system existed on the vast majority of coffee properties in Jamaica.¹³ For example, at Retirement coffee plantation in Trelawny where there were 112 slaves, 87 worked in the fields. These slaves were organized into two gangs under the supervision of two drivers. The first gang comprised fifty-two adults, while thirty-five children made up the second gang. Other slaves included four masons, two carpenters, two sawyers, two can men, two coopers, five watchmen and three cattle boys. One slave was assigned to the fowl-house, and another to the hothouse. There remained one quadroon who was unclassified, suggesting that the basic principle governing colour and occupational allocation was also observed.¹⁴ On properties containing fewer than fifty slaves, where it was not profitable to withdraw slaves from actual field labour, the supervision was performed by the property owners themselves.¹⁵

Usually all the field slaves were black. Coloured slaves were usually assigned to domestic tasks, as they were considered the flower of the slave population”, although at Maryland, a twelve-year-old “sambo” had been put to the fields, more than likely as a form of punishment. At Maryland the skilled slaves or tradespeople, as they were sometimes called, were all coloured and male. Males incapable of field work tended the cattle or were made watchmen and given “light” duties such as basket making. The “weakly” women were assigned to look after the poultry.¹⁶

In the fields slaves were assigned tasks which they were required by the overseer to complete within a specified time. The slaves were first observed by the overseer for at least two days while at work in the fields. They were then “classed . . . weak and strong in pairs, the gang proceeding abreast, and by the overseer ascertaining by the numbers of coffee trees, the space they could clean in a day, he would fix the task always by adding a few more perches”.¹⁷ These tasks were measurable in terms of distance, area or volume.¹⁸ At Industry coffee plantation most of the work was done by task: weeding the fields, cultivating and picking the coffee, billing of the savannahs, and building stone walls.¹⁹ As fewer tasks on sugar estates were measurable, the system on those properties was restricted mainly to digging cane holes and planting cane.²⁰

The task system was fairly common in Jamaica and the rest of the British Caribbean by the early nineteenth century. Labour shortage was the main reason for this diffusion, although it was evident in both densely populated and marginal colonies. Planters believed that the system improved productivity and reduced the cost of supervision. A task was supposed to equal the amount of work which could be completed in one day.²¹ However, slaves given tasks usually completed them before the allotted time. At Radnor, on 30 January 1822, the slaves in the first gang were required to pick eighty bushels of coffee. This was completed at “around 11:00 a.m.M. The second gang completed their task at 12 noon.²² Kelly reported that he had seen slaves “quit the field, their tasks satisfactorily done an hour before the usual time of field work in the ordinary method”.²³

Seasonality of Activities

The range of activities performed on coffee plantations is best illustrated with reference to the Radnor Coffee Plantation Journal, which covers the period January 1822 to February 1826. In 1822 Radnor had a population of about 220 slaves. Although this large number was atypical of coffee properties in Jamaica, the daily activities recorded in the journal provide the best account available with which to analyse the seasonality and the organization of slave labour on a coffee plantation in Jamaica.²⁴

Once a plantation was established, the work performed was mainly that of harvesting the coffee from the trees, pruning and weeding. It also included the manufacturing process, which involved pulping, drying, peeling, winnowing and “picking” the beans before they were packaged for market. Most of these activities occurred on an annual cycle.

The Crop Season

The length and seasonal pattern of crop time varied considerably on different coffee plantations, largely as a result of the size of the coffee fields. In some instances it lasted for as little as six weeks, while on others for four months.²⁵ On most sugar estates the crop period lasted for six months.²⁶ At Radnor crop time lasted for approximately seven months. There coffee began to ripen in late November, with major ripening beginning in January. The season ended in mid-July when all the coffee had been harvested.²⁷

The activities of the field slaves during crop time involved harvesting the fruit, pulping it and drying it at the coffee works. For harvesting the coffee berries, each slave was given a basket. A hamper was also provided, into which the daily harvesting was emptied. The slaves were usually tasked to a certain quantity in proportion to the quantity upon the trees.28 Such was the case at Radnor in 1822, for the amount picked by individual slaves rose as the crop season progressed, only to fall in the last few weeks of harvest. For example, on 7 January, 73 slaves harvested a total of 17 bushels or 170 pounds of processed coffee. Thus the average per slave was 2.3 pounds. On 4 March, 72 slaves harvested a total of 86 bushels, equivalent to 860 pounds of processed

Slavery in the British West Indies, 1680-1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

Brathwaite Creole Society, Monteith, “The Coffee Industry”, 15-20, 30.

Monteith, “The Coffee Industry”, 32-34. In 1814 the parish of Manchester was created out of the parishes of St Elizabeth, Vere and Clarendon, so while St Ann and St Elizabeth initially contained numerous coffee properties in the 1790s, they eventually became minor producers.

Ibid., 206,214-35.

Higman, “Jamaican Coffee Plantations”, 75.

Brathwaite Creole Society, 147-48; Higman, Slave Population and Economy, 13,16; Monteith, “The Coffee Industry”, 15-23.

Thomas Roughlcy, The Jamaica Planter's Guide (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1823), 97-119, 103-10.

Ibid., 97-98; Higman, Slave Population and Economy, 198; Radnor Coffee Plantation Journal, January 1822-February 1826, manuscript 180, National Library of Jamaica, Kingston.

Higman, Slave Population and Economy, 161; Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 106.

Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 168-69.

Monteith, “The Coffee Industry”, 45-47.

Ibid., 103.

Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 168-69.

Higman, Slave Population and Economy, 198.

James Kelly, Jamaica in 1831 (Belfast: Wilson, 1838), 18-19. Perch is a measurement of length, especially for land. One perch = five and a half yds.

Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 179.

Kelly, Jamaica in 1831, 18..

Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 179.

Ibid., 179-80.

Radnor Journal, 30 January 1822.

Kelly, Jamaica in 1831, 19.

Radnor Journal, January 1822-Fcbruary 1826.

Higman, Slave Population and Economy, 23; Letter Book of John Wemyss, Hermitage Estate, 1819-1824, MS 250, National Library of Jamaica, Kingston

Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 183.

Radnor Journal, November-July 1824.

Select Committee on the Extinction of Slavery throughout the British Dominions with Minutes and Evidence (London: J. Haddon, 1833), 418.

Radnor Journal, January-July 1822.

Ibid.

Wemyss, Letter Book, 7 December 1819.

Higman, Slave Population and Economy, 231.

Ibid., 83.

Ibid., 202, 211.

Wemyss, Letter Book, 7 December 1819.

Ibid., 18 February 1822
Jamaica in Slavery and Freedom: History, Heritage and Culture

edited by Kathleen E. A. Monteith, Glen Richards

Coffee Costings, late 18^thC

The Slavery Reader, Volume 1, By Gad J. Heuman, 2003,

Extract from Simon Smith, “Sugar’s Poor Relation”
Coffee Planting in the British West Indies, 1720-1833.

P175-6
THE DOMINANCE OF SUGAR in Britain’s eighteenth-century West India trade has long been recognized by historians, just as it was appreciated by contemporaries who frequently referred to the colonies simply as the sugar islands. Monoculture was a feature of all European territories in the Caribbean during this period, but the preference for sugar was strongest in the British West Indies (BWI). In 1770 no less than 80 per cent of merchandise exports from the BWI consisted of sugar or the sugar-based products molasses and rum. In comparison, the share of sugar in the colony trade of France, Britain’s most important imperial rival, was only a little over one half.¹ The economic consequences of dependence on sugar has been a favourite subject of research in Caribbean studies. Of particular influence has been Eric Williams’ plantation economy model, which stresses the retarding effects of a prolonged exposure to export-orientated, large- scale plantation agriculture epitomized by the sugar estate. Williams observed that once sugar holdings attained a threshold size of approximately 1,000 acres (or between 240 and 250 slaves), the owners characteristically appointed a manager and retired to become absentee proprietors resident in Britain. The inclination of estate owners to return home, Williams stressed, not only transferred surpluses from the Caribbean to Great Britain, but also accentuated the tendency of the planter elite to look to Britain for social, cultural and political leadership. In consequence, Williams argued, a system of navigation laws and political institutions grew up around sugar which collectively served to reinforce British supremacy and West Indian dependency to the detriment of long-term development.

Though the market for sugar experienced fluctuation, typified by the so-called golden and silver ages of the 1640s and the late 1760s, growth in cane production was sustained over a long period of time by rising demand for sugar in the British home market.3 It must he emphasized, however, that while cane was the most lucrative staple during the decades after the 1640s, alternatives to sugar existed and slavery was never confined solely to sugar production.4 Indeed, the very strength of consumer demand for sugar also helped to raise up a potential rival and during the early eighteenth century coffee established itself in several European colonies as one of sugar’s most significant competitors for the use of slave labour. Experiments in coffee cultivation were undertaken in order to break the Mocha trade’s monopoly of supply. Dutch merchants were in the vanguard of the movement to globalize coffee production and introduced the crop into Java between 1696 and 1699. The effort met with a Favourable outcome when, in 1711, the first non-Arabian coffee shipments were auctioned in Amsterdam. Encouraged by this success, between 1713 and 1723 French and Dutch planters introduced coffee to St. Domingue, Surinam and Martinique, and within a short period of time Caribbean and Javanese coffees began beating Mocha supplies out of the European market.5 In view of these initiatives, it is striking that in the BWI coffee failed to pose a significant challenge to king sugar for most of the period of slavery. This failure was a key factor in the inability of the British colonies to create a more diversified export base and the limited progress of coffee, therefore, enhanced the influence of sugar on the form that slavery assumed. In this article, the difficulties of expanding coffee production in the BWI arc analysed in order to explain why more colonists did not emulate their French and Dutch counterparts by growing coffee.

Britain’s West India planters were not oblivious to the potential of coffee; indeed, the first trials took place at the same time as those carried out by Dutch and French pioneers, The earliest reference to coffee entering British colonial trade occurs in 1694, when it was included in a list of commodities imported into London from Jamaica.6 These beans were almost certainly a reshipment of a cargo originating elsewhere, but the fact they passed through the West Indies at all is indicative of an interest in the crop. The first documented experiments in coffee colonisation date from the early 1720s. Interestingly, they took place on Barbados: the colony where developments in cane cultivation and rum distilling were also pioneered. A treatise by the physician and botanist James Douglas published in 1727 noted that in 1720 the first coffee plants were carried to Barbados by a certain Captain Young, though whether they originated from Arabia, botanical gardens in Europe, or other islands in the Caribbean is not made clear. Douglas adds that several seedlings grown from these trees were sent back from Barbados to England, including shipments made by the Governor of the island destined for the gardens of George 1, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke of Chandos.' The Barbadian experiments assisted in the introduction of the coffee bush to England, where it could be studied by naturalists, but the island’s almost total commitment to sugar prevented the development of a coffee exporting capacity and the early plantings came to nothing. It was to be on Jamaica, where land not suited to sugar was available in greater abundance, that coffee gained a permanent foothold. Yet despite Jamaica's potential as a coffee producer, it was not until 1728 that Sir Nicholas Lewes raised the first seven plants on his Town well estate at Liguanea, in St. Andrew’s parish.8 Moreover, this experiment, like its Barbadian precursor, was also short-lived, Lewes dying in 1731 before the trees had even matured.

Coffee growing in the BWI failed to make lasting progress until private initiatives received state sponsorship. In the same year that Lewes died, a petition was raised by several Jamaican planters calling for the promotion of coffee. Cultivating coffee, the petition stated, was well suited to ‘the poorer sort of people, whose stocks and plantations are small’.9 This action was followed by a subscription campaign supported by 22 planters and merchants, which raised X.220.10s towards a lobbying fund aimed at securing an act of parliament to promote coffee growing. The Commons responded by establishing a committee to examine the matter, whose membership both a former and future governor of Jamaica as well as Martin Bladen, a prominent spokesman for the West India interest. Notwithstanding such....

P180:

Reviewing the course of coffee production in the BWI, it is evident that most of the growth in coffee planting over the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries occurred in distinct surges in response to tariffs, warfare, or revolution. As a result, the expansion of cultivation was largely unplanned and imperial policy tended, in consequence, to be primarily reactive in nature after 1732. The stimulus to the growth of output within the BWI provided by the Seven Years War and the Napoleonic Wars caused particular problems for Jamaican producers, illustrating how the expansion of coffee production within imperial boundaries could have divisive consequences. Policy inconsistencies go a long way towards explaining why coffee failed to become a viable long-run alternative to sugar in the BWI. Perhaps the most serious impediment to the creation of a large, sustainable coffee sector was the limited size of the British home market, itself largely a function of a tax regime which discriminated heavily in favour of coffee’s great caffeine-rich rival, tea. The British market was undermined further by the creation of free ports in Jamaica and Dominica in 1764 and 1766, which inadvertently enabled French colonial coffee producers to gain access to the British market by circumventing discriminatory tariffs. The Lieutenant Governor of Jamaica, John Dolling, reported to the Earl of Dartmouth, in April 1773 that ‘The French, under colour of bringing Indigo here, have, amongst other things, introduced large quantities of Coffee, which has reduced the price of that article so much, that it has alarmed the whole body of Coffee Planters.*2* Re-exports, in consequence, were a vital clement in the expansion of the colonial coffee trade because they permitted Caribbean coffee to compete with tea on a level playing held in Europe,'4 yet Britain’s navigation acts handicapped colonial producers in this market also. In 1764, coffee was placed on the list of enumerated goods, thereby compelling all coffee shipments to pass through British ports prior to re-export to their final destination. The measure served to aggravate a problem coffee growers were already facing, since even before the passage of the act coffee was usually consigned on ships carrying sugar and other enumerated produce headed for British ports. Both law and practice combined to ensure that coffee was despatched to Europe via the British mainland. The necessity of reshipment raised transport costs and prices reducing the quantity that could be profitably sold. While coffee laboured under these difficulties, without much compensation from the British fiscal regime, sugar producers enjoyed the exclusive benefits of rapidly increasing British home consumption and protection from competitive foreign producers. The home market monopoly held by sugar may itself have burdened coffee producers further. As a result of restrictions placed on supply stemming from the effective exclusion of foreign sugar producers, British sugar prices consistently exceeded those recorded in European markets, encouraging an extension of sugar production in the BWI. A natural consequence of this was the bidding up of the prices of all inputs into plantation agriculture in less than perfectly elastic supply used by the producers of other staples.²⁶

Naturally, not every policy measure adopted by the British government was detrimental to coffee. Indeed, several initiatives were mounted that attempted to improve prospects for the growers. In 1783, 1807 and again in 1825 tariffs levied on coffee entering the British home market were cut to boost colonial production. The benefits flowing from these favourable adjustments to the tax regime, however, were transitory and the measures themselves were adopted more to assist the industry in times of depression than as part of a long-term strategy to promote coffee as an alternative to sugar.²⁷ Coffee, therefore, provides a good example of the shackles of dependency outlined by Williams. The crop benefited from imperial regulation of colonial trade less than the dominant sugar staple, while the fortunes of coffee planters were consistently undermined by high taxation, market distortion, and territorial expansion which favoured stronger imperial interests. In order to reach a definitive assessment of how coffee planters fared in the BWI an estimate of the profitability of the crop is required. An accurate calculation of the profitability of coffee planting, however, is difficult to perform because no complete set of plantation accounts has survived. The official records of production, the accounts current, are also unhelpful in this context. These documents were compiled by the managers of the properties of deceased planters and the small numbers of absentee coffee planters; though they provide a reasonable account of revenue earned, they are deficient in their reporting of costs incurred.28 Nonetheless, it is possible to draw some conclusions about the circumstances of coffee planters within the BWI by analysing two sets of accounts prepared by contemporaries with first-hand knowledge of agricultural conditions. The first account refers to conditions in Dominica, c. 1772, and was compiled by the planter Joseph Senhouse for his personal use; the second relates to Jamaica and was published by Bryan Edwards in 1793. Details of each set of accounts are displayed in Table 10.1*

Neither Senhouse’s nor Edwards’ account by itself is comprehensive or ideal: the Dominican estimate contains no allowance for the repair of mill equipment, while the Jamaican account does not state the cost of forest clearance. Moreover, neither set of costs allows for slave mortality or general depreciation. Nevertheless, a comparison of the two documents is a useful exercise, despite these limitations. Each plantation covered approximately 300 acres, but the Jamaican unit was far more extensively cultivated with half of all available land planted in coffee, whereas the Dominican property had just 20 per cent of its acreage in crop.*1 This is a most significant difference, for without recourse to fertilizer the planting of a large proportion of the total area in coffee limited the scope for shifting cultivation and could, therefore, be expected to reduce a plantation's working life. The cultivation strategy suggested by Edwards is also out of line with the limited amount of material available documenting farming techniques on the larger Jamaican properties. A small sample of plantation surveys collected by Higman spanning the period 1780 to I860, coupled with a general report of coffee acreage compiled in 1799, suggests that only between 12 and 14 per cent of the area of properties were normally planted in coffee. The assumption that coffee, like sugar, was grown on only a limited portion of the plantation may* however, need to be reviewed, since knowledge of practices on the majority of small plantations is limited. By way of comparison, it is notable that the 158 coffee monoculture properties recorded in a 1772 survey of Grenada had 58.2 per cent of their acreage planted in coffee, while the 23 largest properties over 200 acres also had no less than 45.7 per cent of land under coffee.*2 A strategy of boosting early plantation income in return for a shorter operating life would make sense if planters expected the booms that occurred in coffee prices during the early 1770s, and during the years following

Table 10.1 Comparative estimates of costs and revenues on coffee plantations in Dominica and Jamaica

Dominica, c. 1772 Jamaica, c. 1793

(A) FIXED COSTS 293 acres woodland (A) FIXED COSTS

(surveyed and fees paid) 985 300 acres mountain land 643

10 acres cleared & planted in coffee 121 100 slaves 5000

cost of clearing 50 acres using hired 20 mules 400

cutters. 303 buildings, processing

53 slaves (50 field hands, 2 equipment, and tools 1429

carpenters, 1 mason) 1388 provisions for full year before

provisions for a full year before slave grounds established 357

buildings, barbecues and tools 363 Total 7829

Total 4294

B ANNUAL EXPENSES ANNUAL EXPENSES

managerial salary 61 overseer’s salary 143

provisions end incidental expenses 91 assistant overseer’s salary 50

tools and clothing for slaves 21 medical costs 18

quit rents 8^bprovisions, clothes f slaves 143

medical costs 6^bmill repairs 71

Total 187 sacks and saddles 57

taxation 71

Total 553

(C) ANNUAL REVENUE (after 5 years) (C) ANNUAL REVENUE (after 5 years)

50,000 lb coffee at an average of 112,000 lb coffee at £2.86 per cwt

£ 1.82 per cwt (of 100 lb) 910 (of 100 lb) 3203

higher annual provisioning and medical hills, plus the employment of an additional overseer. Moreover, according to Edwards, the Jamaican estimates refer to a mountainous property situated 14 miles from the sea requiring the use of mules for transportation. The Dominican property was, in contrast, situated upon Canary Bay in the parish of St David’s and its proximity to the point of shipment and the possibility of moving coffee by water resulted in much lower transportation costs, advantages which are reflected by the higher land prices cited in comparison with the crippling of St Domingue’s capacity, to be temporary in nature. Intensive land use on Jamaican plantations would also help explain why damage from flood erosion early in the nineteenth century was so serious that many planters were unable to recover³³. The cost schedules in Table 10.1 differ markedly from one another in other respects. Since the Jamaican plantation purchased nearly double the number of slaves as the Dominican, its accounts record higher set-up costs as well as higher annual provisioning and medical bills, plus the employment of an additional overseer. Moreover, according to Edwards, the Jamaican estimates refer to a mountainous property situated 14 miles from the sea requiring the use of mules for transportation. The Dominican property was, in contrast, situated upon Canary Bay in the parish of St David’s and its proximity to the point of shipment and the possibility of moving coffee by water resulted in much lower transportation costs, advantages which are reflected by the higher land prices cited in comparison with Edwards’ estimate. Most striking of all the differences, however, is that of the prices of slaves on the two colonies: Jamaican slave prices in 1793 averaged £50, whereas Dominican slave prices in 1773 averaged only £26.2. This is a highly significant differential, even allowing for the rise in the general price level between the two dates in the order of 15 to 20 per cent suggested by English and North American price indexes³⁴. Allowing for differences in scale and situation, and harmonizing the tax levels, the annual running costs appear to have remained roughly constant between 1772 and 1793, but the Jamaican fixed costs are much higher owing to the hike in slave prices.

Edwards and Senhouse set out very different methods of establishing a new plantation. In Edwards’ estimate the planter expends the full fixed outlay immediately and also assumes all the running costs in the first year. Returns appear only after four years of cultivation, when the 150 acres are predicted to yield 45,000 lb, before reaching full production of 112,000 lb in the fifth year.³⁵ Senhouse’s account spreads the set-up costs over a lengthier time period.
Only the carpenters and a mason, plus 20 additional slaves, arc purchased in the first year, followed by further purchases of 10 slaves in each of the three succeeding years. Had it not been for the ten acres of coffee land already cleared and in production that Senhouse was able to purchase at the same time as the rest of the property, it is likely that even fewer slaves would have been acquired in the first year. The plantation journal records the hire of three woodcutters who carried out land clearance at an average rate of £.5.5 sterling per acre. The existence of the plot already in cultivation explains the projected crops of 2,000 lb in the first year and 5,000 lb in the second. Expected output thereafter rises to 20,000 lb in the third, 40,000 lb in the fourth, and 50,000 lb in the fifth year, when full capacity is attained. In Senhouse’s example, payments for land are also spread out over a five-year period, with a deposit of 20 per cent followed by two annual instalments each of 10 per cent and three annual instalments of 20 per cent.³⁶ Although the task of setting up plantations on Dominica, therefore, appears to have been an easier business than in Jamaica 20 years later, the effort expended in clearing land and resources required to tide the plantation over before the appearance of the first crop remained considerable. High set up costs explain the differences between the valuations of a fully established Jamaican plantations and these estimates.

An inventory of the estate of William Haldane of Westmoreland drawn up in 1812, for example, valued the plantation’s 100 acres of coffee of different ages at £3,047 (currency), compared with values of £2,711 for 527 acres of pasture and woodland, £1,000 for the mill buildings and barbecues, and £5,775 for the slaves. Though a much smaller unit, the inventory of Robert Dalhouse, in 1815, valued the plantation’s 16 acres of coffee land at £210, the 188 acres of provision grounds and woodland at £734, the coffee works at £100, and the slaves at £2,700.17 The ratio of land values to total sunk capital in these inventories, of between 25 and 45 per cent, is much closer to the 33 per cent suggested by Senhouse than it is to the eight per cent in Edwards’ schedule, indicating how forest clearance and the planting of coffee led to strong appreciation in the value of agricultural land.¹⁸

The revenue estimates presented in each account appear to have been Founded on a solid basis at the time they were written, but the assumptions written into the accounts regarding the future were to prove less realistic. Edwards’ account has each slave tending 1.5 acres with an average yield of 747 lb per acre, whereas Senhouse’s slaves cared for 1.2 acres with an average yield of 833 lb per acre. These figures are consistent with other sources detailing cultivation practices elsewhere in the Caribbean. In Essequibo-Demerara, for example, the normal ratio on coffee plantations at the beginning of the nineteenth century was two slaves for every three acres, while an early promotional tract written c. 1730 stated generally that ‘after the land is cleared and planted, six or eight Negroes, who are incapable of any labourious Employment, are sufficient to manage ten or twelve Acres, and to raise Provisions sufficient for their own subsistence’.³⁹ Coffee was, therefore, a crop that featured a land and labour ratio similar to sugar and tobacco. If coffee could not quite match sugar’s conventional formula of one slave per acre (or even three slaves to two acres in some areas), its land labour ratio was comparable with the one or two slaves per acre characteristic of tobacco planting. In consequence, the density of labour on the parts of a plantation planted in coffee was high relative to cotton or rice.⁴⁰ Dominica’s higher yield per acre undoubtedly reflected the fact that it was feasible to plant trees closer together, since the plantation was situated on lower lying ground, a circumstance which reduced the risk of erosion. If Senhouse had planted trees at seven feet intervals it would have resulted in 888 bushes per acre, whereas Edwards’ account states that coffee was planted at eight feet intervals, giving 680 trees per acre. The amount of coffee a tree could bear depended primarily on the fertility of the soil and amount of shade given it. A coffee bush might quite easily he made to yield 6 or even 8 lb in an average season, hut such a yield would quickly deplete soil nutrients unless fertilizer was applied. In the eighteenth-century Caribbean, fertilizer was usually only applied at the time of planting seedlings and supplies were largely restricted to animal dung, though coffee husks and soil deposits washed down hillsides and trapped in specially planted hedges and trees called ‘pois-doux’ in Dominica were also employed to replace nutrients.⁴¹ Spreading fertilizer was considered too labour intensive and planters preferred to adopt extensive methods of cultivation, whereby smaller yields were compensated for by planting more seedlings. Shade-giving trees were planted in between the coffee rows and plantations established at attitude to make use of cloud cover in order to bring crop production into equilibrium with available soil nutrients. A yield of between 1lb and 1lb 8oz was, in consequence, the norm in most coffee regions.

Turning to consider the revenue side of the accounts, it is not clear whether the prices realized for coffee in the two accounts are net of all charges, but they seem low enough to be treated as farm prices.⁴² In deciding whether their respective enterprises were viable, Senhouse and Edwards took into account two considerations: the number of years before each project would show a return on the initial investment and the annual rate of return, once the plantation had attained full capacity, relative to the capital ‘sunk’ into the project at its outset. Senhouse envisaged that his Dominican plantation would show a return on investment alter ten years, while Edwards envisaged that the Jamaican concern would move into profit after just seven years. The data sets also predict that on attaining maturity the properties would cam a return on capital of 17.0 per cent and $3.9 per cent respectively for Dominica and Jamaica, where profit is defined as revenue minus costs expressed as a rote of return on fixed capital invested, Edwards made an allowance of expenses and interest on capital foregone during the three years prior to the first crop, which reduces the expected Jamaican rate of return to 24.7 per cent. Senhouse and Edwards, as well as other contemporary commentators, also used the projected earnings per slave, or per acre, as a guide to the attractiveness of the investments. The Dominica plantation was expected to yield a net revenue of £.13.6 per slave and 112.1 per acre planted in coffee; the Jamaica plantation 126.5 per slave and 117.7 per cultivated acre. These estimates of potential returns may be compared with both contemporary and modem accounts. Moseley noted that the net profits earned planting coffee in Jamaica, c. 1785, lay between 110 and 112 per acre, whereas Higman reports that in 1832 the coffee monoculture listed in the accounts produce earned 119.2 currency (113.7 sterling) per slave.

According to the estimates, coffee cultivation was a very attractive investment during the 1770s and 1790s, particularly on Jamaica. The methodology of assessment adopted by Senhouse and Edwards, however, was Hawed. To put the projected rates of return of 17 per cent and 24.7 per cent in context it should he noted that estimates of the profits earned on sugar estates in Jamaica and the ceded islands, calculated by Ward from a small sample of surviving accounts, averaged only 7.6 per cent and 11.4 per cent respectively between 1750 and 1832. Moreover, out of the 54 estates in Ward’s sample there is only one instance of a property generating a rate of return in excess of 20 per cent.4* In appraising an investment, modem accounting practice compares the discounted How of costs and benefits over the whole life of a project in order to calculate the present value of the investment and the expected returns. Two measures are routinely calculated: the cost benefit ratio and the net-present worth, defined as follows:

In the above formulae, Rⁿ is revenue each year, Co cost each year, n the number of years the plantation operates, and i the interest or discount rate. In applying these formulae, important decisions must be taken concerning the life-span of the project and the appropriate discount rate. Once the ground was cleared and planted in coffee, a well-tended coffee tree was capable of yielding a commercial crop for up to 30 years. A plantation could, therefore, in theory be expected to have a long working life, provided that the mill equipment was regularly maintained and the slave labour force remained in good health. In view of this, the investment and returns set out by Senhouse and Edwards were discounted over a 25-year period.⁴⁴ Fixing the rate with which to discount revenues and costs is the next problem. During the later eighteenth century, the peacetime rate of return on secure, real estate mortgages in England averaged approximately 4.5 per cent. The average return from holding the almost risk-less government consols was 3.5 per cent. These rates are of relevance in discounting the social value of an investment return, but are too low for use in appraising a project financed for private gain where the risks are greater. A guide to business interest rates is provided by both the legal ceiling of six per cent that prevailed throughout British Colonial America and the.....

* The 10 acre plot purchased above included a dwelling house, a store and an unspecified number of slave houses, thereby reducing the value of this item of expenditure. b This item is based (on details of expenditure recorded in the plantation journal.

20.6 PIMENTO. – Robert Renny – 1807 SECTION VIII.

Pimento, or allspice, is one of the most elegant productions in nature, rivalling the most valuable spices of the east, and containing, as it were, the flavour and properties of many of them together, while, at the same time, it forms, (as its popular name denotes) an useful and admirable substitute for them all. The pimento-trees grow spontaneously, and in great abundance in many parts of the island, but especially in the hilly regions of the north, where they form the most delightful groves which the imagination of a poet could conceive, filling the air with fragrance, and wafting the most delicious perfumes in the gale.

The pimento-tree is purely a child of nature, and seems to mock all the labours of man, in his endeavours to extend and improve its growth; not; one attempt in fifty to propagate the young plants, or to raise them from the seeds, in parts of the country where it is found growing spontaneously, having succeeded. The usual method of forming a new pimento plantation (or Walk) is nothing more, than to appropriate a piece of land in the neighbourhood of a plantation already existing, or in a country where the scattered trees are found in a native state, the woods of which being cut down; the trees are suffered to remain on the ground, till they become rotten and perish. In the course of twelve months, after the first season, abundance of young pimento plants will be found growing vigorously in all parts of the land, being probably produced from ripe berries, scattered by the birds, while the fallen trees afford them shelter and shade. At the end of two years, it will be proper to give did land thorough cleansing, leaving such only of the pimento-trees as have a good appearance. In this manner, delightful groves will soon be formed, which, except during the first four or five years, will require very little attention.

There is not, perhaps in the whole vegetable creation, a tree of greater beauty than the young pimento. The trunk, which is of a grey colour, smooth and shining, and altogether destitute of bark, rises to the bright of fifteen or twenty feet. It then branches out on ail sides, being luxuriantly clothed with leaves of a deep green, somewhat like those of the bay tree; and these leaves are, in the months of July and August, beautifully contrasted and relieved by an exuberance of white flowers. The leaves are equally fragrant with the fruit, and yield by distillation a delicate odoriferous oil, which is said to be sometimes sold in the apothecaries’ shops for oil of cloves.

Soon after the trees are in blossom, the berries become fit for gathering. The fruit must not be allowed to remain long on the tree, as the pulp in that case, becomes, moist and glutinous, and is, with difficulty cured; and when dry, it becomes black and tasteless. It is impossible, however, to prevent some of the ripe berries from mixing with due rest; and when the proportion of them is considerable, the price of the commodity is necessarily lessened.

This fruit is gathered by the hand; and one labourer on the tree, employed in gathering the small branches, will give employment to three below (who are generally women and children) in picking. the berries); and an industrious picker will fill a bag capable of holding twenty pounds weight in a day. The fruit is then spread on a terrace, and exposed to the sun for about seven days, during which time, it loses its green colour, and becomes of a reddish brown; and when perfectly dry, it is fit for the market.

The returns from a pimento-walk, in a favourable season, are prodigious, A single tree has been known to yield one hundred and fifty pounds of the raw fruit, which is one hundred, weight of the dried spice, there being commonly a loss in weight of one third in curing; but pimento, like many others of the minor productions of the new world, is exceedingly uncertain; and, perhaps a very plenteous crop occurs but once in five years. But this is also less cultivated now than formerly; the planter finding it more advantageous to turn his attention to the cultivation of sugar, for which purpose, many beautiful pimento-walks have been cut down.

Thus a concise account has been given of the appearances, nature, growth, and manufacture of those natural productions of Jamaica, which are at present the staple articles of her commerce; which, for more than a century, have been the chief sources of her opulence; which have enriched the mother country, and raised the inhabitants to an unexampled height of, colonial prosperity. We shall now therefore turn our attention to the situation, treatment, manners, and disposition of the Negroes, and shall offer a few observations on the propriety of a gradual melioration of their condition;—a subject of the utmost importance to the security of the white inhabitants, the interest of the planter, the prosperity of the island, and the wealth and honour of the mother country.

20.6.1 Cost

Bryan Edwards gave a figure of 7d/lb in about 1795,
Production in bags of 1 cwt.
This had fallen to about 2½ to 3d per lb in London in 1842.

20.7 Indigo Crop

20.7.1 Long on Indigo, V1 P415

.... The art of making indigo has been in great measure lost to the island for several years. There were formerly upwards of seventy gentlemen’s carriages kept in the little parish of Vere, the vast profits of their indigo-works enabled them to live in such splendour; and that part of the country, for its number of houses and inhabitants, on both sides the Rio Minho, resembled a populous town. But an injudicious duty, imposed and too long continued by parliament, ruined and extirpated the manufacture; and the desolation of that fatal act is to be traced at this very day in the ruins of once crowded houses, and these and scattered inhabitants now to be found there. When the parliament found their error, it was not too late to have revived the manufacture in this island; it was in truth nothing more than justice, that, after ruining so capital a branch of produce, and so many industrious families, the mistake should have been repaired, with circumstances particularly favourable to that island, by granting a bounty for a certain term of years upon all indigo grown, upon, and imported from, Jamaica. Instead of this, the parliament were hurried into a worse error, by encouraging the importation of this article from any place whatsoever indiscriminately, and in foreign bottoms, as well as British....

An historical and chronological deduction of the origin of commerce: from ... By Adam Anderson, p267, against date 1747

The planters in the English sugar colonies, in the infancy of those plantations, had cultivated considerable quantities of indigo, as being always a great merchantable commodity, whereby their mother-country was then well supplied therewith. Some authors have related, that in the island of Jamaica, indigo was produced in such abundance, especially in the parish of Vere, that three hundred coaches have been seen at that parish church on Sundays. But a tax of three shillings and six-pence per pound-weight, being by the legislature laid on indigo, the planters of Jamaica dropped the cultivation thereof entirely; and although the Parliament afterwards repealed that duty, yet a manufacture once lost, is not easily regained, more especially in a country so expensive as Jamaica is. Yet what that people were not willing or able to effect, has at length been brought to bear by the industrious planters of Carolina, greatly to their honour, and, we hope, to their future great benefit.

In succeeding times, the other West India Islands found, that the planting of the sugar- cane was beyond all other things the most gainful; and therefore they also gradually dropped the cultivation of indigo. Nevertheless, the French islands in the neighbourhood of ours, instead of following that example, went on with annually increasing their quantity of indigo; so that, excepting what comes from the East Indies, and some which Spain imports from her American colonies, France, till about this time, supplied the greatest part of Europe with it from their West India Islands; and Britain and Ireland alone have been, by common estimation, reckoned to have paid to France about two hundred thousand pounds annually for indigo. This would probably have been the case still, had not the people of both North and South Carolina made this year a successful attempt to propagate the growth of indigo in that.....

It appears that a tax of 1/9¼ on indigo was in place by 1711 (Journals of the House of Commons, Volume 17, 18 Feb p 93), when a debate about the applicability of this duty to prize goods was held.

This was referred to as a tax on foreign indigo of 18d/lb in 1720 (British History online).

The Political Economy of Indigo in India, 1580-1930: A Global Perspective

By Ghulam A. Nadri
By 1672, there were about sixty indigo manufactories in Middlesex County (Jamaica) alone producing some 50,000 pounds a year.²⁸ In 1687-88 and 1688-89, Jamaica exported to England 110,116 pounds and 132,704 pounds of indigo, respectively.²⁹ Exports increased in the following decade. During 1698-99 and 1699-1700, average annual exports exceeded 202,600 pounds. Over the next three decades, Jamaica’s average annual exports of indigo to Britain exceeded 166,600 pounds (Table 4.2).30 In addition to its own production, Jamaica also exported large quantities of indigo that it obtained from Spanish and French colonies in exchange for slaves and clothes. Exports of Spanish indigo to England were fairly large between 1721 and 1725, when average annual exports exceeded 250,000 pounds. In the 1730s, exports from Jamaica of both its locally

TABLE 4.2 Ten-yearly average annual imports (in lb.) of American indigo into Great Britain, 1701-1780

Year Jamaica Carolina Total

1701-10 194,563 — 242,274

1711-20 136,656 — 307,721

1721-30 168,614 — 551,203

1731-40 39,047 6,908 331,692

1741-50 94,395 63,157 691,145

1751-60 63,443 307,179 912,913

1761-70 46,084 453,153 1,392,985

1771-80 113,164 882,279 1,132,156

SOURCE: NA, KEW, CUST/3/S-80, CUSTOMS RECORDS FOR 1701-1780.

INDIGO IN CAROLINA, 1671-1796 G. TERRY SHARRER

British and colonial bounties ostensibly determined the beginning and end of the indigo industry in South Carolina and Georgia during the eighteenth century. So say Gray, Shannon, Faulkner, Fite and Reese and others as well. Virtually all economic and other history texts repeat the theme. In fact, bounties played only a minor and indecisive role in the indigo industry from the planters viewpoint. Most especially, Parliament’s bounty on imperial indigo, lasting from 1748 to 1777, did little to stimulate the industry in one direction or another. The British government did, however, determine the life span of the American indigo industry through other trade war policies against the Spanish, the Dutch, the French, and eventually the Americans.

In 1655, the British captured Jamaica from Spain and thus acquired their first indigo plantations in America. Then, in the Navigation Act of 1660 Parliament specified, in part, that producers of certain enumerated goods, including indigo, could export those goods only to England and her possessions. This act, and to a large extent all the Navigation Acts, also deprived all hostile nations of British imperial products and trade. For the colonial planters, however, the enumeration clause assured them of a market, even though it limited that market to the British empire. In 1670, Parliament levied a 3s/6d export duty on Jamaican indigo in order to force the island planters into sugar cultivation. This tariff had the desired effect, for planters had to and did shift to sugar production.

In the same year that Parliament levied the Jamaican indigo tariff, Joseph West and a party of settlers arrived in Carolina. In the summer of the following year, a colonist, Maurice Mathews, reported some

• Mr. Sharrer is a member of the staff of the Smithsonian Institution.

1 Lewis Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860 (Gloucester, Massachusetts: 1958), I, 292; Fred A. Shannon, Economic History of the People of the United States (New York: 1934), 67; Harold U. Faulkner, American Economic History, (New York: 1954), Seventh Edition, 68; Gilbert C. Fite and Jim E. Reese An Economic History of the United States (Boston: 1965), Second edition, 41.

2 George L. Beer, The, Old Colonial System, 1660-1754 (New York: 1912), I, 82-83; Daniel Alden, “Growth and Decline of Indigo Production in Colonial Brazil: A Study in Comparative Economic History," Journal of Economic History, XXXV (March 196
https://www.jstor.org/stable/27567037?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

1670 tax change in Jamaica to encourage sugar, and move indigo to the

Carolinas, when a duty of 3/6 per lb was levied, but as indigo was raising about 10/- per lb, this was supportable.

The English gained their first indigo-producing colony in this part of the world in 1655 when they captured Jamaica.11 However, it is unclear how important New World indigo was in the worldwide indigo market, as prices fluctuated and so did production numbers. By 1740 sugar had replaced indigo as the main crop of Jamaica, but, on the other hand, this was also the beginning of the indigo boom in South Carolina.

The Processing of Indigo

Typically seeds were sown in March. By June the plants were three to four feet high, setting flower buds, and ready to harvest. Branches were cut at the base and hauled away for processing. New growth would emerge from the roots, providing a second and sometimes third harvest if the weather was ideal.
The first step after harvest was to submerge the branches in a vat full of water known as the steeper. In eighteen to twenty-four hours the plants would ferment. At this point the liquid was drawn off into a second vat known as the beater, where liquid was "beaten" by stirring or paddling in order to introduce oxygen into the mix. After a couple of hours the liquid would turn green and then blue. At this stage some planters added limewater to the mix to speed up the process, but many planters thought doing so resulted in inferior indigo.
With continued agitation, a chemical in the liquid known as indican would precipitate and settle to the bottom of the vat. When enough sediment had accumulated, the liquid was drawn off into a third vat to settle further. The sediment in the beater vat, known as "indigo mud," had a pudding-like consistency it was scooped out and hung in cloth bags to drain. The next day the mud was removed and pressed into brick-sized moulds. Once dry, the indigo was removed from the moulds and cut into one-and-a-half-inch squares and packed for export.
The noxious stench associated with processing indigo is well documented. The fermenting liquid smelled so foul that processing facilities were always located well away from dwellings. Long-term exposure to the vapours given off by fermentation, oxygenation, and precipitation, as well as the presence of disease-carrying insects, may explain why the life span for slaves involved with indigo processing has been reported to have been a mere five to seven years.
http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-3509

1189. The indigo cultivated in the West Indies is the same species as that grown in the East Indies and other places (Inigofera tinctoria), though there are various species and varieties which afford a similar die. Indigo thrives best in a free rich soil, and a warm situation, frequently refreshed with moisture. Having first chosen a proper piece of ground, and cleared it, hoe it into little trenches, not above two inches or two inches and a half in depth, depth, not more than fourteen or fifteen inches asunder. In the bottom of these, at any season of the year, strew the seed pretty thick, an immediately cover them. As the plants shoot, they should be frequently weeded, and kept constantly clean, until they spread sufficiently to cover the ground. Those who cultivate great quantities, only strew the seeds pretty thick in shallow pits, hoed up irregularly, but generally within four, five or six inches of one another, and covered as before. Plants raised in this manner are observed to answer as well, or rather better than the others but they require more care in the weeding. Thy grow to full perfection in two or three months, and are observed to answer best when cut in full blossom. The plants are cut with reaping hooks, a few inches above the root, tied in loads, carried to the works, and laid by strata in the steeper. Seventeen negroes are sufficient to manage twenty acres of indigo and one acre of rich land, well planted, will, with good seasons and proper management, yield five hundred pounds of indigo in twelve months, for the plant ratoons (stools, stoles or tillers ie it sends out stolones, or new growths), and gives four of five crops a year but must be re-planted afterwards (Browne).
(An encyclopaedia of Agriculture, 1825.)

Browne, pps 12 & 301 ff.

Browne P12:

(c) When a person considers what industry is capable of producing in those parts of the world, he will think it indeed surprising that any man should be allowed to keep waste or uncultivated lands. I have been informed by a gentleman who carried on an indigo work for many years, that twenty five acres of good land in a reasonable place, well cultivated with indigo, and rightly managed, will produce above one thousand pounds per annum currency; and yet twenty Negroes is more than sufficient to cultivate, and manufacture the produce of that quantity of land. Coffee is not quite so profitable, but more certain and less expensive and 100 acres of tolerable good land, cultivated with this plant, will hardly fail of producing near 1400 pounds currency a year. What man of sense would not then rather buy provisions than employ his land that way, when his limits are confined?

The Early Modern Period

Extracts from a paper by Kate Long dated 2008, from an internet source.

From the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean and Back

Indigo dye paste entered long distance trade well before the Early Modern period. However, limited production and high demand in India and the Islamic empires meant that only small quantities reached Europe before 1500. Furthermore, due to transportation costs, only the wealthiest Europeans could afford this versatile dyestuff. Early expansion of European sea powers into Asia enabled a new network of indigo trade to develop. The appearance of indigo dyed cotton textiles in Europe created a boom in demand. Labour on indigo plantations was harnessed through slavery and debt peonage. Credit structures elevated the status of some and bound others to poverty. A combination of merchant access to labour, capital, and markets led to a restructuring of the relationship between humans and indigo. By the end of the nineteenth century, efforts to enforce cultivation of indigo led to greater involvement of state power in the Indian market, and greater influence of the nation-state in the lives of its citizens.

Atlantic Ocean Trade: Indigo, Slavery, and Revolutions

Starting in the mid sixteenth century, the story of indigo becomes inextricably entwined with slavery and capital. Motivated by an expanding market for indigo as dyers sought (often illegally) to take advantage of the dye’s versatility over woad, merchant capital was increasingly invested into a reorganized production process. Indigo cultivation, like sugar, requires an intensive use of labour as well as investment in equipment. In order to increase production levels, plantation systems were introduced and labour was coerced. Hence, despite high transport costs, American grown indigo was still able to undercut the price of woad grown in Europe as well as indigo imported from India. Trade in indigo became so profitable that indigo itself became a vehicle for credit. It financed great plantation wealth, but, ultimately, it also financed revolutions.

The British in the Atlantic Indigo Trade

Indigo served as a pioneering plantation crop in British colonial territories of the New World. Small planters would start with indigo and a slave or two. Then, by annually clearing a few more acres and buying a few more slaves the planter would eventually have enough labour and land to convert to more lucrative sugar production.[26] When the British captured Jamaica in 1655 indigo had been minor crop, but by 1672 there were 60 indigo works exporting 50,000 lbs year.[27] However, to encourage sugar production, Parliament established a stiff export tariff on indigo, and indigo production in the British Isles declined. Afterwards, British merchants along the Windward Isles trade route picked up contraband indigo from coloured planters on the southern coast of Haiti. This contributed, ultimately, to the Haitian Revolution.

Indigo was also a pioneering crop in British South Carolina. Whereas the low swampy areas were ideal for rice cultivation, the higher, sandier areas were ideal for indigo. As rice and indigo required labour at different seasons, farmers could keep their slaves occupied year round. Smaller, inland farmers were able to earn money from supplementing their subsistence crops with indigo. Thus, slavery followed indigo and spread into the interior of South Carolina. From 1750 to 1775 indigo crops brought great wealth to South Carolina planters. On the eve of the American Revolution the area was exporting 1.1 million pounds per year.[28] However, after independence the British lost access to the market. With the loss of direct access to indigo in the Americas, the British shifted their attention back to India.

The reasons for shifts between production areas were as much political as economic. When plantations in the West Indies combined slave labour with improvements upon the traditional Indian indigo production processes, they were able to draw trade away from India. Trade see-sawed back after revolutions disrupted access to supplies and the British developed methods to reduce labour costs on plantations in India. Although the Revolutions in the Americas reduced the dependence of indigo production on slavery, labour continued to be coerced and land co-opted. However, just as slavery followed indigo into South Carolina, revolution followed indigo into Bengal.

Another book, The Capital and the Colonies, London and the Atlantic Economy has a small section on the dye trades:
Indigo, which yielded a fast blue dye, originated in Asia and was imported into London by the East India Company. The West Indies offered appropriate growing conditions and English settlers began to experiment with the crop in the 1630s. Capital needs were fairly modest a few hundred pounds and returns were quick so that indigo fast took hold and, as supplies increased, the price fell from 5 shillings per pound in the 1620s to around 2 shillings per pound in the 1670s, at which price the East India Company reduced their imports. However, as sugar established itself as the leading West Indian staple, indigo was increasingly neglected in the smaller islands, and by 1602, the Committee for Trade and Plantations reported that Jamaica supplied 70 per cent of England’s indigo imports, and by 1700 the island provided 92 per cent of London’s imports valued at £10,370.

Logwood, which provided black, red, and rust colours, grew in the low-lying marshy ground along the coast of Yucatan and Campeche and, despite fetching £100 per ton in the early seventeenth century, it was neglected by Spanish colonists. However, Jamaican vessels began frequenting the logwood coasts in the early 1660s, landing and cutting a full lading of wood which they took back to Port Royal and sold to merchants for shipment to Europe.181 By the 1670s there were permanent settlements of logwood cutters, which attracted men such as William Dampier ...

20.8 COTTON

20.8.1 Sloane extract

V2P341
March 16. 1688-9.

We embark'd in Port-Royal Harbour on Board the Assistance-Frigatt, and past the Easter-most Cayos, by Night

March 17. We had an easy Breeze, and towards Night a small drizling Rain coming off the Shore with the Land Wind or Breeze.

March 18. We past along the Shore and Point Pedro, a Rocky Cliff jetting out into the Sea, and having a Cavern into which the Sea runs for some Length, beating against the Rocks, and making a hideous Noise. Boats may row some Way into this Cavern, where there is a very great Echo. From this Point to Windward, or to the East are great Savannas or Meadows, Pastures and Sheep Walks, and to Leeward or to the West are Settlements of Sugar-works, Indico and Cotton. About Ten in the Morning we Anchor'd in Blewfields Bay, where are Hills jetting out into the Sea, and several Reefs or Rocks on which is shallow Water which is deeper within.

March 19. We lay at Anchor in Blewfields Bay, and had plentiful

Provisions as Plantains, &c brought on Board from the Shore. There

are several Sugar-works to Leeward of this, in a Place call'd the

Cabaritos. Last Month they had had at this Place plentiful Rains, contrary to Custom. is from this Place a Hundred and thirty Miles to St. Jago de la Vega or Spanish Town where the Governor resides and Fifty Miles to the North Side of this Island whither there were formerly two Paths or Ways, but now one was block'd up. This Place is troubled with many Mosquitos or Gnats. We sailed at Night from Blewfields Bay with the Land Wind, after some Drops of Rain.

20.8.2 Robert Renny – 1807 SECTION III.

Cotton is also a staple commodity of Jamaica. This valuable vegetable wool grows spontaneously in all the tropical regions of Asia, Africa, and America, and affords to man an agreeable and a healthful covering. The cotton-wool which is manufactured into cloth, consists of two distinct kinds, called by the planter, green-seed cotton, and shrub-cotton. The former, on account of the difficulty of separating the wool from the seed, which can only be done by the hand, is so troublesome and expensive, that it is seldom cultivated, and little attended to. The shrub-cotton is in appearance not unlike an European Corinthian bush, and may be divided into several varieties, all of which, however, nearly resemble each other. The flowers are composed of five large yellow leaves, each stained at the bottom with a purple spot. They are beautiful, but devoid of fragrance. The pistil is strong and large, surrounded at and near the top, with a yellow farinaceous dust, which, when ripe, falls into the matrix of the pistil This is likewise surrounded, when the petals of the flower drop, with a capsular pod, supported by three triangular green leaves, deeply jagged at their ends. The enclosed opens, when ripe, into three or four partitions, discovering the cotton in as. many white locks, as there are partitions in the pod. In the locks are interspersed the seeds, which are commonly small and black.

The mode of culture is the same with all the species of this plant; and there is this advantage in all of them, that they will flourish in the driest and most rocky soils, provided such lands have not been exhausted by former cultivation. Dryness both of the soil and atmosphere is indeed essentially necessary in all its stages; for if the land be moist, the plant expends itself in branches and leaves; and if the rains are heavy, either when the plant is in blossom, or when the pods are beginning to unfold, the crop is lost.

The plant is raised from the seed, the land requiring no other preparation, than to be cleared of its native encumbrances. The season for putting the seed in the ground is from May to September; both months, inclusive. This is usually done in ranks or rows; leaving a space between each of six or eight feet, the holes in each row being commonly four feet apart. Eight or ten seeds are put into each hole, as some of them are often devoured by a grub, or worm, and others rot in the ground. The young sprouts make their appearance in about a fortnight after planting; but they are of a slow growth for the first six weeks;- at which period, it is necessary to clean the ground, and draw the supernumerary plants, leaving two or three of the strongest only in each hole. One plant would be sufficient to leave, if there were a certainty of its coming to maturity, but many of the tender sprouts are devoured by the grub. At the age of three or four months, the plants are cleaned a second time, and both the stem and branches pruned, or, as it is called topped; an inch, or more, if the plants are luxuriant, being broken off from the end of each shoot; which is done, in order to make the stems throw out a greater number of lateral branches. This operation, if the growth be over luxuriant, is sometimes performed a second, and even a third time.

At the end of five months, the plant begins to blossom, and put forth its beautiful yellow flowers, and, in two months more, the pod is formed. From the seventh to the tenth month, the pods ripen in Succession; when they burst open in three partitions, displaying their white and glossy down. The wool is now gathered, the seeds being enveloped in it, from which, they are afterwards separated by a machine, somewhat resembling a turner’s lathe. It is called a gin and is composed of two small rollers, placed close and parallel to each other in a frame, and turned in opposite directions, by. different wheels, which are moved by the feet. The cotton being put by the hand, close to these rollers, as they move round, readily passes between them, leaving behind the seeds, which are too large for the interspace. The wool is afterwards hand-picked, that it may be properly cleaned of decayed leaves, broken seeds, and wool that has been stained and damaged in the pod. It is then packed into bags, containing about two hundred pounds weight each, and in this state, is sent to market.

The profits arising from the culture of this plant are, upon an average, considerable; but they are precarious. The planter is frequently deceived in his expectations. In the first stage of its cultivation, it is attacked by the grub; it is devoured by caterpillars in the second; it is sometimes withered by the blast; and rains frequently destroy it, both in the blossom and the pod.

Plantations of cotton ought to be encouraged both by Jamaica and the mother country, not only on account of the great demand for this raw material in the British manufactures, but as they necessarily produce an increased proportion of white settlers, the only source (it cannot be too often repeated) of political security to the island; and as they increase the numbers of men, possessed of small independent fortunes, the most valuable class of individuals in every society.

20.8.3 Other Cotton reports

1188. The Cotton plant grown in Jamaica is a different species from that grown in Italy, Malta and the Levant. It is the gossypian barbadese, Linn, a suffruticose biennial, growing from six to fifteen feet in height, with lobed leaves and yellow flowers. It is propagated by the seed, which is set in rows, about five feet asunder, at the end of September, or beginning of October at first but slightly covered, but after it is grown up, the root well mouldered. The seed is subject to decay, when it is set too deep, especially in wet weather. The soil should not be stiff nor shallow, as this plant has a tap-root. The ground is hoed frequently, and kept very clean about the young plants, until they arise to a moderate height otherwise they are apt to be destroyed by caterpillars. It grows from four to six feet high, and produces two crops annually the first in eight months from the time of sowing the seed the second within four months of the first and the produce of each plant is reckoned to be about one pound weight. The branches are pruned or trimmed after the first gathering and if the growth is over luxuriant, this should be done sooner. When a great part of the pods are expanded, the wool is picked, and afterwards cleared from the seeds by a machine called a gin, composed of two or three wooden rollers of about one inch diameter, ranged horizontally, close and parallel to each other, in a frame at each extremity they are toothed or channelled longitudinally, corresponding one with the other the central roller, being moved with a treadle or foot-lathe, resembling that of a knife grinder, makes the two revolve in contrary directions. The cotton is laid, in small quantities at a time, upon these rollers, whilst they are in motion, and, readily passing between them, drops into a sack placed underneath to receive it, behind. The cotton thus discharged from the seeds, is afterwards hand picked, and cleansed thoroughly from any little particles of the pods or other substances which may be adhering to it. It is then stowed in large bags, where it is well trod down, that it may lie close and compact and better to answer this purpose, some water is every now and then sprinkled upon the outside of the bag, the marketable weight of which is usually three hundred pounds. An acre may be expected to produce from two hundred and forty pounds to that quantity, or two hundred and seventy pounds on an average. (Long’s Jam. Vol iii, p686 etc & Browne)

20.8.4 Cotton Gin

Jamaica Gazette, 15/2/1794.
Bahama-Islands, Nassau, New Providence, Jan. .18, 1794. Cotton. Planters of Jamaica. hereby informed, that a MACHINE FOR SEPARATING THE SEED FROM COTTON invented within these few years by the Subscriber, in the Bahama. Island s, of superior powers to any hitherto in use. With this Machine, from eight hundred to one -thousand pounds, of Cotton in the Stone, can have the seed separated from it per day by a negro man (and a boy, too small to be of use at any other work).1; and that too in so perfect a manner as to preclude the necessity of hand-picking afterwards, if the Cotton has been gathered .carefully from the. fields. The utility of these Machines cannot be more strongly evinced, than by the great demand for them, which is as universal as the culture of Cotton, as far as are known, The Subscriber employs fifty mechanics in his manufactory, which will soon enable him to comply with orders from Jamaica, at the shortest notice. The greatest difficulty that occurs, is in regard to setting these Machines up, where people are unacquainted with them: which, if the Subscriber could be furnished with an order for a Efficient number of them (say 20), to indemnify his expense, he would either Come ty Jamaica himself, or send the most capable person he. employs, for that purpose.- His Wind-Machines are 70 guineas each,. delivered in Nassau ; his Horse ditto, 80 guineas;. Machines to connect with Mills already erected, .55 guineas. Each - of the above carry two-pair of rollers, and will give equal quantities o& Cotton. 'The, plan of the Gin is capable of being extended, in Horse-Mills, to, four pair of rollers, and, in Water-Mills, .to eight pr twelve pairs; but to enlarge the plan of the Wind-Machines renders them liable to accidents.--Applications for Ms Machines are requested to be made to Mr. John East, Merchant, or to the Subscriber, in Nassau.

20.8.5 Cotton Price

From Liverpool and the Raw Cotton Trade, Alexey Krichtal, 2013, P84

20.9 Logwood

The demand for logwood during the 1800s fueled prosperity within the town of Black River. Logwood, a tree from the pea family, has a dark heartwood that yields hematoxylin used for making dyes used within the textile industry. The logwood was harvested in the interior of the parish and shipped to the town of Black river through waterways created by connecting tributaries of the black river. The wood was transported for distances as much as 20 miles, through this interconnected waterway. In 1893-94 the export value of logwood from Jamaica surpassed that of traditional leading crops of sugar and coffee.

The creation and production of synthetic dyes eventually saw the demise of the logwood industry.

21 Random notes

21.1 Quit rents:

Rent payable to the crown on lands patented. Reviewed in 1704 as a result of losing much in the 1692 Port Royal earthquake.

For arrears of quite rent all properties granted before 25/6/1701 shall for arrears and growing rents pay for every 30 acres annually the sum of one shilling, for every 100 acres two shillings and six pence. Also all land granted after 1701 to 12/3/1704 to pay 1/2d per acre.
Quit rents due from before the earthquake are written off by the crown.
Guardians may delay payment of quit rents on minors until they come of age.

21.2 Lewis on colour:

January 15
The offspring of a white man and black woman is a mulatto the mulatto and black produce a sambo from the mullatto and white comes the quadroon from the quadroon and white is a mustee the child of a mustee by a white man is called a musteefino while the children of a musteefino as free by law. I think it is Long who asserts, that two mulattos will never have children but, as far as the most positive assurances can go, since my arrival in Jamaica, I have reason to believe the contrary, and that mulattoes breed together just as well as blacks and whites but they are almost universally weak and effeminate persons, and thus their children are very difficult to rear. On a sugar estate one b lack is considered as more than equal to two mulattoes. Beautiful as are their forms in general, and easy and graceful as are their movements (which, indeed, appear to me so striking, that they cannot fail to excite the admiration of any one who has ever looked with delight on statues), still the women of colour are deficient in one of the most requisite point of female beauty. When Oromases was employed in the formation of women, and said, - “Let her enchanting bosom resemble the celestial spheres,” he must certainly have suffered the negroes to slip out of his mind. Young or old, I have not yet seen such a thing as a bosom.

21.3 Marine Insurance

(From an internet download – original on file with diagrams)

Adverse Selection and Institutional Change in Eighteenth Century Marine Insurance

Christopher Kingston October 6, 2008

Abstract

This paper describes and analyzes the institutional changes which occurred in the marine insurance industry during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It uses a context-specific game-theoretic model and contemporary evidence to substantiate the hypothesis that the industry was characterized by two different possible equilibrium sets of institutions, each of which, once selected, was stable. Institutional change in the industry is interpreted as a path-dependent process in which exogenous shocks, caused primarily by the wars of the eighteenth century, periodically disturbed these equilibria, leading in some cases to transitions to new equilibria, and in others to endogenous institutional changes which led to the reinforcement and formalization of the existing equilibria.

1 INTRODUCTION

One of the key puzzles regarding institutional change is the observed diversity of institutions which govern apparently similar transactions in different countries. Why do countries with less efficient institutions not copy the institutional structure of more successful ones? Is there a long-run tendency toward convergence to optimal institutions and an "end of history"? If not, why not? How does institutional change occur?

This paper describes and analyzes how the institutions which governed marine insurance transactions developed in Britain, America, France and Holland during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. These countries all began the eighteenth century with similar marine insurance institutions (based on underwriting by private individuals), but over time the institutions developed in different directions. In the United States, France and Holland, the marine insurance industry ultimately came to be dominated by joint-stock corporations, whereas in Britain, it was dominated by a sophisticated marketplace for private underwriting, Lloyd's of London.

2 MARINE INSURANCE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

Marine insurance originated in the medieval Italian city-states during the middle ages, from where it spread to other trading nations (de Roover 1945). Initially, the basic mode of doing business was similar in all these countries. Underwriting was carried out by private individuals. Anyone was free to act as an underwriter, but many underwriters were merchants who underwrote as a sideline to their main business, or who traded subscriptions on each others' policies. A merchant with a cargo or vessel (or both) to insure generally employed a broker to draw up a policy and find a set of underwriters willing to cover the risk. A premium was negotiated, the broker drew up the policy, and the underwriters under-wrote their names on the policy along with the amount they were willing to cover. Depending on the size of the risk, policies might have anything from one or two to as many as sixty or seventy underwriters but five to ten was perhaps typical.

These transactions were made problematic by a variety of agency problems on both sides of the market (Kingston 2007b). First, underwriters had to contend with the possibility of moral hazard on the part of the merchants. In some cases, merchants fraudulently attempted to insure ships which they already knew to have been lost, or conspired to deliberately sink insured vessels. More subtly, merchants (or their captains) whose vessels were insured might be more likely to take risks, such as sending an unseaworthy vessel to sea or attempting to run through a blockade. Because of the slow speed of communication, and the strong likelihood of unforeseen events - particularly in wartime - it was virtually impossible to guard against all such possibilities in the contract. Another possible source of fraud was deliberate over-insurance. In Britain, an "Office of Assurances" with a monopoly on the registration of insurance policies was established in 1575 to discourage fraud, but most merchants, preferring to keep their affairs private, failed to register their policies, and the Office eventually became defunct.

Underwriters also faced serious adverse selection problems. Some aspects of the risk, such as the time of sailing and route, could be specified in the policy others, such as the probability of storms, or the risk of war, could be taken into account by the underwriters when setting the premium. But merchants often had better information than underwriters about some aspects of the risk, such as the quality of the vessel or crew, or the latest information about their whereabouts, and had strong incentives to conceal negative information in order to try to keep the premium low. Thus, one underwriter, John Weskett, complained:

"Concealment of circumstances, in matters of insurance, especially in time of war, [is] constantly practiced the temptations to it [are] great and the impositions, indeed the robberies, to which insurers, in England, are thereby daily subject, [are] various and enormous..." (Weskett 1781, p.113)

Whenever suspicion arose, the onus was on the underwriter to prove that a fraud had occurred, which was frequently impossible, especially given that all the documentation and witnesses were generally under the control of the merchant:

"In almost all controversial cases between insurers and insureds, the latter have always greatly the advantage of the former, with respect to the power of bringing forth evidence because generally all the facts, intelligence, papers, &c. which in any wise relate to such cases, and the several persons who may be able to prove those facts, &c. are in the knowledge and reach of the insureds or their agents, to produce or suppress, as may best suit their purpose." (Weskett 1781: 211).

Underwriters attempted to protect themselves by making diligent efforts to stay informed about events and conditions which could affect the risks they underwrote, and by refusing to underwrite, or demanding high premia on risks about which they were doubtful for any reason:

"It is ... of the utmost consequence for underwriters to be constantly upon their guard, at the time of policies being presented to them for their subscription and to make the most particular enquiries in regard to the latest dates of letters of advices, orders, &c. and even of such verbal informations, as may have been ultimately received by the assured especially in time of war, or hostilities, and when the voyages, ships, goods, &c. meant to be insured, are in, or expected from, remote parts of the world:- for otherwise [they] will in too many instances find themselves egregiously deceived and defrauded". (Weskett 1781: 164)

Yet despite these efforts, as Weskett complained, "with the keenest penetration and judgement, it will rarely happen that [the underwriter] is on an equal footing, as he ought to be, with the insured." (Weskett 1781: 297)

For the merchant purchasing insurance, on the other hand, the solvency of the underwriters was a major concern. Any private individual could legally underwrite a policy as long as the merchant (or broker acting on his behalf) was willing to accept him as an under-writer but the value of the policy ultimately depended on whether the underwriters would pay, and their financial stability was frequently uncertain, especially in wartime. When dis-aster struck, as when a French squadron intercepted a large convoy of merchantmen in the Bay of Lagos in 1693, many underwriters suffered heavy losses, and some failed.

Even if the underwriters proved solvent, collecting on a loss could be problematic be-cause insurance contracts remained necessarily incomplete. Because of the uncertain timing of voyages in wind-driven vessels, deviations from a planned voyage were sometimes unavoidable, and because of the slow speed of communications, it was also advantageous to allow captains some discretion over the return cargo and route. However, deviations from the planned route might render a policy technically invalid, so underwriters often had opportunities to contest claims even when a merchant had acted in good faith. The merchant was therefore reliant on the good faith of the underwriter to pay promptly in case of a loss.

All of these agency problems were exacerbated in wartime. On the one hand, the disruption of commerce during wartime created tremendous opportunities for profit but commerce was exposed to the additional risk of enemy capture. While many merchants and underwriters found war highly profitable, for the unlucky or unskilful it frequently proved ruinous. The variety of information required to accurately judge a risk also increased during wartime, yet information flows were disrupted rumour and speculation were constant, and premia fluctuated in response.

The institutions which governed marine insurance transactions developed in part to help mitigate these informational asymmetries and agency problems. From the perspective of the underwriter, the key problem was knowing what premium to charge. In order to accurately assess the risk of a voyage, an underwriter had to have access to prompt and accurate information about the movements and condition of particular ships, on political developments at home and abroad, and on the character of the merchant being insured and the captain of the vessel, as well as the experience to weigh this information correctly in order to determine what premium to charge.

The key problem from the merchants' perspective was the security of the policy because this depended on the financial security and "character" of the underwriter, merchants sought to avoid underwriters with a reputation for litigiousness, and were willing to pay higher premia to underwriters whom they perceived to be financially secure. A natural response was for underwriters to try to find ways to bolster the security of the policy and reduce the transaction costs of spreading the risk more widely, and they did this by forming various sorts of "companies", ranging from stable syndicates of private underwriters to large joint-stock corporations.

In the French port of Rouen, for example, private underwriting through brokers had been practiced since the sixteenth century. Gradually, these brokerages evolved into insurance offices with regular syndicates or "chambres" of underwriters, which raised a capital fund which was held in trust until all risks had expired. Dawson (1931) describes the operation of one such syndicate of twelve merchants in Rouen between 1727-1742, whose members were jointly and severally liable for the policies they underwrote. To reduce their exposure to the risk of underwriters' bankruptcy, merchants often obtained insurance at several ports, including in Britain and Holland, where it was generally cheaper. For example, in 1745 Robert Dugard of Rouen obtained insurance for a return voyage from Martinique at London, Marseilles, Bayonne, La Rochelle, Nantes, St. Malo, Amsterdam, Cadiz, and Pantaleo,

Italy (Miquelon 1978: 123).

In the seaports a company of merchants gathers together to underwrite insur-ance. They know their work and inform each other they know whether the ship they are insuring is good or bad, whether the crew is good or bad, whether the captain is experienced and wise or ignorant and confused, whether the shippers are suspect, of good reputation or likely to be dishonest, whether the voyage is to be long, whether the season is beginning well or not they know everything because everyone makes it his business to find out. In Paris they know nothing and for the Company to know all that, it would lose as much in the cost of postal charges and correspondence as it would earn in premiums."3 3The Bordeaux magistrate Montesquieu in 1750, quoted by Bosher (1979).

In the 1750s, two large corporations were chartered in Paris (Bosher, 1979). For a time, the regional companies and the Paris corporations (operating through local agents in the ports) shared the market with individual underwriters. As late as the 1780s, individual underwriters still did about half the marine insurance in the medium-sized French port of La Rochelle. However, for reasons we will explore later, the increased risks during wartime tended over time to drive the individual underwriters from the market, and companies gradually took over (Clark 1978 Dawson 1931). The Paris corporations were primarily run by non-merchants (Bosher, 1979), and despite their size, they were unable to monopolize the market, perhaps because of their disadvantage relative to local underwriters when it came to evaluating risks:

Similarly, in Holland, private underwriting gradually gave way to insurance by companies, and as in France, the transition was catalyzed by war. In Amsterdam, which was the main center for marine insurance in Holland, the first joint-stock corporation was not formed until 1771. Heavy wartime losses in 1780-1 drove many private underwriters from the market, and companies increasingly began to dominate. By 1786, there were four companies writing marine insurance in Amsterdam, and in that year, political instability induced a third of Amsterdam's private underwriters to cease underwriting (Spooner 1983: 29, 41). There were still some private underwriters in Amsterdam as late as 1851, but by then the business was firmly in the hands of companies, including as many as 70 Amsterdam-based companies as well as agencies of companies based in other cities and abroad (Spooner 1983,

ch. 2).

In the United States, as will be discussed in more detail in section 4.1, joint-stock marine insurance corporations rapidly replaced private underwriting during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars.

In the eighteenth century, London became the world's leading center for marine insurance. Two joint-stock marine insurance companies were founded during the wave of stock market speculation which gave led to the "South Sea bubble". The Bubble Act of 1720 granted corporate charters to these two companies, but made it illegal for any other firm or partnership to underwrite marine insurance (though private underwriting by individuals was still allowed). These corporations had a number of advantages over the private underwriters.

In Britain the legal basis of the contract, and a standard form of policy, gradually became established during the seventeenth century (Leybourn 1693, Barbour 1929, Jones 1960). However, the marine insurance marketplace remained largely disorganized, and speculation and fraud were rampant. As a result, most trade went uninsured, particularly in peacetime and many English ships were insured in Holland, although the premium rates were slightly higher, because the Dutch underwriters were perceived as more secure and reputable (likely to pay in the event of a loss).

ers. They reduced the transactions costs of spreading risk more widely, including expanding the pool of capital available for underwriting by enabling those who had no specific knowledge of maritime affairs to, in effect, entrust their underwriting decisions to experts. Most importantly, because their underwriting was backed by a large capital fund, their policies were widely viewed as more secure than those of the private underwriters. Because of these advantages, it was widely expected that the private underwriters would soon be driven out of business.

Yet private underwriting survived in Britain, and an association of private underwriters, centred at Lloyd's of London, became the dominant force in the marine insurance industry. I have told this story in detail elsewhere (Kingston 2007b). In summary, the bursting of the South Sea bubble temporarily prevented the corporations from expanding their business and taking over the market from private underwriters. In the interim, Lloyd's coffee house emerged as a centre for private underwriting, becoming a hub for information about ships and their crews, political and economic developments, and the many other factors affecting the risk of a voyage. In part, this was a result of entrepreneurial activity of Edward Lloyd himself: he made a systematic effort to gather marine information for the use of his customers, including building up a network of correspondents abroad and employing runners to gather the latest information from ships arriving at the docks and relay that information to the coffee-house, where it was publicly announced. But a great deal of the news came from the customers themselves. A network effect took hold, as merchants, brokers and underwriters wishing to conduct marine insurance business found that they could find trading partners more easily at Lloyd's than anywhere else and because of the variety of people with expertise in different branches of trade, it was always possible to find someone qualified to evaluate any particular risk. The repeated interaction within this community enabled the development of a reputation mechanism which helped to constrain opportunism.

Kingston (2007b) argues that the network of merchants and underwriters at Lloyd's, and the mechanisms they developed to share and interpret a constantly-changing flow of information, ultimately created a lemons problem for London's marine insurance corporations.

Because of their inferior access to information, the corporations were at a disadvantage in evaluating risks, and this can explain their failure to take over the market despite their advantages. The model developed below formalizes this argument.

3 MODEL

During the eighteenth century, despite similar institutional starting points, two distinctly different institutional structures had developed in different countries. These countries shared similar technology, and the merchants and underwriters in all these countries were very familiar with the modes of doing business in the others so why did these differences develop and persist? In this section, I present a model which explores the theoretical possibility that the eighteenth century marine insurance market may have been characterized by multiple equilibria: that is, that there were different kinds of institutions (viewed as equilibrium patterns of behaviour), each of which, once established, could persist. In subsequent sections I further substantiate this hypothesis by examining the process of equilibrium selection and episodes of institutional stability and change.

The key features of the model, motivated by the historical evidence, are as follows: merchants can choose between two kinds of underwriters: private underwriters and corporations. Corporations are perceived as more financially secure than private underwriters. Underwriters (of both kinds) face an adverse selection problem: merchants may have better information than underwriters about the true level of the risk on a voyage. However, if many merchants insure with private underwriters, then because of network effects, these private underwriters gain an advantage in assessing risks.

There are many merchants, who undertake voyages which either succeed, yielding in-come I, or fail, yielding 0. All losses are verifiable. Merchants have initial wealth W, and identical continuous and differentiable VNM utility functions «(•) defined over non-negative values of wealth, such that «'(•) > 0, «"(•) < 0 and u() is continuously differentiable. The probability of a loss on merchant i's voyage is 9i, where 9i is uniformly distributed on the interval [9,9] C (0,1). The distribution of 9 is common knowledge, but its realization, 9i is observed only by merchant i. Since 9i is private information, we will refer to 9i as merchanti's "type".

There are many private underwriters, and at least two insurance corporations. All underwriters are risk-neutral and act (Bertrand) competitively. A marine insurance contract is one in which an underwriter agrees to indemnify a merchant by paying him (1 — p)I in case of loss, in exchange for a premium payment pI in case of success. Contracts are complete and costlessly enforceable.

This is a one-shot game. Play proceeds as follows. First, the corporations announce their premia, pc. Because the corporations are unable to learn the merchant's type, pc is the same for all merchants. Bertrand competition between corporations is assumed to drive pc down to a level (to be determined endogenously) which leads to zero expected profits for the firm. Next, merchants learn their types, 9. Then all merchants simultaneously decide whether to apply to corporate or private underwriters. For simplicity, we assume that all merchants inelastically purchase full insurance (this will not affect our qualitative conclusions see discussion below).

If merchant i chooses to insure with a corporation he chooses the corporation which has set the lowest premium. If instead he chooses private underwriters, then those under-writers learn his type, 9j, with probability a, where a is the proportion of merchants who choose to purchase insurance from private underwriters. The premium charged by private underwriters will depend on the information available to them. If they learn the merchant s type, then competition will lead them to offer insurance at the actuarially fair premium, 9j. Otherwise, they offer a premium pp, where pp (to be determined endogenously) is driven by competition to a level which yields zero expected profits. Finally, private underwriters fail with probability 0. If a private underwriter fails, any insurance contracts he has made are void, and neither premium nor indemnity is paid.

Let up(9) and uc(9) denote the expected utility obtained by a merchant of type 9 by choosing private and corporate underwriters, respectively.

Lemma 1. For any given values of pp, 0 and a, up(9) is strictly decreasing in 9 for any given value of pc, uc(9) is independent of 9.

Proof. The payoff to using a corporate underwriter is

uc(9)= u(W + I — pcl) (1)

The expected payoff to insuring with a private underwriter is

up (9) = (l-0)[au(W+(l-9)I) + (l-a)u(W+(l-pp)I)} + 0[9u(W) + (l-9)u(W + I)] (2)

The term in the first square bracket shows the payoffs obtained in the case where the private underwriter does not fail. The second square bracket shows the expected payoff if the underwriter fails (leaving the merchant uninsured). Both terms are strictly decreasing in

Lemma 1 ensures that in searching for equilibria of this game, we have only three possible cases to consider: pooling equilibria in which all merchants choose private underwriters and up(9) > uc(9)V9 pooling equilibria in which all merchants choose corporate underwriters and up(9) < uc(9)V9 and semi-separating equilibria in which there is some critical value of 9, 9, such that merchants with types 9 < 9 choose private underwriters and those with 9 > 9 choose corporate underwriters (and those with 9 = 9 are indifferent).

Figure 1 depicts the choices faced by merchants for some given values of pc, pp and a in the third case.

However, in equilibrium, pc, pp and a are determined endogenously by the aggregated strategies of the merchants. When we take this into account, we find that there are generally two possible equilibria, as Proposition 1 shows.

Proposition 1. (i) There is no pooling perfect Bayesian equilibrium (PBE) in which all types of merchants insure with private underwriters.

(ii) There exists a pooling PBE in which all types of merchants insure with corporations.

(iii) For sufficiently small values of 0, there exists a PBE in which merchants with

types 9 < 9 (good risks) insure with private underwriters and merchants with types 9 > 9

(bad risks) insure with corporations, for some 9 E (9,9).

Proof. See Appendix. □

up(e)

u(W+I-pcJ)

Uc(0)

(low risk)

(high risk)

Figure 1: Payoffs to merchant's choices in semi-separating PBE

Proposition 1 shows that two kinds of equilibria are possible in this game. If nobody expects any merchants to apply to private underwriters, then the private underwriters will have no informational advantage, and given the insecurity of private underwriting, all mer-chants would indeed prefer to insure with the corporations. Thus we have an equilibrium in which all merchants choose corporate underwriters. Figure 2 depicts the choices faced by merchants in this case.

However, if it is expected that at least some merchants will insure with private underwriters, then the best risks (low-risk) merchants might prefer private underwriters, since if the private underwriters observe their type, they will pay lower premia. But then, the corporations will be left with a disproportionately poor selection of risks, forcing them to raise their premia. This in turn will induce more of the better risks to apply to private underwriters and so on, until the corporations are left with only the very worst risks. Thus, in a variant of the familiar "lemons problem" logic, we arrive at an equilibrium in which the better risks are insured by private underwriters at low premia, while the corporations charge

(8+8)1

u(W+I- ™)

Uc(&)

up(6)

Figure 2: Payoffs to merchant's choices in pooling PBE

high premia and receive business only from the worst risks, as illustrated in Figure 1.

The model departs from the bulk of the theoretical literature on insurance in that only allows underwriters to compete on price, thus ruling out the possibility of screening contracts. However, screening contracts only work if customers can buy only one insurance contract. This assumption is not tenable for eighteenth century marine insurance, when it was quite common for merchants to insure with multiple underwriters in different ports and even in different countries, and insurers could not limit the total amount of insurance purchased. We also assumed that all merchants inelastically purchase full insurance. Basic insurance theory reveals that, at a given premium, good risks would wish to purchase a lower quantity of insurance than bad risks (eg., Rothschild and Stiglitz 1976), and the historical record confirms that merchants frequently underinsured, particularly if they had a relatively small amount of merchandise travelling on a "good" ship. Relaxing this assumption would add another twist to the adverse selection problem without affecting the qualitative conclusions: not only will the corporations get the worst risks, but the worse the risks are, the more insurance they will buy.

We have studied the insurance transaction as a one-shot game. However, the theory of repeated games has shown that repeated interaction can be an important means of overcoming agency problems, and the historical evidence clearly shows that a reputation mechanism helped to constrain fraud and opportunism among private underwriters at Lloyd's and else-where. Both private and corporate underwriters strove to build up "a connection" with merchants, so that by engaging in repeated business they could in order to reduce the degree of uncertainty and the danger of opportunism involved in their transactions merchants, similarly, were constrained from fraud by the threat that suspicious claims would make it harder for them to obtain insurance on reasonable terms with good underwriters in the future. Brokers played an important role as intermediaries to channel information and facilitate trust through their repeated interactions on both sides of the market (Kingston 2006). The prominent Lloyd's broker and underwriter, J.J. Angerstein, for example, stressed that reputable underwriters and brokers would only deal with other men of "character".

However, repeated interaction would not substantively change our conclusions on the contrary, it strengthens our argument in the following way. Although we have treated the merchant's "type" as a measure of exogenous maritime risk, the model can also be loosely interpreted as a reduced form of a repeated-game model, in which a merchant's "type" would reflect their "character" (or reputation). Just as it was easier for an underwriter at Lloyd's to procure information about the nature of a risk, it may also have been easier for him to learn about the reputation and past behavior of a prospective customer. A corporation would find it harder to observe a merchant's reputation, or to use the threat of negative gossip to constrain a merchant's behaviour, and might therefore attract a disproportionately "disreputable" clientele. It is not surprising therefore that a substantial part of the business done by the two British corporations was done for, or brokered by, their directors and shareholders (John, 1958), and that they frequently refused business from merchants with whom they did not have a "connection".

The persistence of private underwriting in Britain presents a marked contrast to the French and Dutch, and especially to the American experience, where the market became dominated by marine insurance corporations. Each of these patterns of behaviour, once established, was stable over time, suggesting that the market may have been characterized by multiple equilibria. The model in the previous section explores the nature of these equilibria, in a static sense. But this raises further questions: how did these equilibria arise, and why did they persist? What processes of institutional change drove the bifurcation of institutional structure between Britain and other countries? What were the role of exogenous shocks and endogenous parameter shifts as drivers of institutional change? And what, if anything,

4 EQUILIBRIUM SELECTION AND INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE

prevented merchants in one country from copying the institutions in another?

4.1 INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN AMERICAN MARINE INSURANCE: THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, AND THE QUASI-WAR WITH FRANCE

Marine insurance played an important role as the trade of the American colonies expanded during the eighteenth century. In the early years of the century, the amount of capital avail-able for underwriting in the colonies, and the scale of the market, was as yet insufficient to support marine insurance on any substantial scale, so American merchants generally ob-tained their insurance in London, although the distance created considerable inconvenience. Orders for insurance sometimes arrived too late, and when losses occurred, sending the documentation required to receive payment was a time-consuming process, particularly if disputes arose, as they not infrequently did. It was also necessary for American merchants to pay their London agents to purchase the insurance on their behalf, and they had to trust them to effect it on the best possible terms, to obtain good underwriters, and to settle their represent their interests when settling claims.

All of this encouraged American merchants to find ways to share risk among themselves rather than insuring in Britain. In Boston a brokerage for this purpose opened in 1724. In Philadelphia, marine insurance was being practiced on a small scale in the 1740s, but it was during the French and Indian War (1754-63) that the industry really took off. French privateers drove up premia on West Indies voyages from the peacetime rate of 21 — 3% (one way) to 15 — 20%, and rates to Europe were even higher. The war also disrupted channels of communication with Britain, which made it even harder to place orders and settle claims, and exacerbated the agency problems between Philadelphia merchants and their British agents and underwriters (Kingston 2007a). This gave a substantial boost to Philadelphia's marine insurers, and their business mushroomed. By the end of the war, Philadelphia had an established marine insurance market with several active brokerages, and was receiving orders for marine insurance not just from local merchants, but from those in other American ports and the West Indies.

Throughout the remainder of the eighteenth century, private underwriting was carried out in Philadelphia, New York, Boston, and to a lesser extent in smaller ports. Although there was a natural tendency to insure locally, merchants also purchased insurance in other ports if they found the rates cheaper. Merchants in Rhode Island and Virginia, for example, frequently purchased insurance in New York or Philadelphia, through their correspondents in those ports. However, the London underwriters were perceived as more secure, and their rates were generally lower, so American merchants continued to purchase a substantial amount of their insurance in London, particularly on transatlantic voyages.

Until the 1790s, the marine insurance business in America remained in the hands of private underwriters. Then things changed quite suddenly. In 1792, a marine insurance corporation was formed in Philadelphia. It was successful, and during the next decade many more corporations were formed in large and small American ports. Faced with this flood of competition, private underwriting rapidly withered, and by 1810, it had practically disappeared.

What drove this rapid institutional change? Kingston (2007c) argues that the transition to corporate underwriting was accelerated by a substantial exogenous shock, the in-creased risks to American shipping from French privateers during the "Quasi-War" between America and France (1796-1800), when French privateers captured hundreds of American merchantmen. As in previous wars, insurance rates on the important West Indies routes rose to 15 — 20%, and fluctuated rapidly as new information of captures arrived. The security of the policy therefore became particularly important (because the probability of having to make a claim rose) just as the financial security of the private underwriters, who were mainly merchants, became more uncertain.

The nature of the information required to assess risks also changed. In peacetime, what mattered most for assessing the risk on particular voyages was idiosyncratic voyage-specific information, such as the experience of the captain and crew and the condition of the vessel. In gathering and interpreting this kind of information, private underwriters, being, for the most part, merchants intimately familiar with the various branches of trade and with each other, may have had an advantage. In wartime, however, what mattered most was the systematic information about political developments, the activities of French privateers, the disposition of the prize courts, and other political and military developments which affected the risks on all ships at once. In gathering this kind of information, which entailed high fixed costs (such as subscribing to foreign newspapers, lobbying the government, and carrying on regular correspondence with a variety of foreign ports), corporations may have had an advantage over private underwriters.

The Quasi-War arrived at a key moment when newly-formed corporations were com-peting side-by-side with established private underwriters, and highlighted the advantages of corporate form, particularly the security of the policy. In terms of the model, these changes correspond to an increase in the probability of private underwriters' failing (0), which reduces up(9), and a upward shift of the distribution of risks, [9,9]. These effects are depicted in figure 3.

u(W+I-pcI)

uc(6)

Figure 3: Effect of the Quasi-War

As can be seen, the fraction of risks covered by private underwriters (|^|) falls. Kingston (2007c) shows that this is what happened in Philadelphia during the Quasi-War. Philadelphia's private underwriters were not exactly driven out of business by the Quasi-War, but their business fell off dramatically and in 1803 the leading brokerage firm reorganized their business as a marine insurance corporation.

4.2 INSTITUTIONAL STABILITY IN BRITAIN: THE BALTIC SEIZURES OF 1810 AND THE WAR OF 1812

Kingston (2007) presents evidence in favor of the hypothesis that the development of Lloyd's as an information hub gave rise to a lemons problem for the British marine insurance corpo-rations. On a level playing field, the companies ought to have been able to compete with the private underwriters at Lloyd s one merchant stated that "If the terms were the same, I say I should prefer the company on account of their security, but on no other account". Yet, the corporations charged higher premia than the private underwriters (as the model predicts), and were very wary in the selection of risks, confining themselves whenever possible to the "best" risks (good ships, about which there was little doubt, and therefore little asymmetric information). They frequently turned down business out of a concern that insurances were not being "tendered fairly". For example, one broker complained that "There are a great many risks, and parts of risks, which [the chartered companies] will not take upon the insurances to and from the Baltic the companies will not take the risk of capture in port". Asked why, he answered: "I presume from their being incompetent judges of the value of those risks individual underwriters are many of them merchants in those lines of trade, and are therefore more competent to decide upon the risk they run but the companies, I believe, refuse them altogether". Consistent with this interpretation, the corporations also paid claims less readily than the private underwriters, and were more stringent in demanding proofs of the circumstances of a loss.

Thus, the information available at Lloyd s kept the network of private underwriters in business, despite competition from the corporations but for most of the eighteenth century,

Lloyd's lacked any formal structure it was just a coffee house where people met to conduct marine insurance. The first elements of a formal organization began to emerge in 1769 with the formation of an ad-hoc committee to find new premises. Although the committee's purpose had been completed by 1774, and no formal terms of reference for its functioning had been defined, it continued to meet sporadically. During the 1790s, these meetings became more frequent, and the committee gradually took on increasing responsibilities. In 1800, in response to overcrowding, it instituted a formal system of membership those who were not subscribers to the committee were excluded from the underwriting rooms and required that new subscribers be recommended by at least six existing subscribers. Despite these steps, in 1800 the organization of Lloyd's remained relatively rudimentary. "The history of Lloyd's is a history of continuous growth and change but no step forward was ever made until its necessity has been proved by some crisis in the affairs of the House" (Wright and Fayle 1928,

p.165-6).

The impetus for further formalization of Lloyd's arose from a dispute which revealed the inadequacy of the existing informal organization. In 1804, as the volume and importance of Lloyd's correspondence grew, a secretary had been appointed by the committee to handle it. In 1810, large numbers of British ships were seized in the Baltic, and shortly afterwards it emerged that the secretary had failed to make public some pertinent information which he had received from a correspondent. Those underwriters who had suffered heavy losses as a result of the Baltic seizures objected furiously, and a committee was appointed to investigate. The committee's report was unfavourable the ad-hoc committee resigned en bloc and an overhaul of the organization ensued. "A point had been reached ... at which some more formal organisation was required, to deal adequately with the great volume of current business, to hold together the loose aggregation of merchants, underwriters, and brokers, who composed the Society, and to ensure the smooth running of the machinery of Lloyd's" (Wright and Fayle 1928: 274). Ultimately, a new committee was formed, with regular elections and a Trust Deed was signed by all the subscribers, binding them to obey the new rules, and turning Lloyd's for the first time into a formal institution with legal standing.

Thus, the extended period of heightened risk during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars (1793-1815) were critical in the development of Lloyd's, transforming it from an in-formal association into an increasingly formal marine insurance marketplace. In 1824, the relevant sections of the Bubble Act were repealed, enabling an influx of new marine insurance corporations, and again, it was widely expected that as a result, "the whole business of underwriting by individuals will be altogether annihilated." Confounding these predictions, however, Lloyd's survived and retained a substantial share of the marine insurance market down to the present day.

This poses a puzzle: How is it that the strains caused by war led to such a rapid decline in private underwriting in the US in the late 1790s and early 1800s, while similar stresses a decade later ultimately had the effect of strengthening private underwriting in Britain?

Comparing these data reveals that in Britain, as elsewhere, the disruption occasioned by war appears to have shifted business away from private underwriters and into the hands

To investigate this question, I focus on how the latter part of the Napoleonic wars affected the British marine insurance industry. Data are scarce Lloyd's itself kept no records of the volume of business done by the private underwriters who met there. However, it is possible to roughly gauge the corporations' share of the market by comparing the amounts of Stamp Duty paid on policies by private underwriters in London and by the two corporations active in London. Premium data were also not collected systematically at Lloyd's, but one source of data is available, based on the accounts of a single private underwriter (George Hobson), collected and analyzed by Danson (1894).

of the corporations. By the Milan decree of 1807, Napoleon had proclaimed a blockade on the whole of the British Isles, in effect forbidding any trade with Britain. The French navy was powerless to enforce the blockade at sea, but the idea was to close continental ports and markets to British trade. For several years, the decree was laxly enforced, and British ships continued to trade with the Baltic. But in 1810, under pressure from Napoleon, the Russian, Swedish and Prussian authorities suddenly and unexpectedly seized hundreds of British ships in Baltic ports, causing millions of pounds in losses to Lloyd s underwriters (Rose 1903, Wright and Fayle 1928). As a result, premia on Baltic voyages rose sharply (Figure 4). And the corporations share of the market appears also to have increased substantially in 1811, possibly as a result of the Baltic seizures, reaching 13.5% of the British market (18.4% of the London market). This increase, however, was apparently not enough to break the prevailing equilibrium dominated by private underwriting, even after the war of 1812 drove up premiaon West Indian routes. Accordingly, as the threat of capture faded and rates declined, the corporations' share of business also steadily declined, falling as low as 1.7% of the British market (2.2% of the London market) by 1821.

Thus, although the turmoil of the Napoleonic wars apparently disrupted the British marine insurance market and caused a temporary increase in the corporations share of business, the effect was not sufficient to push the system to the "tipping point" and into a new equilibrium based on corporate underwriting. Instead, the ultimate impact was to strengthen the institutions of private underwriting at Lloyd s.

Because private underwriting was based on a network of private individuals operating through a broker, if the institutions of private underwriting had been extinguished, re-creating them from scratch would have become virtually impossible. Lloyd s had evolved over the course of a century and it had developed not through the leadership of an "entrepreneur" but through a gradual evolution of informal business practices that were later formalized. The deliberate creation of such a "community" would involve a coordination problem considerably more complex than creating a firm. Precisely this fear was voiced during the parliamentary debates over the repeal of the Bubble Act in 1824, when it was argued that

In the event, as we have seen, the equilibrium based on private underwriting was by then sufficiently well-established and stable that these fears proved unwarranted. This contrasts with the American case, where private underwriting had not developed to anything like the level of sophistication of Lloyd s and in America, once the private underwriters had

"the commercial world would suffer considerably by the establishment of [a new corporation]: for when such a valuable institution as that of Lloyd s was once destroyed, it would be impossible to restore it again. The information which had been received in this country through the agents of Lloyd s, from all parts of the world, had been of the highest consequence to its commercial interest." exited the business, they never reappeared. In 1810, there was a report of an attempt to found an association for private underwriting in New York, but the effort evidently failed, no doubt because the established dominance of marine insurance corporations prevented such an organization getting off the ground. This is consistent with the model's claim that an equilibrium based on corporate underwriting would also be stable, once established.

5 CONCLUSION

During the eighteenth century, a series of wars disrupted the marine insurance industry, raising premia and exacerbating various kinds of agency problems. By disrupting channels of communication with London, the French and Indian war helped to bring about the development of a marine insurance industry based on private underwriting in Philadelphia. In France, Holland, and America, other wars led to changes which appear to have favoured underwriters with greater degrees of organization, driving the transition from private underwriting to more stable and secure modes of organization.

Theories of institutional change highlight two main kinds of processes at work: on the

The timing of these and other exogenous shocks appears to have played a key role in equilibrium selection. American independence removed the protection of the Bubble Act from America's private underwriters, enabling market entry by corporations. Then, just as the corporations were finding their feet, the Quasi-War highlighted the advantages of the corporate form, accelerating an institutional transition which might in any case have been inevitable given the rudimentary level of organization of the American private underwriters. In Britain, in contrast, the Napoleonic wars battered the informal institutions for private underwriting at Lloyd's, but sheltered by the Bubble Act, Lloyd's survived, and the ultimate effect of these shocks was to formalize and strengthen those institutions rather than to destroy them. The formal structure developed during that time provided the framework for further reforms and institutional development in later years, and conferred a resilience on Lloyd's which enabled it to survive even after the repeal of the Bubble Act exposed it to competition from new waves of corporations.

one hand, evolutionary change based on selection of those institutions which prove most successful in a particular environment and on the other, the intentional design and creation of institutions by "entrepreneurs" who deliberately design new organizations and attempt to implement new rules through the political process (Kingston and Caballero 2008). Both kinds of processes were evident in eighteenth century marine insurance. Exogenous shocks, particularly wars, tested the resilience of existing patterns of interaction, leading in some cases to deliberate institutional innovations, which then had to withstand the evolutionary pressure of competition to survive. But while wars provided the proximate cause of institutional change, other more gradual parameter shifts - changes in the amount of information gathered at Lloyd's, the amount of capital available for underwriting, the volume of trade, the fraction of trade which was insured, and so on - also generated new strains on the existing institutions and opened up new possibilities for institutional change. Some of these changes were at least partially endogenous to the development of the marine insurance industry: "quasi-parameters" in the terminology of Greif and Laitin (2004).

As emphasized by North (2005), the solutions adopted in response to a set of problems at a given time can shape the perceptions (or "mental models") of the actors, and thereby affect the possibilities for institutional change in subsequent situations. In line with this framework, the creation of companies and corporations in America, France and elsewhere was clearly a deliberate act but it rested on backward-looking experience as much as on forward-looking calculation. The Quasi-war, in particular, appears to have served as a learning experience which altered the mental models of the actors in the American marine insurance market, encouraging them to abandon the private underwriting practices they had followed for 40 years or more.

Lloyd's, on the other hand, was a informal voluntary "community" rather than a firm, and the development of business practices at Lloyd's during the eighteenth century was less a product of deliberate forward-looking design than an evolutionary outcome of many actors' uncoordinated responses to the immediate needs of the moment as they arose. Yet the events of 1810-11, in particular, both revealed the importance and the fragility of these evolved practices, and stimulated deliberate collective action to modify and formalize the institutions in order to enhance their functioning.

The comparative development of marine insurance institutions is a particularly apt case study to consider the puzzles raised in the introduction concerning the persistent diversity of institutions over time and space. From a similar starting point, despite extensive commercial contact and few informational barriers to institutional transplants, the institutions developed in different ways in different countries. This suggests that institutional change is a path-dependent process, in the sense that institutions are a function not just of current parameters but also of the historical process through which they have developed.

REFERENCES

Barbour, V. (1929). Marine risks and insurance in the seventeenth century. Journal of Economic and Business History, pages 561-596.

Bosher, J. F. (1979). The Paris business world and the seaports under Louis XV. Histoire Sociale, XII:281-297.

Clark, J. G. (1978). Marine insurance in eighteenth-century La Rochelle. French Historical Studies, 10(4):572-598.

Danson, J. T. (1894). Our Next War in its Commercial Aspects: with some account of the premiums paid at "Lloyd's" from 1805 to 1816. Blades, East and Blades, London.

Dawson, W. R. (1931). Marine Underwriting at Rouen 1727-1742. Lloyd's, London, UK.

de Roover, F. E. (1945). Early examples of marine insurance. Journal of Economic History,

5(2):172-200.

Greif, A. and Laitin, D. (2004). A theory of endogenous institutional change. CDDRL working paper.

Hamer, P. M., editor (1968-2003). The Papers of Henry Laurens (16 vols). University of South Carolina Press, Columbia, SC.

Hansard, T. C., editor (1812). Parliamentary Debates. Hansard, London, UK.

John, A. H. (1958). The London Assurance company and the marine insurance market of the eighteenth century. Economica, 25(98):126-141.

Jones, W. J. (1960). Elizabethan marine insurance: The judicial undergrowth. Business History, 2(2):53-66.

Kandori, M. (1992). Social norms and community enforcement. Review of Economic Studies, 59:63-80.

Kingston, C. (2006). Intermediation and trust. Available at www.amherst.edu/~cgkingston.

Kingston, C. (2007a). A broker and his network: Marine insurance in Philadelphia during the French and Indian war, 1755-1759. Working paper, Amherst College. Available at www.amherst.edu/~cgkingston.

Kingston, C. (2007b). Marine insurance in Britain and America, 1720-1844: A comparative institutional analysis. Journal of Economic History, 67(2):379-409.

Kingston, C. (2007c). Marine insurance in Philadelphia during the Quasi-War with France, 1795-1801. Working paper presented at the NBER summer institute.

Kingston, C. and Caballero, G. (2008). Comparing theories of institutional change. Working paper, Amherst College and University of Vigo.

Leybourn, W. (1693). Panarithmologia. Printed by T. J. for John Dunton at the Raven and John Harris at the Harrow, London.

Miquelon, D. (1978). Dugard of Rouen: French Trade to Canada and the West Indies, 1729-1770. McGill-Queens University Press, Montreal.

North, D. C. (2005). Understanding the process of economic change. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.

Rose, J. H. (1903). A document relating to the continental system. English Historical Review,

18(69):122-124.

Rothschild, M. and Stiglitz, J. (1976). Equilibrium in competitive insurance markets: An essay on the economics of imperfect information. Quarterly Journal ofEconomics, pages

629-650.

Select Committee on Marine Insurance (1810). Report from the Select Committee on Marine Insurance. House of Commons, London, UK.

Spooner, F. C. (1983). Risks at Sea: Amsterdam insurance and maritime europe, 1766-1780. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK.

Weskett, J. (1781). A Complete Digest ofthe Theory, Laws and Practice ofInsurance. Frys, Couchman and Collier, London, UK.

Wright, C. and Fayle, C. E. (1928). A History of Lloyd's. MacMillan and Co., London, UK.

APPENDIX: PROOF OF PROPOSITION 1.

(i) First suppose all merchants are expected to insure with private underwriters. We will show that this cannot occur in equilibrium. Because all insure with private underwriters, a = 1 and because of competition among private underwriters, pp = (9 + 9)/2, so, from (2) the expected payoff to a merchant of type 9 from insuring with a private underwriter is

up(9) = (1 - <f>)[u(W + I - 9/)]+ (f)[9u(W) + - 9)u(W + I)]

< (1 - <<)[u(W + I - 9I)] + <<[u( W + I - 9I)] (by risk aversion) = u(W + I - 9I)

Therefore, by offering a premium of 9, a corporation can profitably attract some of the worst risks (those with types close to 9). Offering this premium is rational for the corporation no matter what its beliefs are about the distribution of the types of merchants who would accept the offer. Therefore there is no PBE in which all merchants insure with private underwriters.

(ii) Suppose instead that merchants expect all other merchants to insure with corporations.

Then competition between corporations will ensure that pc = (9+9)/2, and the private underwriters

will have no information advantage (a = 0), so

up(9) = (1 - <<)[u(W + I - ppI)]+ f[9u(W) + - 9)u(W + I)]

whereas uc(9) = u(W + I - (9 + 9)I/2)

By insuring with private underwriters, merchants run the risk (< ) of being uninsured. Nevertheless, if the premium that private underwriters would charge without any information, pp, were sufficiently low, some merchants might be willing to take this risk. pp, however, depends on the private underwriters beliefs off the path of play. We can construct a PBE by specifying that private underwriters believe that merchants who apply to them for insurance have types randomly drawn from the population. Then, pp = pc = (9 + 9)/2, so, all merchants strictly prefer corporate underwriters.

(iii) Merchants take pc, pp and a as given. However, suppose there is some 9 such that

merchants with 9 < 9 choose private underwriters and those with 9 > 9 choose corporate under-

writers. Then, because both kinds of underwriters must earn zero expected profits in competitive

equilibrium, the following must hold:

9 + 9 9 + 9 9 - 9

^p 2 ^c 2 9 - 9

Define

u(W+I-9I) + ^— u(W+I-(9+9)I/2) +( [9u(W)+(1-9)u(W+I)]

\9-9j

u9p(9) = (1-< )

,9-9,

uc(9) = u(W + I - (9 + 9)I/2)

(these are the payoffs to a merchant of type 9, assuming that he is the critical type, and that pp, pc and a reflect this). Since u(-) is continuous and differentiable, so are up(-) and uc(-). Therefore we can establish the existence of a crossing point 9 such that u9p( 9) = u9c( 9) by showing that

Up(9) = (1-0)

(the worst type of merchant would prefer safe insurance with a corporation at an actuarially fair rate of premium than insecure insurance with well-informed private underwriters at the same rate). The second inequality holds if
or

(1-0) [U(W+/-9/)] + 0 [9U(W)+(1-9)U(W+/)] > U(W+/-(9+9)//2) (3)

which holds for sufficiently small 0. Intuitively, (3) shows that unless private underwriters are so

financially insecure that even the best type of merchant (type 9) prefers safe insurance at a premium

of (9 + 9)/2 (the actuarially fair premium rate for the overall population) to unsafe insurance at

a fair rate of premium (9), there exists a 9 such that Up(9) = Uc(9). If such a 9 exists, then there

is an equilibrium in which merchants with types 9 < 9 choose private underwriters and those with

types 9 > 9 choose corporate underwriters.

21.4 DREADFUL DEPRECIATION OF WEST INDIA PROPERTY

Extract from Mr. Turner's letter to Charles R. Ellis esq.
1825? (From the British Mercury Dec 22 Prob JG June 1826)

(From the British Mercury Dec 22 [1824]).

From the Jamaica Gazette:
A Gentleman having large and important property in this island, consisting of two contiguous estates with about 500 Negroes, died in England some years back, leaving a widow and eight children. He had resided for several years previous to his decease in England, and had been receiving a clear net. income from his West-India property of from 5000£. to 7000£. sterling per annum. By his will, he devised 2500£. in money to his widow, with a dower of 800£.per annum; he gave also to each of his seven younger children 4000$. and he expressly states in his will, “That in thus burthening his estates with legacies to the extent of 30.000£. sterling, he does no injustice to his eldest son, who had only to go out to Antigua, and reside upon the property for a few years, as he had himself done before him, and that he (the son) would soon find himself a free man.” .The eldest son, who became of age a few months after his father's death, came out to this island, and resided upon the property, but soon died from the effect of the climate, so that the estates again reverted to the Executors and Trustees under the will of the father, who, residing themselves in England, sent the next son, then a minor, to a public school, and afterwards as a Gentleman Commoner to Christ Church, Oxford ; thus educating him from infancy to manhood with every expectation of succeeding to an ample and independent fortune. But such have the the sad reverses to which all West-India property has been subject since the peace, that by the mere payment to the widow of dower and of interest to the children, a debt has been incurred to the Merchants in England, who received the consignments of the sugars, of upwards of 11,000£. sterling, and debts were moreover accumulated in the island to at least half that amount; so that, during the last three years, neither the widow, nor the children, nor the English Merchants, have received one shilling, but the whole crops, have been applied by the eldest surviving son, now upon the spot, to the liquidation of island demands for the absolute necessary maintenance and support of his Negroes.

At the death of his father, his estates would have been moderately valued at from 70,000£. To 80,000£, sterling.. At one time, the Trustees could have sold them for 60,000£. But now it would be impossible to find a purchaser at any price, and they could not be fairly valued as worth, more than from 25,000£ to 30,000£.; so that the present possessor has very lately offered to transfer the larger of the two estates to his mother and brothers and sisters in fee, in liquidation of the dower and legacies (which continue to the same amount as at his father’s death with the exception of about 2200£. paid off); and also to make over the small estate in the same manner, in fee, to the English Merchants, in payment of the debt incurred to them of 11,000£\ thus leaving himself without one single ??? of property derived from his father. This is a case, the truth of which, in the most minute particulars, might, if necessary be verified on oath before Parliament, in the face of the British Nation, l wish to God it was a solitary one! But there can be no British Merchant connected with the old Colonies who could fail to produce, if required so to do, many cases of an equally distressing nature, For, as far as I have been able to learn, the neighbouring islands of St Kitt's, Nevis, Montserrat, and Tortola, have all suffered in this respect even more severely than Antigua. And here allow me to ask, whether a clear case has not been made out of over whelming distress, originating from the causes I have already detailed? If compensation is ever to be granted for injury done to property, from the new doctrines promulgated and approved by Parliament and his Majesty’s Government is not this a case which calls out loudly and imperiously upon the justice of the. British Nation for such compensation?

Nor are the evils confined to the Planters. The British West-India Merchants are standing upon the brink of a precipice—(but on this part of the subject I wish to say very little, because I am myself personally and deeply interested in it), for so great has been the distress of the West-Indies for the last few years, that not only have they made the customary advances of capital to their Correspondents, but they have been compelled, however unwillingly, to extend their own credit to the utmost limit they could command, in order to support those Planters, with whom, and with whose forefathers, they and their forefathers have been, for nearly a century, connected in the closest ties of amity, cemented by the bonds of mutual advantage. They have felt bound, both in honour and affection, that as they have shared in all the prosperity of the Colonies, so also they should stand by them in these their days of adversity; that as their fortunes were established together, so together they must be lost, if, after all their mutual struggles, they are unable to alleviate the evils under which they are now suffering, and to avert the still greater evils which threaten to overwhelm them.. For, independent of the distresses which have been occasioned, as I have endeavoured to prove, from a continuance of the heavy war-duties since peace has been re-established, and from the total want of confidence originating in the late measures of the British Parliament, the Planter, under the most favourable circumstances, has always certain difficulties of no : trifling magnitude to contend against. He cannot, like the British Farmer, decrease, in unfavourable seasons, the number of his labourers, or of his cattle and live stock necessary for the proper cultivation of his plantation. His Negroes must be fed and clothed, his cattle supported, but the more ungenial the season, the heavier becomes the unavoidable expense, paramount above all other outgoings, of procuring foreign grain to feed his negroes. If it be asked why provisions are not grown on the spot in sufficient quantities? I answer that Antigua, and several of the Windward Carribee Islands, are subject at times to severe droughts, during which the population must starve, if relief were not obtained by the importation of Corn from America or Europe; that such being the case, although provisions are grown in considerable quantifies in favourable seasons, it yet must be a matter of important interest both to the welfare and security of such dry weathered islands, that a constant intercourse should subsist between them and America, the country which, from its proximity and its fruitfulness is the best able to supply them at all times with cheap provisions in exchange for their two minor staple articles Rum and Molasses, must by so doing preserve them from this horrors and the calamities of famine, to which they might otherwise be occasionally subject. Such an intercourse had subsisted, either directly in peace, or indirectly during war, through the neutral islands, almost from the first establishment of these Colonies until the late peace in 1815, when, owing to certain commercial jealousies (now most Happily removed), all intercourse between these islands and the United States became virtually interdicted. The consequence was, that America, with that plain practical wisdom which she has evinced on every occasion since she has become an Independent Power, immediately established distilleries, in order to consume at home that corn which she before exported in exchange for British Plantation Rum and Molasses; so that now, when her intercourse is renewed with these inlands, her Merchants, owing to new duties levied in America on the importation of these articles, demand cash where they were before contented to receive produce; and so detrimental has this been to the interest of Planters, that Rum, which was formerly exchanging freely at the price from 5s. to 6s. currency per gallon, can now hardly be forced off at the very low price of 1s. 9d/, currency per gallon, not more at the present rate of exchange than 10d,. sterling per gallon. Molasses is fallen in a nearly equal degree, being now only ,it 1s. 3d. instead of from 3s 4d. currency per gallon ; and even these price, wretched as they are, must rather be considered as the prices current in exchange between the Planter and the Islands Merchant, for provisions and lumber, than as the fair money price; for at the public sales of these articles, by the Custom-House, during the present year, the price of Rum has been only 1sv. 3d. and of Molasses 10d. per gallon. Thus has the American Market, for these two staple products of the West-India Colonies, been nearly annihilated. And what has been the conduct of the Mother Country ? Did she step forward to relieve her Colonies, suffering under the distressing circumstances occasioned by her own ill-judged, and since confessedly mistaken, policy? No ! On the contrary, she actually increased the duty on Molasses, and, with regard to Rum, even during the very worst period, when no American intercourse could take place, and the Planter was therefore compelled to ship his Rum to Europe, she levied duties on this article so virtually prohibitory, that I can state as a fact that some puncheons continued to my house, after having been kept in the warehouse for nearly three years, without the possibility of being sold at any price whatever, were at last forced to a sale; but that the price received from the purchaser did not quite repay the charges for Freight, dock dues, and warehouse rent ; so that the unfortunate Planter not only lost all the value of the Ruin, and of his casks, but actually incurred a debt to my house for part of these necessary charges. A still larger quantity of the same article (which, from this island, is never of high proof, though generally, of excellent flavour), imported by my house during this calamitous period, we were obliged to reship to Antigua, to those who had consigned to us this staple production of their industry, which we found to be totally unsalable at a price sufficient to cover the charges of importation, when subjected to a duty so oppressive, as to amount to a virtual prohibition against the consumption of Leeward Island Rum in Great-Britain.

21.5 REDUCTION ON THE DUIES ON COFFEE.

{From the Scotsman, January 1.] Via Jamaica Gazette 12/3/1825

We understand that the West-India merchants of Liverpool, and we believe also of London, have lately laid some memorials before the Treasury, explanatory of the ill effects of the present duties on Coffee, and of the advantages which they contend would follow front their effectual reduction. Now, though it cannot he doubted that the merchants have taken this step exclusively with a view to their own interests, without caring for those of the community in general, it is not on that account the less deserving of public support: For it will be found that this is a case in which the interests of the buyer are as much involved as those of the seller, and that it is impossible to benefit the one without also benefiting the other. The powerful and ever acting principle of competition compels the planters and merchants to sell their coffee, sugar, and other products at the lowest price that will suffice to cover the cost of bringing them to market, including therein the various duties with which they may be happen to be loaded. And hence the necessary and unavoidable consequence of a reduction in the duties affecting these articles is to occasion an equivalent diminution of price; so that, while their former consumers obtain a proportionally larger supply of desirable commodities for the same sum, they are brought within the command of new and poorer, and, for that reason, infinitely more numerous, classes of consumers. The advantage of the planter and merchant consists, not in their being able to pocket either the whole or any portion of the reduced duty, for competition will always prevent their doing this, but in the extended demand for their peculiar products occasioned by its reduction: and at the same time it almost uniformly happens, inasmuch As the reduced duty is levied on a much larger quantity, that it yields a greater revenue to the State than had been derived from the higher duty.

It must not, therefore, be supposed that this is a question in which the West-Indians only are interested, If such were the case, we should hardly think it worthy of a moment’s attention. But so far from this being true, it is a question bearing directly on the public interests, or at least oh the interests of all that portion of the piddle, who i either are or wish to be drinkers of coffee.—And we do hope that they will join their representations to those of the West-Indians in favour of a measure, that will not only be productive of increased enjoyment to themselves, but which is of essential importance to the commercial prosperity of the country.

We are not aware whether Ministers nave returned any answer to the representations in question; though from the enlarged and liberal views with respect to such subjects, entertained by Messrs. Robinson and Huskisson, there is every reason to hope that they will be favourably considered. The fear of reducing the revenue is the only imaginable circumstance that can occasion any hesitation about reducing the duties. But it is easy to show that this Apprehension, if it be really entertained, is altogether futile and visionary. In no one instance has a reduction of an exorbitant duty on an article in general demand ever been effected without rousing such an increased consumption as has led to a very great increase of revenue. It is unnecessary, however,to resort to general reasoning, or analogous cases for proofs of this principle. Though there hadbeen no other examples to which to refer, the history of the coffee trade during the last forty years would of itself have been fully sufficient to establish the superior productiveness of moderate duties.

Previously to 1783, the various custom and excise duties on coffee consume in Great-Britain, amounted to no less than 460 percent, on Its then average market price! In consequence of this enormous duty, almost all the coffee made use of was clandestinely imported; and the duties produced only the trilling sum of 2869£. 10s. 10½d a year. In 1783, however, Mr. Pitt reduced the duties to about one-third of their former amount. Now mark the effects of this wise and politic measure. Instead of sustaining any diminution, the revenue was immediately increased to nearly three times its former amount, or to 7200£. 15s. 9d. showing that the consumption of legally imported coffee must have increased in about a ninefold proportion! A striking and conclusive proof, as Mr. Bryan Edwards has observed, of the effect of heavy taxation in defeating its own object!— (History of the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 540, 8vo. edit.)
From this period the consumption and the aggregate amount of the duties went on gradually though slowly increasing. From 1790 to 1794, both inclusive, the duly was 11d. per lb. the average annual consumption of England and Wales for the same period being 871,000 lbs and the average annual revenue 39.575£. In 1795 the duty was raised to 1s. 5d; but notwithstanding this increase, the average revenue of that and the four following years was only 58.740£. white the average consumption fell to 518,000 lbs. In 1805, 6, 7, the duty was as high as 2s. 2d. per lb; but owing to the measures adopted for the prevention of smuggling, to the growing taste for coffee, and tothe capture of several of the French islands from which finer coffee was obtained, the average annual consumption of these three year amounted to 1,113,000 lbs and the revenue to 121,698£.

We have now reached by far the most important era in the history of the British coffee trade. In compliance with the urgent solicitations of the West-India body, then involved in the greatest difficulties, Mr. Perceval consented, in 1808, to reduce the duties from 2s. 2d. to 7 d. per lb. This measure, was completely and signally successful. The average quantity of coffee sold for home consumption during the five years from 1808 and 1812, both inclusive, when the duty was at 7d. rose from

1,113,000 lbs, the average quantity sold when the duty was at 2s. 2d. to 7,177,000 lbs. and the revenue rose from 121698£. to 209,334£.! We do not know that a more striking and memorable example can be pointed out in the whole history of taxation, to shew, the vast advantage resulting from the Imposition of moderate duties on articles in general demand. But, in despite of this precedent, Mr. Vansittart raised the duty to 7¾d in 1813; and, though the consumption began to decIine in consequence even of this slight advance, the same sagacious Minister raised the duty to 1s. in. 1819! This last increase of duty had the exact effect which every man of sense must have anticipated. Had the consumption of coffee gone on increasing with the increasing population of the country, a« it was doing when the duty was raised, it, would have amounted, in the period from 1819 to 1823, to 8,419,000lbs whereas it only amounted to 6 ,692 000lbs. and the revenue to 334;000£. The consumption has, we understand, been considerably increased during the present year; but this increase has taken place independently altogether of variations in the duty, in consequence of a fall in the coffee itself, the common qualities of which now sell in bond for about 6d per lb. while they have generally sold during the last twelve years for about 1s. And had it not been for the oppressive amount of the duty, this increased cheapness would most certainly have led to a vastly increased consumption, not of coffee merely, but also of sugar; and would thus have been productive of a greatly increased amount of the revenue.

It has been stated, that in the event of the duties on coffee being effectually reduced, the increased consumption would interfere with the consumption of tea, and that the revenue might this way suffer very seriously. But it is obvious that there is infinitely less risk of such a consequence taking place by an increased sale of moderately taxed genuine coffee, than there is by continuing, as at present, to force the sale of counterfeit coffee, subject to no duty whatever. It should also be observed, for it is very nearly decisive of this question, that the quantity of tea sold for home consumption has gone on regularly increasing since 1805; though, from the great reduction that was then effected in the amount of the coffee duties, the quantity of coffee sold for home consumption was upwards of six times greater in the five preceding years subsequent to 1807, than in the five preceding years. There is not, indeed, under any circumstances, much probability that coffee will ever supersede tea among any considerable proportion of the lower classes; and, when it is used by the upper and middle classes, it is used along with and not as a substitute for it. It is worse than therefore, to fear any reduction of the tea duty being occasioned by a reduction those of coffee. But even if that were the case, Government has an obvious resource at hand ; for it is completely in their power, by compelling, as they are ?? to do, the-East-India Company to sell their tea at a lower price, to increase their consumption and consequently the revenue derived from tea to almost any extent.
For these and other reasons, which we will t not take up the render’s time by stating, we do think that it is possible to question the policy of effectively reducing the duties on coffee; or in fact that it would have a most salutary and beneficial influence on the comforts and enjoyment of the people, and on the revenue and commerce of this country.

21.6 Steam boat Accidnet, Clyde, 1825

December 10 to Saturday 17 1824 (Jamaica Gazette

DREADFUL AND FATAL ACCIDENT TO A STEAMBOAT.

SEVENTY PERSONS DROWNED.

(From the Glasgow Courier of Saturday.)

It is with feelings of deep regret and sorrow, that we ; have to communicate to our readers the account of an accident of the most melancholy kind. The details are as yet few—-the result most fatal.. During the whole of yesterday the anxiety and sensation, created in this City by the intelligence, were very great. The alarm was greatly ; heightened by the knowledge of the fact that another steam-boat was to leave the same quarter about the same lime, and many individuals remained ignorant in which of the boats the friends whom they expected might have taken their passage.

Yesterday morning the steam-boat Comet, with passengers from Inverness and Fort-William, was run down off Kempock-Point, between Gourock and the Claugh^-Light-House, by the steam-boat Ayr, outward bound. In rounding the Point the vessels came in contact with such force-and violence, that the Comet went down almost instantaneously, when above seventy, persons were, in a moment, precipitated into the deep —into eternity! Ten only were saved, out of above, eighty, which were believed to be on board. Amongst those, escaped is the Master, who has got on shore, but in. such an exhausted state, that, at the date of our latest accounts, he was unable to give any account of; what had taken place, or of the passengers on board.— There is too much reason to dread, that the greater number of those who have perished are persons In the superior ranks of life.

The Ayr, we learn, had a light out upon her bow, but the Comet had none. As the night, however, was clear it is obvious that a bad look-out had been kept up and most reprehensible neglect shown on both sides. The Ayr received such a shock, and was so much damaged, that she reached Greenock with much difficulty, in a sinking state. It was blowing freshly, with a heavy sea. Lt was also exceedingly cold; and at the moment the accident took place, those on the deck, it is said, engaged in dancing, to which amusement they were probably induced to resort in order to keep themselves warm, there not beings sufficient accommodation for the number of passengers on board.

Much valuable property had floated ashore yesterday morning. Every exertion was being made to save and to lodge in a place of security. Our respected townsman, Mr Andrew Rankine, was particularly active on the occasion: and, at an early hour in the morning, Mr Marshall, Sherriff from Greenock, had reached the spot, to give his advice and assistance on this distressing occasion. Twelve dead bodies had been washed^-ashore by an early hour yesterday morning; amongst these were two genteelly dressed females, two black servants, and Mrs Wright, widow of the late Archibald Wright, druggist of this city. In the pockets of the body of a Gentleman washed ashore, £70 was found. Amongst those who perished, and whose names we can state from good authority, is Mr Graham of Corpach, Mr Macallister, W.S Edinburgh, and Capt, Sutherland, of the 33^rd Regiment and his lady who were only five days married. The bodies of Capt Sutherland and another passenger were found in the yawl this morning. It is supposed she upset after they had got into her. Mrs Sutherland caught hold of Mr Colin Alex. Anderson, from Appin. (the only cabin passenger who is saved), and for some time clung round him, but in the struggle with the waves she lost her hold and perished. While swimming, much exhausted, and not knowing well in which direction the shore lay. Mr, Anderson was seized closely by the Engine-man, from whom he found it impossible to disengage himself, and just as they were upon the point of sinking, they fortunately came in contact witn the boat’s yawl, which they immediately caught hold of and in doing, so, she fortunately righted, when they both clung to her, and reached the shore in safety, but much exhausted. It is reported that amongst the sufferers in the Lady of a Colonel in the Army, with a family of seven children, from Inverness; a Mr. Campbell of this city; with a young Gentleman, the only son of Mr. McBraine, also of this city. We forbear to -state further the reports which we have heard of the names of the sufferers lest we make mistakes, and wound without reason the feelings of friends at a distance.

Besides Mr. Anderson and the Engine-man, already mentioned, there were saved, Capt.’ McInnes: the pilot, the carpenter, a man, a steerage passenger, from Fort- George, a young girl, and a woman who was floated ashore safely betwixt two tables, but who unfortunately lost her child by the way. The poor man from Fort-George, and who is arrived in Glasgow, is in a state bordering on delirium. To him, Mr Campbell of Corpach clung for a considerable time, when a wave threw the greatcoat of the latter over the head of the former, which compelled him to throw Mr. Campbell off, just as both were upon the point of sinking.

At the moment he fatal accident took place, we are informed, upon the authority of Mr Anderson, just arrived in Glasgow, that the passengers, who were below, were in, high spirits, amusing themselves, telling and listening, to diverting tales. The first stroke hit about the paddle of the Comet. The Captain and passengers immediately ran upon deck to see what was wrong, when the next fatal stroke took place with such force, that the Comet filled, and in two minutes went down, head-foremost. Mr. Anderson, we regret to add, states, that the moment this took place the Ayr, instead of lending them any assistance, gave her paddles a back stroke, turned round; and went off to Greenock, leaving them to their fate. If assistance had been rendered, he thinks many of the sufferers might have been, saved; but in the state of alarm in which he was, he may have been mistaken.

21.7 STEAM-PACKET TO INDIA. - 1825

This is the boldest attempt hitherto undertaken for the application of steam to a sea-voyage; yet it appears to be calculated with every chance of success. The vessel is of 500 tons burthen, to be fitted for passengers only and is now building at Deptford. She is to she completed with machinery of the best description by Maudslay, and will be commanded by a Lieutenant of the Royal Navy, who is well acquainted with the seas she will have to traverse. Between decks there are ten cabins, each furnished with a water-closet ; the two stern cabins are ten, feet nine inches by seven feet six; the eight other cabins are each seven feet three wide, but differ in length from seven feet nine to eight feet ten. The vessel will be equally adapted for sailing and steaming; She will touch at the Cape to take in a fresh supply of coals and other necessaries, and will proceed then to Madras, and finally to Calcutta; and upon a moderate calculation it is estimated that she will make the whole voyage from Loudon to Calcutta in less than two months.

No prospects of this particular undertaking has yet been published; but the expense of equipping this vessel will be defrayed by a few individuals, leaving the future extension of the establishmentdependent on the success of the enterprise.—London paper, Jan, 1 (1825) Jamaica Gazette about March 1825

21.8 UNITED KINGDOM STEAM-PACKET,

Jamaica Gazette, Spring 1826

When this beautiful vend was first launched upon the briny wave, we promised our readers to embrace an early convenient opportunity for describing her interior arrangements and decorations. There being now almost complete, we proceed to the performance of our self-appointed task, We are aware, however, that while they have been in progress few or no persons of any curiosity or taste, residing in this town and neighbourhood, have neglected to gratify themselves by a personal inspection of this floating palace, and we also know that thousands from a distance have availed themselves of the same opportunity, for which the liberality of the proprietors of the vessel gave them unlimited scope, until within the two last weeks, when the gratification. of public curiosity has been made subservient to the cause of charily. But even these may have their pleasing recollections refreshed by our details, while the multitudes, who have yet the pleasure to experience, may learn through the public press what they have to expect from the survey of this vessel—the most splendid and complete marine vehicle which has yet been constructed, even in this age of luxury and refinement.

The United Kingdom, without question, out- strips and surpasses any thing of the. kind ever seen. In the extent of her dimensions, the power of her machinery, the elegance of her structure, and the splendour of her arrangements, she is without comparison, and will figure in the waters like a mighty Leviathan without a rival. This stupendous vessel measures on-deck 175 feet long by 45 feel 6 inches wide. Her paddles are above 20-feet in diameter, and she has two engines of one hundred horse power each; she is , frigate built, and has a spar deck above the main- deck, which has a large open area in the centre, surrounded by iron balustrades. You descend to the main-deck by a flight of steps on either side, and find the bottom of this commodious area environed by a range of elegant sleeping apartments, containing simple room, and. every requisite for dressing, &c. and peculiarly adapted for summer travelling,

From this is the entrance to the saloon, which is situated under the quarter-deck, and is a spacious .apartment, whose dazzling splendour rivals the ideas that we are wont to form of the domes of eastern luxury. It is supported on each side by Corinthian pillars of highly-polished satin- wood, and in the middle by a range of brass pillars of the same order; it measures forty-six feet long and thirty broad. Ten beautiful mirrors, ranged on all sides, shed on the surrounding objects, like the dancing light of an eternal sun-beam, their glittering and reflective rays. Three ranges of tables, extended lengthways, afford sufficient accommodation for 130 persons to dine at once. Handsome sofas, and chairs of a very fashionable pattern, while the most useful, arc not the least ornamental part of the furniture of the saloon.

At one end of the middle table is the fire place, wherein is an elegantly-mounted grate, with appurtenances, the mantle-piece of which it surrounded by a superb mirror; and, at the other end, a capacious sideboard of the finest, mahogany with fluted silk fronts. In the centre of the middle range of tables, immediately, under a large circular sky-light, is an oval aperture, four by three in diameter. It is covered by plate glass, and admits light into the sleeping-room, which is below.

The saloon is hung with crimson damask curtains; and besides the sky-light, it is lighted from the stern, and six other windows, three on each side: It has also windows which look out on the main-deck, making, in all, sixteen in number.

Immediately below this apartment is a spacious sleeping room for Gentlemen; it is curtained with blue damask, and fitted up with much taste.. As before, observed, the light is admitted by an oval aperture at the top; around the sides of which are ranged plate-glass reflectors, which give a thousand magic localities to surrounding objects; and what at present seems to excite the particular attention of visitors is a large glass globe containing gold-coloured fishes, resting on the plate- glass of the top, and vases, of roses placed around, its edge, which become represented to the spectator below like a miniature sea of transparent brightness, bespangled by a thousand little shining, inhabitants, flitting through its waters, and which seem to flow through an endless paradise of flowers.. A flight of steps, guarded by brass balustrades, at one end of the room, leads to the saloon, and at the other end an ascent of eight steps communicates with the main-deck..

From the main-deck a flight of steps of easy descent conducts to the Ladies’ apartment, which is most superbly and tastefully arranged, and affords every convenience which luxury could invent, or the most luxurious require. It is curtained with crimson damask and the chairs, as well-as the sofas which surround it, are covered with the same material. It is supported on each side by Ionic pillars, and is furnished with two large plate-glass mirrors, rich Brussels carpets, &c. so that the whole apartment, from the elegance of its ornaments, and the richness of the gilding, its convenience and seclusion, seems more to resemble some fabled bower, pictured by the fairy fingers of romance, than the cabin of a steam-boat. And one thing more must be observed respecting it, namely, its being placed so near the centre of the vessel, that the motion at sea will be scarcely perceptible.

There is also a fore sleeping cabin, comprising six apartments of different sizes, containing from two to ten beds each, for the convenience of families: also a small steerage, fitted up with fourteen beds and bedding, nearly as good as the rest. The total number of beds in the vessel are 170.

The kitchen also displays considerable ingenuity in the construction and arrangement of its various conveniencies, and we are informed is to be placed, under the direction of two French cooks. Surely, “the pride of luxury can no further go.”

To sum up the whole, without fear of contradiction it may be asserted,, that no vessel equally well contrived for the accommodation of its expected inmates, has. been even seen since the days of Noah.

We cannot, however, quit the subject, without informing the public to whom they, are indebted for thus administering so largely to their pleasure and comfort, in travelling between the capitals of Great-Britain, for, which purpose this packet is destined. The proprietors, we believe, are chiefly those who established the communication by steam between the Clyde and Liverpool, and are owners of those fine vessels the Majestic .and City of Glasgow. The builders, who have the credit of producing a vessel of the most symmetrical proportions, are Messrs Robert: Steele and Son, of this town; the engines are the work of David Napier, Esq. of Glasgow, whose ability and success in the construction of steam machinery are well-known; and the furniture and decorative parts of the interior have been finished by Mr. Cameron, cabinet-maker of this place, from drawings by Mr. James Bannister, of Liverpool. To these Gentlemen, in their respective departments, the public will award no ordinary praise for this admirable result of their taste and ingenuity. In a few days, we understand, the United Kingdom, will he ready for sea, when she will proceed round, the North of Scotland, under the command of Capt. James Oman, late of the Majestic, whose qualifications, as the most experienced and successful commander of a steam vessel in the country, render him every way worthy of having to important a charge confided to him.

When we consider, for a moment, the vast difference between the vessel we have now described, and the little cock-boat, comparatively, which, under, the name of the Comet, first revolved its wheels adventurously on the Clyde, and was the parent of the numerous European family of steam- packets, we feel no small pride in contemplating the rapid approach to perfection, to which British capital and skill have conducted this invaluable improvement. The Comet, if our memory serves, us aright, was not more than 28 feet long, had an engine of three or four horses power, and was built in 1811. Fifteen years, therefore, each marked by new adventurers, new improvements, and a wider range of operation, have sufficed to bring steam navigation to that pitch of perfection, which we find concentrated in the United Kingdom. What further improvement it is destined to receive in the mode of propulsion, it is impossible to say; but it is not likely that, in our day, a more superb marine conveyance. for public accommodation, will be constructed, and in this respect, it may safely be added, there is no reason left for regret. Even the luxurious Sybarite, whose repose was destroyed by the doubling of a rose-leaf, would be bound to acknowledge that here his desires had obtained their full fruition.. “As to the question of cost?” as the lawyers would say, we are- unable to answer it from authority, but, if the general opinion is to be trusted, the first movements of the paddle-wheels of the United Kingdom; will carry along with them a literally floating capital, of little short of 40,000£ — Greenock Advertiser.

21.9 Gale Family

This material is held at

Black Cultural Archives

https://archiveshub.jisc.ac.uk/search/archives/0a3de734-afce-3d5e-93e6-6eae89c65527

Reference

GB 1443 Gale

Dates of Creation

1760-1838

Name of Creator

Gale Family

Language of Material

English

Physical Description

20 documents

Scope and Content

This collection of indentures are concerned with property in Jamaica originally owned by the Gale family but which descend through marriage into the families of John Fisher and Joseph Chaplin Hankey. They are primarily concerned with plantations in the parish of St Elizabeths, including Luanna Pen, Goldren Grove and the Union estates, but also some apparently unrelated properties such as Rose Hall.

Administrative / Biographical History

The earliest Gales mentioned in the indentures are Sarah and Jonathan Gale. Jonathan Gale died before April 1737 leaving Sarah, as his widow and executor, with debts of about £10,100. "Her estates and effects in England were very small and inconsiderable but the debts owing her and her effects in Jamaica and other parts beyond the seas amount to £13,200". A portion of this debt having been paid the remaining £3,150 was assigned to John Fisher and Joseph Chaplin Hankey in 1760 (GALE/1/1). Sarah and Jonathan Gale's relationship to the other Gales is unclear but, as Fisher and Hankey were the sons-in-law of Isaac and Dorothy Gale, some family connection can be surmised.

On 28 May 1735 Isaac and Dorothy Gale conveyed plantations in St Elizabeths to Claudius Archbould (including those previously owned by John Came of St Elizabeths deceased). Archbould died in October 1740 and left his estate to his daughter Willemina, held in trust by Henry Archbould and Robert Ashbourne. She married Edward Willson and her estates passed to him (GALE/1/4).

Isaac Gale and Dorothy Gale appear to have had at least four children; Dorothy (b 10 March 1726), Jane Isabella (b 9 December 1734), John (b 10 November 1735) and Catherine (b 9 June 1738). Isaac made a will leaving a legacy of £3000 to both Jane Isabella and Catherine in March 1749 (these are the only legacy recited in a release of 1763 (GALE/1/3) and it seems likely that similar legacies were left to his other children) and he died soon afterwards. Dorothy (the eldest daughter of Andrew Orgill of Nonsuch, Trinity and Unity in the parish of St Mary, Jamaica) died on 8 May 1750. John Gale then died without issue on 6 May 1758 (his will is dated 10 February 1757, in which he bequeathed his remaining estates to his sisters). By 1754 Isaac Gale's daughters had all married. Dorothy married William Foster of The Bogue Estate, Jamaica on 19 February 1744. Jane Isabella married, on 13 October 1753, John Fisher of Greenwich. Catherine married Joseph Chaplin Hankey of Bergholt, Suffolk on 23 February 1754 (who died 18 October 1773, aged 46, having had issue). Catherine Gale was also left £1000 in the will of Samuel Orgill of Jamaica esquire deceased and payment was secured by Zachary Bayly of Jamaica esquire (who purchased some part of the said Samuel Orgill's estate).

By 1763 Hankey and Fisher "are intitled in equal moietys to several judgements debts and other incumbrances affecting the real and personal estates late of Isaac Gale late of the parish of Saint Elizabeth in the island of Jamaica esquire deceased Dorothy Gale his wife and John Gale late of Jamaica esquire deceased" and for the same of Jonathan Gale deceased and his widow Sarah Gale. The arbitrators of an award of 6 April 1763 ordered that John Fisher and Joseph Chaplain Hankey release a house in Spanish Town to a William Gale of the parish of Vere in Jamaica in exchange for £650 (see GALE/1/8). William Gale was the surviving son and executor of John Gale of Vere deceased (GALE/1/8). William Gale died in 1784 and had married Elizabeth Morant, who had died in 1759 (Exeter University, MS 44). Again it is unclear how these Gales are related to Isaac and Dorothy or their children.

The property known as Golden Grove in 1763 had originally been granted by the Crown by Letters Patent as follows: 465 acres to William Ivey on 1st March 17--, 300 acres to Samuel Rushton on 24th August 1717, 145 acres (part of 300 acres) to Nicholas Coleman on 24th August 1717, 85 acres (part of 3,000 acres) to Samuel Rushton on 7th November 1718, 500 acres to Joshua Crosbie on 24th August 1717, and 232 (part of 465 acres) to William Ivey on 1 March 1730. Likewise, what was known as Luanna plantation had originally been granted by the Crown by Letters Patent as follows: 300 acres to Bonetta Jennings on 5th October 1698, 318 acres (part of 1863 acres) to John Vassall on 10th June 1694, 40 acres to Samuel Vassall on 1st June 1708, 170 acres (part of 350 acres) to Robert Rawlins on 20th June 1723, 32 acres to John Vassall on 10th June 1674, and 200 acres to Isaac Gale on 8th December 1736 (see GALE/1/6). Although Golden Grove had now become part of the Union Estate the lease excluded "a certain portion or plot of land part of [Golden Grove] estate lying west of a line drawn between certain cane pieces and parcels of land known by the several names of Dawson and Cromwell on the west and certain other pieces called Campbell and Warsaw on the east and continued to the river called One Eye River on the north and a certain estate called Windsor Estate on the south and including the said pieces or parcels of land called Dawson and Cromwell" (GALE/1/12).

Jane Isabella Fisher and John Fisher appear to have had two children, John Fisher and James Fisher. John Fisher senior died on 11 February 1769 and was buried at Greenwich. By 1783 Jane Isabella had remarried John Spooner of Grovesnor Place, Middlesex. In a release of 1788 Jane Isabella is now the widow of John Spooner. In 1783 John Foster Barham bought from John and Jane Spooner and James and John Fisher for £350, 219 acres woodland in Nassau in St Elizabeths. In 1788 this land was further released to Jane Isabella Spooner by Richard Vassall (see GALE/1/10).

John Fisher junior (by 1813 being given as 'of Tidwell House in the parish of East Budleigh in Devon' (GALE/1/11) and by 1815 leasing out some of his father's properties in Jamaica (GALE/1/12)) married Elizabeth Lyte of Bath on 2 May 1815 (GALE/1/14). Elizabeth Lyte had an annual £400 payable out of the tolls of the Honiton Turnpike, was entitled to £266 13s 4d upon the death of Betty Palfrey of Chard in Somerset and had secured annuities in the names of James Henry Arnold and Mary Lyte widow (GALE/1/13). Elizabeth Lyte died on 20 October 1837, her marriage with Fisher having produced no children. The text of her will is recited as follows: "In the name of God amen I Elizabeth Fisher of East Budleigh in the County of Devon do make this my last will and testament in manner and form following first I direct my executors hereinafter named to pay within six months after my death to Mrs Arnold Widow of the late James Henry Arnold Esquire LLD her administrators or assigns the sum of six hundred pounds which was kindly advanced to Mr Fisher by my much loved and esteemed friend the late Doctor Arnold together with any interest that may become due thereon from the date of this my will and I likewise direct my said executors to pay within the like period of six months to Miss Elizabeth Meyrick of Holsworthy in the County of Devon aforesaid her executors administrators or assigns the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds together with any interest that may become due thereon from the date of this my will and after the above payments are made I give and bequeath to my dear husband John Fisher all the rest residue and remainder of my property of what kind or nature soever and wheresoever situated and I hereby nominate constitute and appoint the said John Fisher sole executor of this my will and my residuary Legatee In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this eighteenth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand and eight hundred and thirty six Elizabeth Fisher (LJ) and which said Will is attested as follows signed sealed and delivered by the said Elizabeth Fisher as and for her last will and testament in the presence of Mary Hill Mary Ann Webber- both of East Budleigh" (GALE/1/14).

In 1813 John Fisher junior (who owed £3780 to John Fisher Weare and £3612 6s 10d to George Weare Braikenridge, John Braikenridge and Richard Honnywill of Bristol) released the Union Estate (incorporating land formerly known as Golden Grove) and Luana Pen and "the said John Fisher doth hereby for himself his heirs executors and administrators further covenant promise and agree to and with the said William Weare and George Braikenridge their heirs executors administrators and assigns that he the said John Fisher his heirs executors administrators agents and assigns shall and will within the space of two calendar months next after these presents shall arrive in the said Island of Jamaica make or cause to be made a true perfect and exact list or schedule of the negro and other slaves in upon or belonging to or used or employed upon the said plantation and penn hereby released or otherwise assured or intended so to be or any part thereof containing the particulars of their names employments and sexes and of the issue offspring and increase of the females of the said slaves and cause the said list or schedule to be signed by the agent or attorney of the said John Fisher his heirs or assigns and annex or cause the said list or schedule when so signed to be annexed to these presents". Along with GALE/1/11, two further indentures (GALE/2/1 and GALE/2/2) in this collection contain lists of the enslaved people on Swanswick plantation, and in one instance the indenture itself is conveying enslaved people (GALE/2/1). The majority of these only give the names and occupations of the enslaved people, but GALE/2/2 also gives ages and ethnic categories, as well as some details of births and deaths. This list shares a page with a list of the chattels on the Swanswick plantation and the plantations referred to in this collection are often indentured along with "all the Pastures Provision Ground Plantation Walks Lands Messuages Houses Erections Buildings Negroes and other slaves Implements Utensils Stock of cattle Hereditaments and Premises thereunto belonging" (for example see GALE/1/16). When John Fisher leased the Union Estate, Luanna Pen and Archibolds Pen to Henry James Arnold, Robert Campbell and Thomas Meade in 1815 he did so along with "all negroes and slaves men women and children and the increase and progeny of the same and all horses cows oxen sheep and other cattle whatsoever and all coppers stews ladles skimmers potting basons sugar pots stills still heads worms worm tubs coolers cisterns plantation tools and all other implements goods and chattels whatsoever" (GALE/1/12 ). Enslaved people usually appear in these indentures after the property and before the livestock on the plantation, clearly this was the status of enslaved people on Jamaican plantations.

Information from GALE: Indentures of the Gale family and others relating to Jamaican plantations, 'Jamaica Surveyed' by B W Higman (Institute of Jamaica: 1988) and 'Gale Family History' http://www.archerfamily.org.uk/family/gale.htm

Access Information

This collection is available for research. Readers are strongly urged to contact Black Cultural Archives in advance of their visit. Some of the material may be stored off-site and advance notice of at least a week is needed in order to retrieve this material.

The reading room is open for access to archive materials Wednesdays-Fridays, 10am-4pm. The reading room is also open late every second Thursday of the month, 1pm-7pm.

Please email the archivist to book an appointment archives@bcaheritage.org.uk

Custodial History

This collection has historically been known as the 'slave papers'. Late in 1984 BCA began negotiating with L E Fisher, an antiques dealer in Hammersmith for the 'slave papers'. BCA was given first refusal for a price of £2,000. This money was raised from a number of black groups, individuals and the community at large. Specific donors included the Greater London Council, Shell, The Caribbean Teachers Association and Lambeth CRC. The indentures were bought on 2 February 1985.

Subjects

plantation records

plantation workers

Indentures

Family Names

Gale family.

21.10 Vassall Family

Gillian Allen 17/10/2020

Vassall Devon/Jamaica connections

I have been fascinated, over the course of researching Devon/Jamaica historical connections, to identify three quite different descendants of a family called Vassall, who arrived in Devon in three different centuries. This is the story of how I got interested and what I have found so far.

It all started with an amazing coincidence. One evening at a French conversation group I met a man with whom we struggled to converse in French. It gradually came out - making shivers run down my spine! - that he had grown up in Jamaica, in Mandeville, on Manchester Road, near the soldier's camp (all where I had lived) and two doors away from our house! - although he was there a decade before we moved in. He had gone to a local school and walked home along roads I was very familiar with. He and his sister had been white children with ginger hair, who attracted a lot of attention (not always welcome), as I had done with my ginger hair. Who was he and what was his family history? Why did he live there? and what was his life like? And why did he now live in Exeter? I was intrigued to find answers to these questions and, luckily for me, he had a well-worn copy of a book of his family history which he was willing to lend me (now available online).

It turned out that this chap - I'll call him David to preserve his anonymity - is descended from a long line of white Jamaicans, from the prominent Vassall family. The Vassalls had been Huguenots who fled to England from France due to persecution of Protestants in the sixteenth century. They had been early to take advantage of the opportunity of settling in the West Indies and North America, and had divided their lives over the years between islands such as Jamaica, the New England colony of Massachusetts, and England, amassing great fortunes from slavery. Nevertheless, David lives a normal life in Exeter, working as a gardener and pursuing his hobbies in music, art and cycling.

The first Vassalls in the New World

William Vassall (1592-1655), cloth worker born in Stepney, was the first of the family to go to New England, which he did as an assistant in the Massachusetts Bay Company. At a formal meeting in 1629 he was appointed to 'go over' and took his whole family across, settling in Plymouth (Mass.), but then in 1648 removing to Barbados. This was at the time of the English Civil War when Devon royalists such as Modyford, Walrond and Colleton were also settling on that island and beginning the cultivation of sugar through slave labour. William's son, John (1625-1688), seems to have been very active in the adventure in which Modyford and Colleton were also involved, of unsuccessfully attempting to settle Cape Fear in the Carolinas, appealing for relief in 1657. John seems not to have been involved in Barbados but took more of an interest in Jamaica, as records show him taking important roles on that island before moving there permanently in 1672. From the State papers relating to Jamaica, it appears that Sir Thomas Lynch, the then Governor of that Island, wrote March 10, 1672, "from Virginia comes one John Vassall, a sober rational man," And again, "Col. Vassal and Mordecai Royes to undertake the drawing of a most exact and particular map of the whole Island"[v].

In 1673 he was engaged by the Governor to do a survey to make 'a true account of all the families in the Island'. A key factor in the family's later fortune must have been the legacy received in the will of Thomas Modyford in 1669 of 1,000 acres of land near the mouth of the Black River on "Luana Bay", in the parish of St. Elizabeth, - a gift indeed! From these beginnings the Vassall family multiplied and prospered in Jamaica, and from this family three lots of descendants eventually settled in Devon, as will become clear.

Vassalls' Jamaican property

There are such good records of the Vassalls' history that one can get an idea of the extent of their ownership of slave plantations. I have recorded a list of all their properties mentioned on the LBS website from documents between 1714 and 1827 (taken mainly from Calder). Of the 27 Vassalls on the website, 18 properties are found, spread over parishes in the west of Jamaica. (The numbers in the table refer to their locations on the map. Properties in bold were still in the family in 1835.)

Parish	Property in records 1714-1827
St Elizabeth	1. Content 2. Lower Works Pen 3. Luana 4. Middle Quarter 5. Middlesex Pen 6. New Savannah 7. Pond Pen 8. Top Hill Pen 9. Vineyard Pen 10. Y.S.
Hanover	11. Abingdon 12. Green Island River (Green Castle?) 13. Newfound River
Westmoreland	14. Friendship and Greenwich 15. Sweet River Pen
St James	16. Seven Rivers
Manchester	17. Greenvale
St Catherine	18. Un-named

From that gift of Luana from Modyford to John Vassall, the family greatly extended their holdings across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. How had they managed this?

Vassall marriages into other prominent slave-owning families

One way the Vassalls prospered was by consolidating their position in the slave-owning elite of Jamaica through marriage into other prominent families. In 1685, for instance, Leonard Vassall (1678-1737) married Ruth Gale, daughter of Col. Jonathan Gale, Custos of St Elizabeth. The Gale- Morant papers which record the finances of the Gale properties are kept at the University of Exeter. Florentius Vassall (d.1710) was brother-in-law to Peter Beckford, who was grandfather to the notorious William Beckford of Fonthill in Wiltshire, one of the largest slave-owners and scandalous lover of 'Kitty' Courtney of Powderham Castle. Another Florentius Vassall (1709-1776) was brother- in-law to Joseph Foster Barham, owner of two large sugar plantations and a subject of R.S. Dunn's 'A tale of two plantations: Slave life and labor in Jamaica and Virginia'. Thus it is clear that the Vassall family were central figures in the heyday of the Jamaican sugar/slave economy of the eighteenth century, and closely linked with the other powerful families.

To what extent were the Vassalls involved in the running of their plantations?

Calder's book 'John Vassall and his descendants' is very informative about where the Vassalls lived. This is a complicated story because they divided their time between Jamaica, England and New England. Our interest is whether they lived on their plantations and took control of running them or whether they lived in greater comfort at a distance, leaving attorneys to manage the unsavoury business of ensuring the forced labour of their workforce. The book shows that five generations of Vassall men, from the first John to settle in Jamaica in 1672 through his descendants over the eighteenth century, died in different countries to where they were born; mainly either born in Jamaica and died in Massachusetts or England or vice versa. It is clear that they were able to live in grand style in Massachusetts at times, and at other times took an active interest in their plantations to ensure their efficient running.

Were the Vassalls cruel slave-owners?

When they were actively involved in their estates, it is clear that appalling cruelty was the norm. When Florentius Vassall (1709-1776) engaged Thomas Thistlewood to manage his Vineyard Pen property in 1750[vi], he personally showed how to maintain white supremacy in challenging circumstances. He ordered the lead slave driver to be bound to an orange tree and given nearly 300 lashes 'for his many crimes and negligences', which sent the man to his hut for the next nine days. Thistlewood's notorious diaries record the round of floggings administered to the men and women on the estate and his sexual predations of the female slaves. The Vassalls' fortunes and social standing in Jamaica and New England was based on this extremity of violence and exploitation, for which the law did not hold them accountable.

However, at a later time (1821), during the period of Amelioration when the British government was under pressure from the Abolition movement to enforce improvements in the conditions of slavery, another Vassall got into trouble for his quite indirect murder of an enslaved man[vii]. This was the case of Robert Oliver Vassall of Abingdon estate, who was Custos (chief magistrate) of the parish of Hanover where one William Dehaney was accused of involvement in a plot (not sure about what) a crime punishable by death, but was instead sentenced to transportation. He somehow managed to return and steal a horse, which led to his recapture upon which he was immediately hanged by order of the magistrates. Vassall was away in Kingston at the time but he was the chief magistrate so was held responsible. He feared for his life, escaped and hid for four months, but was eventually tried and the case was dismissed. He was reinstated into his position but was said to be a broken man from then on. The Crown, despite not having won the case, thought that the magistrates of Jamaica had been taught a useful lesson in being more responsible towards the enslaved population. The story illustrates that the enslaved were still subject to cruelties in the nineteenth century but that the rule of law put more constraints on the power of slave-owners

To what extent do the compensation records give an accurate picture of the Vassalls' Jamaican property?

While the Vassalls clearly had a heyday in the eighteenth century, the records show that, by the time of Emancipation (1835), there were only seven properties in their name for which they successfully claimed compensation, as listed below.

Compensation in 1835
Content, £561, 32 enslaved (Owner Elizabeth Vassal)

Un-named, £213, 12 enslaved
Newfound River, £2595, 133 enslaved
Friendship and Greenwich with Sweet River Pen, £7211, 401 enslaved
Greenvale, £133, 5 enslaved

Were the other properties sold? Unsuccessfully claimed because of debts? Merged with other properties or abandoned? Whatever the reason, this table shows that the compensation records only provide limited evidence of a family's slave-ownership over time, especially over the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Why did Vassalls own fewer properties at Emancipation than in the 18^th century?

From the LBS database it appears that the Vassalls lost their major properties (Luana, New Savannah, Abingdon, Middlesex Pen, Seven Rivers) in the fifty years before Emancipation. Some clues as to what happened can be found on the LBS website and in 'John Vassal and his Descendants' though records are incomplete and sometimes contradictory. Two properties, Luana and New Savannah, were inherited by other family members not called Vassall. Regarding Luana, for instance, records seem contradictory, but it appears that other family members owned it by 1835, as compensation was received by John Fisher of Greenwich, who was related to the Gale family, who were related to the Vassalls. New Savannah was inherited through the Vassal line (Lewis snr, Lewis jnr, Florentius) but then Florentius' widow married John Salmon, explaining the name John Salmon on the successful claim. Two properties had been sold: Abingdon was owned by merchants in 1829, two years after the death of its previous owner, Robert Oliver Vassall, even though he had children living at the time; Middlesex Pen was owned by a large slave-owner, Caleb Dickinson, by 1820 and he received the compensation. Another two properties were mortgaged: Seven Rivers was held by Vassalls up to at least 1795 but compensation was received by the mortgagee; Green River was still listed as being owned by William Vassall of Berry Pomeroy but the compensation was paid to his mortgagee. Thus the majority of these Vassall properties (four out of six) had been either sold or mortgaged, with the rest (two out of six) being passed to other family members. Perhaps the Vassalls had decided to sell their Jamaican plantations to invest in other areas, such as British industry as the industrial revolution was advancing or in government bonds which would pay a steady return. However, it could also be a case of mismanagement and extravagant living, leading to falling profits and mounting debts.

William Vassall (1753-1843) of Berry Pomeroy

William Vassall of Berry Pomeroy was one of these disappointed claimants. According to the LBS database, this William Vassall made a claim for compensation for the 198 enslaved on his Green River estate in Hanover, Jamaica. However, unfortunately for him, the compensation of £3,870 was instead paid to his mortgagee, Andrew Colvile, of London. The Green River estate had been owned by William's grandfather then father since at least the beginning of the eighteenth century and inherited by William on his father's death in 1800. So presumably the debt to Colvile had not been incurred to buy the property but had more likely been due to poor management and extravagant living.

How was this William related to our present-day David? William and David came from the same line of Vassalls with the Huguenot ancestors. William's great-great grandfather had ventured to Barbados and New England in the first part of the seventeenth century; his great-grandfather had lived in New England and then was granted land in Jamaica; and his grandfather, Leonard (16781737), had substantial estates in Jamaica and Boston, Massachusetts. At this point the family lines diverge, between two of Leonard's sons: John (1713-1747) from whom David is descended, and William's father (another William, 1715-1800). So the short answer is the William and David would be cousins seven times removed. (See the family tree below)

A Vassall residence in New England

Family Tree showing relationship between 'David' and William Vassall of Berry Pomeroy

Portrait of William's father with his younger brother, Leonard, painted in 1771 in New England by John Singleton Copley, shortly before they were forced to flee to Britain [viii]

A little more about William Vassall

William was born in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1753, the fifth male child of his parents and the only one to survive the first year of life; he must have been a much-treasured eldest son. He lived to the advanced age of 90 years but left no children of his own. He matriculated at Harvard College in 1771 at the age of 18 years. However, at this time the American colonists were becoming restive about paying tax to the British crown and revolution was brewing. As the Vassall family were prominent Loyalists, supporting the British side over that of the Americans seeking independence, they were endangered and in 1772 had to flee the country, never to return, and the family estate was confiscated. This was not too serious a problem as they still had substantial Jamaican property! It appears they settled in Battersea, London. The following year William went to Magdalen College, Oxford.

It appears that William had an uneventful life as there is very little about him in the records. He must have moved down to Devon by 1792 as it was in this year that he married Ann Bent, a Devon girl, in Plympton St Mary. By 1802 he was living in Totnes where he appeared on the voters' list[ix] and in 1812 he took out a 21 year lease on Weston House on the eastern outskirts of the town but in the parish of Berry Pomeroy[x]. He leased it with Christopher Farwell from the Duke of Somerset for £315, and renewed the lease[xi] for a further 14 years in 1831. He died childless in 1843 and was buried at Totnes church. Thus while the Vassalls had made great fortunes it does not appear that this descendant was particularly wealthy.

Eleanor Vassall and her Glanville children

At this point I will bring in another slave-owning Vassall, this time a woman of mixed race who, unlike the aforementioned William, made a successful claim for £133 for her five enslaved people (shown in the table). Living at Greenvale in Manchester, Jamaica, Eleanor Vassall was the common- law wife of Samuel Glanville of Greenvale and Ottery St Mary (Devon). His compensation claim for his 226 enslaved workers (for £4,652) was unsuccessful because he still owed money to his mortagee. Her Devon connection is that five of her children with Samuel Glanville left Jamaica where they had been born and raised and went to live in and near Ottery St Mary when they were young adults, in 1851 (1851 Census). The eldest daughter, Caroline aged thirty, lived on Mill Street with her grandfather Thomas Glanville, solicitor of Ottery, while the others lived at Alfington House (now Alfington Farm) in the nearby village of Alfington. The youngest of the family, another Thomas, was made the head of the household and by the end of the century had become the largest landowner in the village[xii].

A little more about Eleanor Vassall

Less is on record about Eleanor than about the other Vassalls because she was a woman of mixed race. Her existence was unofficial; her baptism (if any) does not seem to have been registered and her relationship with Samuel was not legalised by marriage. The events of her life have to be inferred. Eleanor was born in St Elizabeth, Jamaica, probably around 1800, and had died by 1851.

The colours of her children were described by the vicar at their baptisms as 'mestee' or 'quadroon', based on their appearance, indicating that Eleanor was somewhere between mulatto (half black, half white) and quadroon (quarter black, three-quarters white) (jamaicanfamilysearch.com). While I haven't found any records of her baptism, those of other mixed race children of Vassall men with mulatto women in St Elizabeth were recorded; for example, in 1775, three 'reputed' children of one John Vassall by Rosy Lamb were baptised, and in 1784 two sons of John Vassall jnr (dec) by Sally Watts. But Eleanor's father may not have acknowledged her so she does not appear in the records.

What would their experiences of moving to Devon have been like?

These three lots of Vassall descendants arrived in Devon in different centuries: William possibly in the late eighteenth, Eleanor's children in the nineteenth, and David in the twentieth century. Their experiences may have been very different, based on their level of wealth, their colour, and their previous lives. One imagines that William would have had the easiest time in light of his elite education and his income from the Green River plantation which enabled him to live a fancy life in the stately home of Berry Pomeroy. Eleanor's children also had a level of wealth from their father's investments based on his income from Greenvale; they lived in a once grand house and did not have to earn their livings. But they must have found life very dull in the hamlet of Alfington, where they did not have a circle of families to visit as they would have had in Jamaica. Their colour would have been a handicap to them socially - but how would this have compared with their situation in Jamaica? Livesay, in Children of uncertain fortune, writes about mixed race Jamaican children having very limited opportunities in Jamaica in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries with legal barriers to their advancement, and their white fathers sending them back to Britain under the patronage of their white families in the hope that they would have better prospects. Their futures were then dependent upon their acceptance by these white families. Perhaps that's why Samuel Glanville sent his children 'home'? But other authors (Olusoga, 2020; Hall, 2020) have examined how racial discrimination became fiercer in the late nineteenth century, at the time that Eleanor's children were in Alfington, supported by the writings of Thomas Carlyle and the social Darwinist movement. So their lives may not have been very satisfactory.

Lastly, David's parents decided to move the family to England in 1962 when Jamaica gained independence; the long line of eleven generations of Vassalls in Jamaica had come to an end. David described his life in Jamaica as one which sounds typically colonial. His parents had an active social life and left their children in the care of a nanny whom they loved more than their own mother. They went to local schools in which black and white children and teachers mixed, but they were forbidden to invite any black friends home. I was amazed to learn how racial attitudes had been transformed in the ten years since David left the island and I arrived, two doors down the road. I was probably totally naive and broke social norms with abandon, being married to a black Jamaican and mixing with his family and black and white work colleagues. It was all a social minefield which I didn't know how to navigate. Nevertheless, since independence, racial attitudes had vastly changed, partly due to the Black Power movement from America and also simply from independence. From 1972 Michael Manley's socialist government promoted fundamental changes in attitudes, where blackness and black culture were appreciated and no longer denigrated. White politicians took pains to associate with black people and adopt features of African culture in things like music, dance, dress and foods. Perhaps this was exactly what David's parents had feared and so had removed their children from these influences. Nevertheless, I think it was hard for David as a white Jamaican to integrate with British children or succeed in the school system. As Jamaican immigrants in 1962, they should have been seen as part of the Windrush generation; yet this label only seems to be applied to the black working class West Indians who arrived. Whites were able to mingle with white Britons on the surface, while their difference in accent, outlook and expectations may have made a deeper integration quite difficult. The sudden loss of white privilege would also have been something difficult to deal with.

Conclusion

This has been a broad sweep across the centuries of one family's involvement in Jamaican slavery and their later moves to Devon. I have looked at three lots of Vassall descendants who came to Devon - William Vassall, the five young Glanvilles, and 'David' - and speculated about their motives and experiences, and attempted to find out how they were related. I have looked in a general way at the Vassalls' Jamaican properties, the rise and fall in their fortunes, and their role in enforcing the enslavement of their African workers.

What I find interesting is to see how one family's involvement with slavery and colonialism changes over the years as the political climate, the economy and social attitudes change. It is interesting to follow a global family as they move to and fro across the Atlantic, showing that globalisation is nothing new; also to see how some early good fortune could enable a family to gain enormous wealth but then to gradually lose it again. It is also interesting to follow how relationships between the races play out in different eras, how these issues are still current today, and how these people places and events have touched my own life.

References

1851 UK Census accessed on Ancestry.com

Calder, C.M. (1920). John Vassal! and his descendants. Hertford. https://archive.org/stream/johnvassallhisde00cald/johnvassallhisde00cald_djvu.txt)

Curtin, M.R. (2013). The story of Hanover, a Jamaican parish. UK: BookBaby.

Dunn, R.S. (2014). A tale of two plantations: Slave life and labor in Jamaica and Virginia. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard UP.

FamilySearch/Jamaica/St. Elizabeth non-white baptisms Findmypast/Devon marriages

Hall, C. (2020) Mother country. London review of books. 42(2). https://www.lrb.co.uk/the- paper/v42/n02/catherine-hall/mother-country

jamaicanfamilysearch.com website

Kelly's Directory of Devon and Cornwall, 1914.

Legacies of British Slave-ownership website. https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs

Livesay, D.A. (2018). Children of uncertain fortune: Mixed race Jamaicans in Britain and the Atlantic family, 1733 -1833. N. C.: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture and the University of North Carolina Press.

Olusoga, D. (2020). Black and British: A short, essential history. Bristol: Storysmith.

Thistlewood, T. Diary of Thomas Thistlewood, 1748-1786, Monsoon 31, vols 1-37, Lincolnshire County Archives.

21.11 Salt Savanna Great House

22 Book extracts

22.1.1 Development of Creole Society 1770-1820. Higman & Brathwaite

Serfdom etc re slavery P119
Comments re absentees P130 & lack of progress in methods
Small settlers P146 <500 acres
Coffee trade, ecouragament P149
Jobbing Slaves P160
Deficiency Law P170 re white men emp by free coloureds
Act of Privilege – P 172 – 1772-96, 67 acts & 512 individuals.
Long on negro v ape. P183

23 Jamaica Archives and Registrar General Department

Jamaican Records are held in three places, The Island Record Office (Registrar General’s Department, RGD), the Archives and the National Library.

The RGD holds copies and indexes of the Wills, deeds and birth marriages and death records.
The Archives holds most other records.
The Library has a major collection of maps, in particular the estate maps, also copies of newspapers and other documents and publications.

Island Record Office/ Registrar General Department:

Head of department 2011:
leovia.taylor@rgd.gov.jam
Assistant (who helped me 2011-23) Mario.reynolds@rgd.gov.jam

Researcher Dianne T Golding Frankson
diannefrankson@yahoo.com

Dan Livesay researching assimilation of mixed race families into England 1750-1850. livesayd@umich.edu

0830-1700
Off the roundabout on the Kingston road out of Spanish Town, about 200 yds towards Kingston on the left, the old road not the new!
Not at all like the Archives.
Enter by the main gate, but go to the staff entrance, to the right of the main public entrance. Security guard there will give a day pass for the IRO.
4 desks in the middle of an open plan office. No photographs of documents allowed, only copies on an A3 copier. Hourly charge of $J850, payable in advance best thing to do is bite the bullet and pay for the day at the beginning. Payment by credit card or cash at the cash desk in the public area (full of Jamaicans registering births etc, hence not a quick process). Best done early on late in the day.

Cheap Jamaican lunch available in the cafeteria - you won't starve.

This office holds wills, deeds and parish record copies.

Wills are indexed by name in year groups, referring to the volume and folio number. Ask for the index books, list the possibilities and request the originals, which appear quickly. Note that where the wills have been transcribed from older copies that the folio reference in the index book is incorrect. Most volumes of wills have an index in the front, which seems to give the correct folio, sometimes with a cross reference to the old number.
Index book 1 goes from 1663 to 1814. A few volumes are not available due to deterioration. Volume 1 & 2 of wills have been transcribed into 1 volume in the 19thC and are poorly indexed and out of order.

What is different between old series and supreme court?

Deeds:
These vary from conveyances of land to debt settlement through slave sales. Usually quite simple when the beginning and end is taken out. The parties are described as gent or mariner etc and area of residence.
Deeds listed by Grantor and Grantee by letter, book number and name. Gives both parties and later on the type of document. There are thousands! Index books only cover 5 year periods. This area needs more study, and would probably reveal more.
Old Series of interest to us.

Archives:
0900-1630 M-T, 0900-1530 F
Easy to find from Ocho Rios - keep going into town, and keeping slightly left they are behind the colonnaded building in the Emancipation Square, with a bit of begging can park outside archives. Much like a small English record office, but less mechanised! Nice helpful staff.
Microfilm records can be printed, originals photographed at small cost. No charge for use of facilities.

1B/11/3/--
Main records of interest are the estate inventories done at death: they were almost always done when the deceased had any personal property - they do not list any real estate.

The inventories are indexed by name in year groups and start at about 1675 and run into the late 19^thC. The inventories themselves are partly on film and part still original. They contain details of the personal estate left by the deceased including slaves, usually named and valued.

Crop Accounts (1B/11/4/--)
These accounts were filed intermittently for each property and showed their sales to outsiders in varying degrees of detail. They stretch from mid 18thC to late 19thC. They are indexed by property name. They have varying degrees of detail. It appears that pens did not file many returns, particularly early on.

Land Grants:
These are in two parts, the patent granting the land to an individual and the plat which contains a map. Sometimes the plat is filed with the patent, but more often they are filed in a separate series. They are listed by grantee name and date. There are indices giving the breakdown by parish. Not all grants were recorded as plats and not all as letters patent! Check both!

The Archives also have sets of the Gleaner and other collections including the Bisco set of photographs, including one of Kellits.

Tuesday 29^th and Wednesday 30^th

10G3 pvt act for Ann Sermore & George Brooks rights & priv.

23.1 Williams Family – Auriol

Martin Williams Grantee 1777-85

2/1/23

I hope firstly that this finds you well - and, good wishes for the New Year.

Auriol may have mentioned to you that the book on Bryngwyn and Old Hope is coming along. Indeed, it is very nearly complete, and I am very pleased to let you know that the University of Wales Press wish to publish it. That is very exciting. Auriol's help and commitment to this project has been unfailing, and I do appreciate that immensely.

She has mentioned to me that you are heading back to Jamaica shortly, and urged me to contact you if there was anything that we needed! Now, I certainly don't wish to put you to enormous trouble, so I will not be offended in the least if your agenda is already full.

There are a couple of items that I have not been able to track down. They concern how the Williams family came to acquire Seven Rivers and Anchovy Bottom. (Thanks to your assistance, we have the core grants for Old Hope to the Williamses.) For Seven Rivers and Anchovy Bottom, the lands had already been patented, but were then assigned or transferred to Martin Williams, possibly with assistance from his father Thomas Williams. I think Seven Rivers is about 1756 and Anchovy Bottom is probably about 1760-65 - both in the parish of St James. I attach below the text that I have already prepared from the sources that I have. That gives my reasoning, along with the names of the original patentees.

Well, I do hope that you can help with this one,

Regards, Melvin

Seven Rivers

A deed of 1779 suggests that Seven Rivers, at about 2,500 acres, was formed from lands originally patented by Henry Fenwick, James Fforrester, James Patterson, John Woodcott and John Thompson. Afterwards, the patents were amalgamated into a single estate in the ownership of Thomas Williams, although the deed continued to refer to its three distinct components: Seven Rivers plantation and sugar works, Bickerstaff Cattle Pen and Henderson Pen.[i] In turn, a later account stated that it was Martin Williams who actually settled Seven Rivers – and ‘with great trouble, labour and expense’.

The date at which the plantation was finally established is not entirely clear. Neither Martin himself nor the original patentees appear in the 1754 quit rent book, suggesting that this occurred after this date, and this suggestion is given further credence by the record of a dispute with his neighbour, Florentius Vassal, in November 1757. This was a classic Jamaican planters’ dispute over the right to extract water from a boundary stream between two estates. Its significance lies in Martin’s petition for an Act of the Jamaican Assembly to secure his right, where he stated that he had recently ‘been at trouble and expense in settling a sugar work and in building mills, etc.,’ at Seven Rivers.[ii]

[i] TNA C108/174, deed of 22 September 1779, reciting mortgage of 10-12 October 1775 and deed providing additional security of 30 June 1777; the Plan of Seven Rivers Estate surviving at Bryngwyn and dated 1814 still showed two cane pieces called Bickerstaff, but the name Henderson was lost by this date.

[ii] National Library of Jamaica, MS 1036, Florentius Vassall’s case for the opinion of the Solicitor General, November 1757; Journals of The Assembly of Jamaica, vol.5, September 1757 – September 1766 (St Jago de la Vega, Jamaica, 1829), pp.44-5, 49, 53; Michael Craton, Searching for the Invisible Man: Slaves and Plantation Life in Jamaica (Harvard University Press, 1978), p.54; Jeanette Marks, The Family of the Barrett: A Colonial Romance (New York 1938), p.166-7.

Anchovy Bottom

A decade elapsed before Martin proceeded to open up the Anchovy Bottom estate in a dry valley in hill country nearer to Montego Bay. Again this comprised ‘several runs of land’, formerly patented by James Ross, John Bartibo, Samuel Barnett, John James and John Childermass. Three of the patentees appeared in the quit rent book of 1754, indicating that the Williams family became involved after that date, and the estate does not appear to have been formed in time for inclusion in Thomas Craskell and James Simpson’s Map of the County of Cornwall in the Island of Jamaica, surveyed in 1756-61 and published in 1763. However, by 1777 a recital in a deed described it as two estates, now merged: Anchovy Bottom and Mount Thirza.[i]

[i] TNA C108/174, deed of 22 September 1779 and recitals cited above.

Research Results Plans and Notes

January 2008:

Friday 25^th & Monday 28^th

April 2009:

A record of the search results is on the JAM Doc Records.XLS file, and inventory transcriptions on a separate XL file.
Spent 4 days in the RGD with an exhaustive search of all likely names in the Will Index Vol 1 (up to 1816). Many useful wills found. Any which looked to be relevant were inspected.
The Grantee Indexes were searched, and few entries were followed up with good results. Some Grantor indices were checked, and some also checked. Much more work required here. The earliest 4 volumes of indices have not been looked at. A table of the names & dates searched on JAM Doc Records.

2 days were spent in the Archives. A number of inventories were copied to coincide with some of the wills found. Land grants for the southern and western parishes were searched for family names and a number copied. A little work was carried out on Crop Accounts, but more could be done, but it begins to seem that they do not reveal much about the type of properties our family occupied.
No mention has been found of the Cove in the crop accounts: Cussins cove was in Hannover.

January 2010:

RGD 2 days, archives 2 hours.
850$/hr Jam
Researcher: Steve Campbell – steve.campbell@rgd.gov.jm 506-6748 cell. Available at $850/hr (he also produces documents).

Met Patricia Jackson & Donald Lindo.

Note:
PC’s from Archives films better done in 2 sheets – difficult to read if on one sheet.
2/10: found films can be copied to jpg’s direct – a much better system. Best Resolution 300 dpi – 200 not easy to read – watch margin limits!

Done 2008:

The Inventory indices for our families were studied:
1B/11/3/--
Maitland 1675-1818 fully and the relevant known death periods after that range.
Wright 1675-1810.
Sinclair 1675-1806
Burton 1675-1806
Booth 1675-1777
Roderick Rose not found.
Penfold not yet checked.

Hyem Cohen inventory also copied for interest.

Crop Accounts (1B/11/4/--)
Index for Giddy Hall checked for period 1786-1810. There are more later on. There seemed no mention in this period of Mitcham and the Silver Grove listed was a sugar estate in Trelawney. Andrew Wright's properties would be worth a look, and may list Mitcham and Silver Grove with his properties.
Woodstock in Westmoreland would also be worth looking, but was mentioned in John Maitland's will of 1853.

Land Grants:
A Patent for Nicholas Delaroche was found near Santa Cruz and several for Lieut William Sinclair. None found for Maitlands. I only looked at St Elizabeth. This series could bear another look.

Deeds:
Maitlands: Grantee indices for 1777-1818
Wright: Grantee indices for 1777-1809 for relevant ones only - too many otherwise. Grantor for 1803-9 to see if Rebecca W's property transfer was listed - not! Andrew Wright's executors reported a couple of times, and might be worth a look with more time. Similarly Hyem Cohen, whose estate was very big and complicated.
Sinclair: 1777-1785 not much found.

To Be Done 1/2/08:

Also Letters testamentary - not seen
and letters of Administration - not seen.
Giddy Hall Crop Accounts
Andrew Wright property CA's
Woodstock CA's.
Penfold 1804 Scott’s Cove
Wright 1763 Scott’s Cove, inland slightly, near Mt Pleasant between Culloden & Scott’s Cove (JFS map). “The Cove” seems to be Wells in 1763.

Wills:
Maitland: All checked from 1675-1810 and also later relevant to us.
Wrights: relevant listed 1675-1810. Andrew Wright's PRO will repeated.
Sinclair: a quick look, found Priscilla.
Burton: Looked for relevant ones (Nicholas & Judith, not found)
Penfold: none found for 1750-1810.

Further Research required (3/2008):

Manumission of Patty
Inventory & will of Patty Penford abt 1795 – will found, no inventory
Roderick Rose
The Cove - when was it sold?
Gazettes sailings - RDW etc to England bef 1805.
Black River town maps.
Campbell properties.
Privilege Bill - done at PRO.
Wright Deeds - property of Patty to RDW or FM.
Single Rock

Andrew Wright deeds.
Isabella & Ruth Read, daus of Ruth Sinclair.
Ramsgate (re Andrew Wright Inventory)
Patents & Plats other Parishes.
Francis Wright wills 1760-ish.
Stretton Hall, Vere
Burton Wills
Jamaica Gazette in the Archives.
Bernuda Castle (John Hayle Sinclair, 1766)
Top Hill, Vere Carpenter's Mountains (John & Priscilla Sinclair).
Red Hills, St Johns (Sinclair) now St Andrew, NW side of Kingston.
Dodson's pen, St Catherine (Priscilla Sinclair)
John Maitland deeds.
Andrew Wright Deeds
John & Priscilla Sinclair marriage.
Nicholas Burton - other parishes.
Rebecca Wright burial 1805.

To Do:
Francis 1 & 2 Death Duty records, IR27 index, IR26 record.
Ditto Rebecca Wright
Jamaica Gazette for Francis & Ann Sailings. esp 1804-5 & 2/1808-6/1809. At Kew from 1813 as CO141.
Jam Gazette for Francis 2 death.
Baptist burials Bristol, Frances Ann M. 26/12/1818
George Maitland Will & Inventory 1850.
Septimus Maitland descendants
Octavius M 1840 Will & Inventory.
Devon Records for Customs records for Francis 2.

Crop Records Holland Est, St E, abt 1850, re George M.

Woodstock Crop Records.

Who Died 11/1787:

In Trelawny, at Golden Grove estate, Mr. Robert Maitland, Millwright?

To Do List John Maitland:

Patent to Morice Rowlinson, Westmoreland (re Patty Penford’s purchase 1769).

Further Research 3/2008:
Recheck Sarah Maitland jnr PR – found to be Milland,
John Maitland deeds.
Richard Maitland deeds & career – Jamaica inventory?
The "Atlantic" - Lloyd's list.
Will/Inventory of Sarah Maitland (none on PRO).

The second deed, dated November 22, 1793, grants the property from Joseph Longman back to William Delaroche for ten shillings.
The following lands are listed as part of Giddy Hall:
400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom.
250 acres patented August 12, 1689 in the name of Thomas Spencer.
300 acres patented in 1697 in the name of Elisabeth Jones.
950 acres of land situated in Luana Mountains cutting and bounding northerly on land belonging to Henry Louis Esq. Easterly on Robert Smith. Southerly on David Fyffe, and Westerly on lands belonging to Matthew Smith Senior Esq.
George Rolph was witness to both deeds.

Wrights of Clarendon & St E – land grants

Penfolds & Sinclair ditto.

Jamaica Jan 2010:

Inspected deeds: Film copies of 116 end, 119, 120-122, 125, 127, 128, 130-148 many copies made.
Film copies good to fair, easy to print off copies.
Had The Cove deed copied.
Inspected Grantee index 3 & grantor index 1 – noted to XLS.

MI of Jamaica (Facey copy - all copied to relevant entry):

Savannah la Mar Dolling Street Burial Ground no 2:
#1857 Thomas Tomlinson esq d 30 December 1790 aged 64
Susannah Tomlinson wife of the above died 12 August 1791

Manchester, Mandeville Parish Church

Tablet: Robert B Wright, M.D. died 19 November 1820 and buried at Kensworth in his 33^rd year. Erected by his widow Nicola

Ryde, Near Newport:
Mr J.C. Wint born 23 January 1816 died 30 June 1866

Snowden, St David’s Church:
Nicola Eliza Wright, eldest daughter of R.B. Wright and Nicola Wright of Kensworth, died 20 May 1835 aged 21

Alley, St Peter’s PC (formerly Vere) Clarendon

Mural Tablets.

William Pusey esq, Representative in Assembly for this parish, and Colonel of the Midland Division of Horse Militia, d 11 June 1783 aged 42
Elizabeth his wife, d 8 June 1780 in her 40^th year.

John Pusey esq, d 24 Jan 1767 aged 75 (and floor slab)

Clarendon Sheckle’s
The Hn John Sheckle esq, Custos Rotulorum of the Parish of Clarendon and Vere and Brigadier of Militia, died in his 70^th year 17 June 1782 (after) a residence of 55 years on the Island

St Catherine St James Cathedral:
Floor
Alexander Sinclair d 31 Dec 1854 aged 52.

Major General James Bannister late Governor of Sarrenham who departed this life the 10^th November Ano Domi 1674 in the 50^th year of his age

Roses buried here early 18thC

Linsted St Thomas in the Vale Church
Floor
Miss Elizabeth Burton, cousin to William & Elizabeth Thomas of this Parish, died 13 July 1742 in her 18^th year.

To Do Next (Jan 10):

Crop Accounts:
Tophill is listed in the early volumes many times, but was a sugar estate (Lewis Vassall in 1741, St Elizabeth) May be to look further to see is it is a Hayle property later. 1B-11-4-1f104 1741
A Tophill Pen appears later, but this one was in St Ann.

Silver Grove were listed was a Plantation or Estate, so not ours.
Mitcham is listed, some times with Silver Grove. None have been looked at yet.
Goshen & Longhill Pen is listed, and may be of interest for the Sherman family.

Giddy Hall is listed intermittently, and should be copied for interest.

Other names tried and drew blanks: Smoakey Hole, Dixons, Red Hills, Single Rock & Culloden.
A Shickles Pen appears in 1805, and Shickles, John Hayle on Vol 16/144.

Other properties to research – try Letters Patent Indexes:
Smoakey Hole (re JH will 1717)
Yarmouth, Vere ( “” ) Near West Harbour? (D8 Middx S 1804)
Dixons (JS 1740)
Rumate? (JS 1740)

Top Hill (Sinclair)

Woodstock Crop Records.

Visit National Library for property information.

To Do 2011

1^st Day: Archives – plats & pats, all currently known searched.
a few crop indices.
2^nd day & on.
Grantee indices 1&2 done.
Grantor indices 2&3 done.

Many viewed & copied.
John Sinclair 1741 will full copy taken.

Crop Accounts:
Giddy Hall Accounts after 1807 and before 1780, also 1 listed.
   Indexes but – not seen
   1833-4 V74F6
   1833   V73/227
   1825   V62/88
   1818   V52/220
Dixons (John S 1740) – probably JS’s name for it – land bt recently from Bixon..
Mount Lebanon Estate St Elizabeth.
Tophill Carpenter’s Mountains
Smoakey Hole (re JH will 1717)
Yarmouth, Vere ( “” ) Near West Harbour? (D8 Middx S 1804)
Dixons (JS 1740)
Rumate? (JS 1740)

Goshen
Crop Records Holland Est, St E, abt 1850, re George M.
Ramsgate (re Andrew Wright Inventory)
Single Rock Vere

Black River town maps.

Wills
Will of 1708 12/73 Elizabeth Wright – N/A 2/2010
John Chambers will 29/97 1752
Will & Inventory of Nevil Hayle aft 1745.
Rose Wills abt 1745
Will of Judith Burton (Sinclair) aft 1783

Copy: Supreme Court Wills 104/215, Francis Maitland entered 13/11/1824.

Deeds:
Copy LOS 581/101 or 161 Giddy Hall purchase.
Copy 48F68 Richard & Thomas Hayle. – viewed 2011, copied

Inventories:

Rose Inventories
Maitland pre 1778.
John Sinclair 1740 1B/11/3/22/F14 done.

Search Letters Patent Indices for family names,
esp Andrew Wright 1684, Vere.

Plats & Land Grants:

Ref Giddy Hall:
Plats 1B/11/2/
400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom/Green?.    NF
250 acres patented August 12, 1689 in the name of Thomas Spencer.   V3 19/434
300 acres patented in 1697 in the name of Elisabeth Jones.         V2/18/264

These are not grants: investigated.
950 acres of land situated in Luana Mountains cutting and bounding northerly on land belonging to Henry Louis Esq. Easterly on Robert Smith. Southerly on David Fyffe, and Westerly on lands belonging to Matthew Smith Senior Esq.

Robert Cotes, Clarendon, adjoining John Hayle. Done       1B/11/2/8F106 (V1)

Andrew Wright Plat 1684: Plat:                  Done      1B/11/2/34F27

John Banks, St E. by Great Pond (ref John Maitland)         NF – try Patents
Manley St E. (ref JM)                                       NF
Waldish St E (ref JM)
Weldish, Geo                                                V3 /19F 554 562

St E: Plats not found
Humphrey Colquhoun,
Lewis Robinson,
Henry Lewis
Samuel Foster

Richard Claibourne – Black River next to Jno Campbell.   All Claibournes copied
LC: 1B/11/2/17F77 & 104

Maurice Rowlinson & Dereck Durrant, Westmoreland (ref PP)
Plats not found

Grant, Daniel, Alexander & James Wmland, (ref Richard M) 1746
     Book 24, 49-51 – 51 copied, rest too fragile
Grant Pats poor condition

Benny, Robert, Wmland                                       NF
Ducket, George, Wmland    NF
John Stills ??

John James, Wmland – part of the Cove.          Done        V2 /18F268

JH Sinclair:
Thomas Durrant (Alligator Pond area) Vere Done /34F25
Bermudas/Bernudas castle, Clarendon.

(adj Smoakey Hole)
Major William Dawkins & Richard Dawkins Clarendon & others – copied
V1 118, 119,113,52, 114, 122, 111

Doctor john Burrell NF
John Hunt. Copied 180, 185, 187
Edward Hillg(y)ard – ref Francis Burton St John’s & St TiV. Copied 23F87
George Ivy - Vere - ref Andrew Wright Copied 34F42 – v poor copy.

Valentine Mumbee – ditto. Copied 3/412&422

Rose of St Elizabeth. Some copied

Ref John Sinclair snr
Dixons, Top hill & Milk River Clarendon.

Patent found. St E.

Pat 27/3/1732 Vol 19F137 300a St E Done

Sundry:
Ann Ash St Catherines Grant NF
Humphrey Knowles (Knollis) 1672 – Several copied
Thomas, Richard & John Knowles 1674 & 73 one found under Halse.
Thomas Berry NF.

Mario.reynolds@rdg.gov.jm
supervisor leovia.taylor@rgd.gov.jm

To be Done, 4/2011:

Deeds:

Copy LOS 581/101 or 161 Giddy Hall purchase.

Recheck Deed indices for Hayles pre 1690:
John & Richard to selling 1676
1680 Thomas Hayle buys from Thomas Parry. Done 7/12
1690: John Hayle to nephews 224/106
Deed 1676 Hayle land to Thomas Parry (ref 32/239) Done 7/12
View Deed 43/191 John Etc Hale Certs
Recheck deed 83/78 – Burton 7/12 still none
recheck deed 210/126 - Sinclair
View all John Sinclair Deeds. Review JH Sinclair deeds – notes too brief! Not done
Recheck JH Sinclair – Burton – 1765 210/126
Deed: Thomas Parry (Berry?) to Thomas Hayle 1680 (49/130)
Deed: 49/215 recheck details – John jnr dead by this time. Checked 7/12, but get copy
DEEDS William Hayle 1740’s, bricklayer.

Wills:

Richard Burton, 1/25. Copy missing
Recheck/Copy: John Hayle 1717 15/24 – Copy done 7/12
William Wright 1663.
Robert Wright 1748
Copy Wills LOS 36/134 JH Sinclair
Copy: Supreme Court Wills 104/215, Francis Maitland entered 13/11/1824. – done 7/12

Will John Dunston, liber 7.
Margaret Dunston 1745.

Thomas & Richard Hayle – wills pre 1700.

copy 15/24 John Hayle
24/25 Nevil Hayle.
16/161 Thomas Hayle

Richard Hayle 1711 Done 7/12
Alexander Sinclair His will of 16/8/1822

Wills 1894-1903: Sherman, Alfred, ITEM 6, 1899 #30
Wills 1927: Sherman, Thomas 76

Crops

Stoneland, St Thomas in Vale (re FB 1688) Not found 7/12
Crop records for Hayle & Smoakey Hole.
Smoakey Hole (re JH will 1717) Clarendon.

Tophill Carpenter’s Mountains One done, but try more 7/12

Giddy Hall Accounts after 1807 and before 1780, also 1 listed.
   Indexes but – not seen
   1833-4 V74F6
   1833   V73/227
   1825   V62/88
   1818   V52/220
Dixons (John S 1740) – probably JS’s name for it – land bt recently from Bixon.. None 7/12

Mount Lebanon Estate St Elizabeth.

Yarmouth, Vere ( “” ) Near West Harbour? (D8 Middx S 1804)

Dixons (JS 1740)

Rumate? (JS 1740)

Goshen
Crop Records Holland Est, St E, abt 1850, re George M.
Ramsgate (re Andrew Wright Inventory)
Single Rock Vere

Inventories

Francis Maitland /142 f174 1826 Inventory – recopy 2012 recheck number
Inventory: Richard Hayle 1710 – not found
Rose’s pre 1750 – Several found to 1763 – no Rodericks

Plats & Patents:

Burtons:

recheck Burton plats & try Patents for missing acres & other grants for Francis. St John & Thomas. No Francis’s but some early Peter Burton copied

Robert Hipsley (No plats) (neighbours of FB St John & St Thomas) & George Read St J plat copied – not connected

Harbottle Wingfield (re FB deed 1686) bought from Humphrey Knowles Pat 1672, (neighbours John Eubanks & William Butler). Several hump & Will K copied – correct one done.

Robert Hewitt, St TinV re deeds 1688 – Stoneland plantation No plat.

Thomas Anderson ref deed 228/113 No plat suitable?? Try again St E.??

Deed 210/126 – check details of transaction – Burton & Sinclair

Redo Col Ivy Plats.
George Ivy - Vere - ref Andrew Wright Recopied

Do Arthur Goodin (Goodwin) Vere

recopy 1B/11/2/34F42 Jno Durrant Recopied Recheck for Thomas Durrant patents??

Phillip Edmonds (ref Andrew Wright). Several copied – non relevant

Hayle:

Patent John Cherk re 27/108 bef 1690 Vere? (Henry Napier land ref Hayle). No plat found
Patent William Lord 15/9 20^th CII (1665ish?) re John Hayle 4/18. Plat copied

Yarmouth Land

30/127 – Vere & Clarendon.
Grant: Jacob Pickering (re 30/127 - 1699) (also Pickering Spotts ref Hayle land Drg) Many Pickerings – none copied
Grant: Philemon Dixon (re 30/127) No plats found
Grant: Thomas Hunt grant re 30/127 No plats found – tyr again
Grant: Robert Adlard (30/127) No Plats found
Grant: Edward Corke of Vere pre 1675 re 49/130. None found

1724: George Hayle patent Clarendon
Dawkins /119 recheck place names original a bit blured recopied

Hunt Neighbours in 180/185/187
Col William Ivy – re Hunt/Hayle map
Thos Hals to John Hunt – re Hayle Map
Who was Elizabeth Dawkins in Hayle Map – widow of William D? If so, find that piece of land.

Date for 122 Richard Dawkins. Dawkins, Rich 1B-11-2-8F122 - recopied

Thomas Parry ref Thomas Hayle 1680 49/130 No plat found

Neighbours on 1673 patent
John Honis (Harris) land in Clarendon (ref 29/46-36) Plat copied

John Maitland:
John Banks, St E. by Great Pond (ref John Maitland) Patents try later to 1785.

400 acres patented Feb 11, 1764 in the name of Richard Groom/Green try patents.
Col John Vassal St E – plat/Pat re John Campbell Luana Bay
2/19/494-510 7/2012

Sinclair
Trace land in John & Peter Sinclair deed 1739:
Joshua Tennant (Tennant – marked on Porus River). Joshua & Henry copied
Philemon Dixon Clarendon/St E. NF
Kyrle Bowman St Catherine/Clarendon/St E none found

William Cockburn NF
William Turner NF
John Clark – John & Jane copied
Edward Paxtten NF
John Anderson – St E Copied
Henry Hilliard – Copied.

John Stiles - Copied

Thomas Durrant land ref deed 1755 St E. (210/126)
recopy 1B/11/2/34F42 Jno Durrant Copied Robert St E 2/17//151

Red Hills St John re Priscilla Sinclair Will 1764.
Dodsons Pen, St C re PS will.
Top Hill

Dunston & Penford Plats/Patents – Robert Dunston St E copied

Penford:
Maurice Rowlinson & Dereck Durrant, Westmoreland (ref PP)
Plats not found – try patents.

Other:
Dawkins collection in National Library for adjacent properties to Hayles (Cadastral Map Collection). Also a smaller collection at the Bodleian.

To do Jan 2012

Roberts deeds ref Donna Kenny

Wills

Booth Wills
Thomas & Alexander Forbes will’s etc

Manumissions:

Book 8 on (end of book 5? as well). Copy Phyllis Smith & Rebecca & Patty.

Also:
6/F43 entry before Forbes/Patty signed by John Hayle Sinclair as witness.

St E PR: Forbes.
Leah Wright.

Plats & Patents

John Anderson refs from Jan 2012 -
& Capt Joshua Tennant St E ref Sinclair deed 1739
Thomas Anderson ref deed 228/113 No plat suitable?? Try again St E.??
Do Arthur Goodin (Goodwin) Vere – looks to be East side of Rio Minho mid Vere. Ref Mumbees/Wrights
John Stiles, St E, ref Richard M to Dan Grant. 19/431 470 453
Henry Harrison, St E ref Anderson/Tennant/Clark 18/217
John Banks, St E, re JM 336/130 No Plat
Leo Claiborne St E – patents as well re Maitland property 17/77
John Vassall Black River area – ditto. Done several

Patents

Francis Burton 1682 – plat msg abt 400 acres.
Geo Read ref Hipesly/Francis Burton also Robt Hipesly
Robert Hewitt, St TinV re deeds 1688 – Stoneland plantation No plat.
George Ivy 1691 & William Hinchston (bef 1691). Ref plat wording.
Samuel Manley (re John Maitland).

Deeds

Full copy 561/161, Ent 25 April 1809, Giddy Hall purchase
Booth Deeds.

Deed 210/126 – check details of transaction – Burton & Sinclair
Edmonds deeds pre 1703 – re land on Edmonds/Wright plat.
Thomas & Alexander Forbes Deeds in the 1750’s & 60’s.
Rebecca Wright’s purchase by Francis Wright. Not found

Crops

Stretton Hall, Vere, 1750ish (ref Wrights). Nil
Stoneland, St TinV, Burton. Early Nil
Andrew Wright’s properties.
Ramsgate Nil – retry later
Single Rock Vere Nil – retry later
Lowerworks, Black River
Scott’s Cove
Little Colluden. Nil to 1780
Ruinate nil to 1780
7/2012 done to Vol 10 1786

Other

Bodleian Library:
Dawkins Maps
OS print of Giddy Hall.

Done July 2012

Wills:
Indexes to date range as spreadsheet
Elringtons
Maxwell
Facey
Booth
Garland
Forbes
Shickle

All wills as spreadsheet to Book 35 inclusive
John Racker Webb copied for Donna Kenny
Francis Maitland will copied.
Forbes will to 1780 checked – no reference to Patty Penford
Francis Wright will precis’d – nothing on Rebecca Wright.
Some Garland & Shickle wills checked
Many Booth’s found.

Deeds Grantor index 4 checked as spreadsheet.
Deeds viewed as spreadsheet, mostly Booths.

Archives:
Inventory Index 1 (to 1777 Book 58) for Booth, Burton, Hayle, Shickle, Sinclair & Wright rechecked.
Up to Book 35 scanned copies.
Note Book 4 & 34 missing.
Crop:
indexes checked to about vol 10. Books 1 & 2 relevant entries photo’d.
Stretton Hall, Stoneland, Ramsgate, Single Rock, Colluden, Ruinate not found.
Some Lower Works done around 1800.

Plats for:
Arthur Goodwin Vere & Clarendon
John Stiles St Elizabeth
John Vassall St Elizabeth round Black River.
Leo Claibourne Black river area.

Peter Espeut Doing book on Jamaican properties.
Wills P/copied:
Francis Maitland 1824
Samuel Nevil Hayle 24/25-46
Richard Garland 24/117
Elizabeth Beale 24/120
John Hayle 1717
John Racker Webb 1830.

To do Aug 2012:

Done May 2013
Copy Francis Burton 6/214 – Not possible
Extend Shickle wills & other Christ’s Hospital mafia. Not done
Redo Plat 19f503c – parts missing - Tennant.

Crops not touched
Crops – complete Giddy Hall & Top Hill Pen, Biscany, Barbacue Hill (re Simon Booth will 1764).
Crops re Francis Wright will: Vere called Bemecay and Franklins ..lands called Gilberalter which I bought of Thomas Harper.
Bernuda Castle (re JH Sinclair 1766)
Withewood (Booth property)
Santiago (Geo Booth 1 will)
Bensons, Camps Savannah, Vere re Henry Booth will 1743.
Barbacue Hill, Vere (ref Simon Booth will 1764)

Wills:
Copy George Booth 1 & 2 & all direct Booth ancestors. Done
Will of James Garrett (1^st husband of Frances Booth bef 1676). Not found – maybe Barbados?
Will of John Gall Booth 1807. John Gall 79/18 1808 not viewed
Dunston Family re Wrights. Some wills done – complete viewing – also do Downer
Elisha Clark – re John Burton’s will of 1720. Not found. Not on PRO
George Maskall – re Benjamin Burton’s wife, Elbeata. Not found
Dr James Smith, pre 1795 – ref Hayles. Not done

Deeds:
Ref Thomas Booth will 1729, Plantations bought from Mr Brice Grey. NF
Deed 210/126 – check details of transaction – Burton & Sinclair Done
Francis Maitland and Ann nee Wright and George Roberts and Rebecca nee Wright. 14 Feb 1821 Not done
Booth Grantor Index 1&2
Sale of RDW to FW 25/8/1749 not found

Plats/Patents:

Tennant 19f503
Henry Colt & Wallacott Vere re deed 51/133 no plat
Richard Smart re Robert varney Ver 2/34 79&80

Robert Varney – 1685 re deed 19/198 George Booth, Brazillatto Mtns
George Osborn & John Pusey Clarendon – re 18/57 No plat
Elizabeth Wright – Vere recheck 1/83 – not found – re deed 18/58.
Joseph Gardner Clarendon/Vere – re deed 18/69
William Lord 1668 Clarendon – re deed 4/18
John Banks St E patent re John Maitland re 336/130. no plat
Lawrence Sett & William Walker re John valance 19f520
Boulton Clarendon 2/8 f30&37, 2/10 f65
John Downer Vere 34f22&24
John Shickle 35f13
Liz Wright Vere 34f83
William Lord Clarendon 10f27,36,39,40.

Inventories:
Copy end of Mary Wright 1B-11-3-30F024

manumissions:
Book 5&6 done
Nicholas & Francis Burton bef 1763.

Deeds Index 1 & 2 done for Booths and most copied where available.

To Do May/June 2013

Will of John Gall Booth 1807. John Gall 79/18 1808 Not correct
Wills Dunston Family re Wrights. Some wills done – complete viewing also Downers. Done
Wills Dr James Smith, pre 1795 – ref Hayles. Not done
Copy direct Booth wills not already done. Done
Copy direct Burton wills. Done
Search for later Booth wills.
Simon Booth will 35/103 – recheck dates.
15/168 John Burton of Port Royal recheck ref Mary of 1725 Done
15/24 John Hale, 1717 full copy Not done
10/14 Edward Burton of Port Royal recheck ref Mary 1725 & Barbados Done
Elisha Clark bef Will 1720. Not found 11/2013.
22/54 Henry Booth – recheck wording re children under 21 - Jane’s??
35/103 Simon Booth – check dates
Will Thomas Sutton aft 1686 ref early Booths Done, not much
Will of Joseph Wright 36/42 – condition?
Will Francis Burton V6/126 & Judith 14/24 Full copies DOne
Will John Chambers 29/97
Will of John Moore (ref Thomas Burton 159/100) 1/5/1723. Done

Recheck Wills indexes for Booths – seem to be some missing? Samuel who died 1760. Done

Inventories Marked in Excel.

Plat Ann Ash St C 1677 (ref 41/89-51) Done 2/5F6
Plat Robert Hippsley 1672, St in V, re deed 51/190
Plat: Henry Cobb & Francis Wallascott granted 814a on Clarendon now Vere re deed 18/172 W not found. Pat found 4/125 noted.
Plat Joseph Gardner Clarendon/Vere – re deed 18/69 2/8/155
Plats Elisha Clark. 2/8F86
Plat Jane Clark re deed 1/174. ditto
Plat John Hill bef 1670 ref deed 1/174. Nil plat or pat
Plat Val Mumbee pre 1670, deed 1/174. 2/10F60
Plat Henry Harrison re John Sinclair/Jane Clark/Josh Tennant plats. Nil

Plat: Thomas Anderson ref deed 228/113 No plat suitable?? Patents??
Plat: Henry Tennant Clarendon – adjoining Ben Booth 1684 2/9F204 & 207
Plat: Nicholas Boulton bef 1678, Clarendon? Re Ben Booth - Done.
Plat: Peter Stiles re 18/56. 2/34f72
Plat: Col William Ivy bef 1684, Clarendon. Re Booth deeds, Benjamin 1689. 2/10F 19, 12, 14, 21, 97
Plat: Relook at early Wrights. 2/9F218, 227, 232
Patent: check doc ref for JRT Hayle 1/4f165 or 1/14f49? 4F202

Letters Patent for George Booth etc.

Booth, Burton, Facey, Shickle, Maitland, Wright, Sinclair, Hayle, Chambers, Dunston, Downer, done mostly to 1808.

Deeds vol 2-5 & 8 15, 16, 22,23, 37,38 not available.
Deeds Booth Index 3.
Continue later deeds & wills.
Deed Robert Hippsley to Geof Reaves 10/6/1682. re deed 51/190. Not found
Deeds 6/101 recheck wording Done
Deed 6/194 – check names (re after death of Nick & Kat Boulton) Done
Deed 10/6/1682 Robert Hippsley to Geoff Reaves (ref deed 51/190-211)
Deed 17/206 – check date (Ent 1686) Done

Deed 17/206 recheck wording – was Mary alive then? Also 17/220. Done
51/133: expand text. Done
deed 78/23 1728 Gaultier to Ben B (re 228/113) Done
Deed 210/126 – check details. JHS to Burtons. Not DOne
Francis Maitland and Ann nee Wright and George Roberts and Rebecca nee Wright. 14 Feb 1821. Not DOne
Continue deeds after 1715 as XL sheet.

Deed 11/1/1676 Hayle to Perry. Withdrawn Book
Edward Corks Plat re land sold in 1675 re 12/19.
John Cherk re land to John Hayle jnr 1697 re 27/108.
Recheck 29/46-36 John Harris to John Hayle.
Patent to George Hayle, 1724, Clarendon re deed 71/225

William Hayle to John Dunston 210/193 dated 4/5/1764 Ent 3/10/1765

Manumissions vol 7 onwards
Manumission of Hannah Mendez & Francis & Nicholas.

Inventories:
Copy end of Mary Wright 1B-11-3-30F024

Extend Shickle wills & other Christ’s Hospital mafia. Not done
Redo Plat 19f503c – parts missing - Tennant.

Crops –
complete Giddy Hall & Top Hill Pen, Biscany, Barbacue Hill (re Simon Booth will 1764).
Crops re Francis Wright will: Vere called Bemecary and Franklins ..lands called Gilberalter which I bought of Thomas Harper.
Bernuda Castle (re JH Sinclair 1766)
Withewood (Booth property)
Santiago (Geo Booth 1 will)
Bensons, Camps Savannah, Vere re Henry Booth will 1743.
Barbacue Hill, Vere (ref Simon Booth will 1764)

To Do Nov 2013:

Deed 54/234 – check re names – Nevil or Nicholas? Check Francis Burton’s will. Should be Nicholas
Deed 51/111 GB division of legacy. Checked
     51/133 plot 2 bdys Ploted in notebook
     51/90-112 recheck details – mortgage?? Not clear
     55/189 Text checked.
Deed 10/194 recheck all to BB.
Francis Maitland and Ann nee Wright and George Roberts and Rebecca nee Wright. 14 Feb 1821. Not DOne
Deed 210/126 – check details. JHS to Burtons. Not DOne
Deed 10/6/1682 Robert Hippsley to Geoff Reaves (ref deed 51/190-211) Not found 12/13

Deed 58/45: plat copied by hand.

Garrett Wills & Land.
Will: Selby late 17thC re GB1’s daughter ditto Philip Edmonds. Not Done
Will: Robert Downer 1F15. Noted.
Will 22/54 Henry Booth, check wording of maintenance of mother & children.
Wills Early Downer indexes checked – some noted.
Wills Early Dunston indexes done.
Will John Gall Booth – not found. 79/18 not ours.
Wills Dr James Smith, pre 1795 – ref Hayles. done from 1735 45/20 1778 index only
Copy direct Booth wills not already done. Done
Copy direct Burton wills. Done
15/168 John Burton of Port Royal recheck ref Mary of 1725 Done 12/13
15/24 John Hale, 1717 full copy Not done – too fragile to copy.
10/14 Edward Burton of Port Royal recheck ref Mary 1725 & Barbados N/A for us
Elisha Clark bef Will 1720. Not found 11/2013 & 12/2013 – Patent copied.
22/54 Henry Booth – recheck wording re children under 21 - Jane’s?? Done, his kids.
35/103 Simon Booth – check dates done
Will Thomas Sutton aft 1686 ref early Booths Done, not much – early Suttons noted.
Will of Joseph Wright 36/42 – condition? Wife Elizabeth, dau Judith. 1766 noted in XL.
Will Francis Burton V6/126 & Judith 14/24 Full copies Done
Will John Chambers 29/97 Not Done
Will of John Moore (ref Thomas Burton 159/100) 1/5/1723. Done

Recheck Wills indexes for Booths – seem to be some missing? Samuel who died 1760. Done, Sam not found.

Plat/Pat: Robert Hewitt, St T in V bef 1688 re Francis Burton/Wingfield. 1682. Nil found pat or plat
Pat Robert Hippsley re Burton lands bef 1682. Pat found.
Pat Cobb/ Wallacott 4/125-104 Pat copied
Pat/plat Henry Vizard re plat 8F24 Plat copied

Pat/Plat Durant, Clarendon early. Re Elizabeth Wright. Pats to Vol 9 copied
Pat Edward Boulton pre 1675 ref Ann Ash/Burton Land Nil found
William Ivy Patents pre 1671. Also the 1280 acres 1680. 10F21 plat, 10F5 & 88 copied
Christopher Horner – 4 plats copied
John Hill Grant pre 1670 ref Booth 1/174 Plats 10F5 & 88 copied
Pat 1B-11-1-33F120 – does this have another on above page? Recheck indices first. No – stray plat not ours
Pat Hon John Scott <1756 re Simon Booths Contemporary patent found
Pat 15F147 check text re John Hayles jnr & boundaries Done
Pat Sir Francis Watson Clarendon re Be Booth plats 121 bef 1683. 2 Plats copied.
Pats John Moore Patents copied
Pat John Anderson, Clarendon Mtns 1757 Vol 28 adjoins JHS. 2 pats found – not convinced! Several Andersons copied – review re St E/Vere/Clarendon.
Pat Robert Downer 6F149-284, 2 patents 1664. Done
Pat George Osborne & John Pusey 290 acres Clarendon. 2 pats copied no plats. Recheck pats/plats for Pusey
Pat 14/27 GB Overplus land – check wording. Done, little further – copied pat.
Pat Henry Hilliard, 1300 acres Clarendon Also wording for the 1664 grant. Pat done – Recheck Hilliard plats/Pats
Plat Henry Beck 320 acres St E re 55/189. pat 17F59
Henry & William Beck Clarendon. re GB2 Will.Plat 34F14 repeats patent 13/138
Plat Henry Harrison re John Sinclair/Jane Clark/Josh Tennant plats. Nil

Pat/Plat Thomas Harper St John/Clarendon re Francis Wright. Not found
Plat George Read Done re Francis Burton.

Crops –
complete Giddy Hall & Top Hill Pen, Biscany (Richard Maitland), Barbacue Hill (re Simon Booth will 1764).
Crops re Francis Wright will: Vere called Bemecary and Franklins ..lands called Gilberalter which I bought of Thomas Harper.
Bernuda Castle (re JH Sinclair 1766)
Withewood (Booth property)
Santiago (Geo Booth 1 will)
Bensons, Camps Savannah, Vere re Henry Booth will 1743.
Barbacue Hill, Vere (ref Simon Booth will 1764)

Manumissions vol 7 onwards
Manumission of Hannah Mendez & Francis & Nicholas.

To do Jan 2014:

Plats/Patents:
Morice Rowlinson (re patty Penford 1769)

Booth Plats
Thomas Sutton Clarendon re Booth Group A
Thomas Howard & Joseph Creemer, St E re Group B
Francis Watson & Henry Tennant patents re Booth Group C.
Peter Gravett
Jane & Henry Booth pat 1-16F67 – not found so far – recheck indexes 1715.
Pinnock Clarendon pre 1675 re George Booth jnr & Hilliard.
Thomas Lynch ditto
Pusey Land ditto.
Dunston ditto.

Jonathan Ashurst re Group E, Capt George Booth pre 1672.
Pat 1-11-10 recheck text and Henry Rymes Ref.
Henry R(h)iymes Clarendon Booth Group D & Ivy’s.
Also Henry Rhimes re Hayle land Group A.
George Osbourne Plat re patent Clarendon.
William Watts pre 1763 ref John Hayle Sinclair patent.

Jonathan Harrison, & Thomas Chapman St E, re Thomas Anderson plats.
Richard Hayman re Booth F, Clarendon

Henry Bimant ref Capt George 1672, Booth F. Was this a misprint for Tenant?
John Hill Vere, ref deed 1/174 to George Booth 1 – this may be a deed if the Hills bought from Christopher Horner. Booth Group H.

Jane Clark Pat 5/4 cannot find copy!

Cargill & Morant, Vere, bef 1720 re Wallascott land deeds, Geo & Sam.

Burton
John Eubanks St Catherine bef 1675 ref Knollis land bought by Francis Burton.
Re check for Thomas Burton St Elizabeth pre 1761

Ditto Richard Marks.

Thomas Andrews, Ann Netts, Edward Bolt St C pre 1677 ref Ann Ash 41/89.

Roger Hewitt St Thomas in the Vale pre 1688, ref Burton Deed 20/23 1065acres.

Thomas Christopher Burton 200 acres St E 1784. Also bef 1761, St E.

John Moore St John land re will & deed 159/100 Thomas Burton. Bef 1723.

Hayle

John Burrill re Hayle Plats Group A

Richard Dawkins patents upper Clarendon re Hayles.

JRT Hayle pat 1-14F49 check text in book spine.
ref 1-14F49: Edward Corke, John Hunt & Thomas Halse pre 1673.
Mr Gratrix (Graterz 1672 re deed 54/97, 1673 re deed 54/98)
William Cookhead.
Ref Deed 12/19 Thos Perry: Edward Corke of Vere bef 1675 106A total.
John Cherk Clarendon bef 1690 ref 27/108 Napier to Hayle.
Tabor, Richard re John Anderson, St Jules bef 1709 Clarendon. Adjoins JH snr.
Edward Cork/Cock bef 1668 Vere re Thomas Perry to Thomas Hayles, 106 acres.

Sinclairs

Henry Harrison, St E. re Sinclairs btwn Clark & Tennant.

Cockburn, William west of John Sinclair grant St E, bef 1731
Turner, William north of John Sinclair grant St E, bef 1731
Durrant, Thomas Alligator Pond 350 acres re 210/126 1765 Sinclair/Burton.

Other grants re John & Peter Sinclair deed 104/110
Edward Paxten/Paaten?

William Watts, re JHS pat 30/81

Anderson, John 1757 1-28F40 second page after JHS.
Anderson, John 1-28F30 or 38.
Biggs, Samuel re JHS plat 1757.

Wrights
William Harrison & John Gale re Wrights 6/18.
John Goddard re deed for Robert Wright 51/49.
George Goddard re 1703 Andrew Wright & Phillip Edmonds 1684.
Benjamin Blake pre 1740 St E, Nassau.
Foster March re Francis Wright St John.

Inventory:

1710-12

Benjamin

Booth

Wills:

Ruth Sinclair – 1799 Proved 24 Jul 1799 Wills LOS 66/112 Done
Elizabeth Sophronia Sinclair 1805 76/138
Later Hayle wills
Thomas Burton 35/81 full copy done
Benjamin Burton 15/256 full copy

Deeds:
11/116 George Booths
Vol 15&16 – any available. – none available
Vol 52 recheck. - withdrawn

Forbes Grantee index done – nil sig

Recheck Indices for John Sinclair – Bowerman, Smith re 104/110-136

Recheck Thomas Booth to Jeremiah Downer 31/10/1710 (no ref #, book 46-7 – 45/190? – was John in excell).

Check plat for 30/127-98 Smith to John Hayle.

Writ of partition from Supreme Court Nov? 1713 re Cap Booth land & GB1 Land Archives?? Probably Chancery Court. – not found - try more

Brice Grey re Thomas Booth bef 1726.
45/190 recheck wording re Thomas Booth. & 55/88. Done
51/87-111 check detail wording. – plats done
51/190....RH by deed 10/6/1682 sell to Geoffrey Reaves 150a, an annex to this sale sold the 150a to Capt Francis Burton.... RH/GR deed? 15/180 – not available.
72/119 & 120 – check wording – Sam Booth.
72/54 – was this a mortgage or outright sale? 32 ¼ acres not 230
116/37 – recheck locations of the plots (John Sinclair)
333/110: copy plat in deed
Later Deeds for Francis Maitland et al.

To do Nov 2014:

Amended with Done 8/2015 in red
Met Dr Ian Conolly re FSGJ & Peregrine ex UWI re Colbeck Castle. Talk 1/2016??

Deeds:

Early Clark Deeds if no will.

recheck Indices for Sinclair 1710-1740, esp Dawkins.
17/88 & 138 Deeds: re Burton/Wingfield. Done – added to file
20/23 & 21/235 deeds: recheck re Stoneland. Done added to file
45/90 Deed – recheck wording – Andrew Wright. Done added to file
45/190 deed – recheck detail re Thomas Booth, son of GB2. Done added to file
Also deed Thomas Booth/Varney 31/10/1708.
50/110 George Sinclair to Diego Lewis Gonzales - Check re JS first place. N/A
51/49-54 Deed recheck extra deeds Extra added to file
54/234: check sale proportions Notes added to Nicholas, & John Burton’s section re proportions.
56/43 Deed Burton Tredaway, recheck details re land. Done
68/267-183 Nevil Hayle/Roberts – expand extract re land. Amended
68/241 Deed re Elisha Clarke (Benjamin Burton f-in-law): John Wright/Henry Warner. Note added
71/225: George Hayle & Thomas Fish – real sale or mortgage? Looks outright
72/218: 616 acres or 116?? Simon Booth & Thomas Sanderson 1727. 116 Corrected
84 & 84 – do they exist?? Not available
85/171 John Sinclair Henry Dawkins - find. Not available
110/38 recheck wording re Andrew Wright & Franklin Notes added
110/109: Booth/Albeather – was this out right sale or mortgage? Ind seems outright
104/107 Ditto Ind seems outright.
110/134: Thomas Burton 1741 deed with Francis Treherne, also 111/119. 24 hr trust.
112/40 recheck wording and relationship re Tom & Ben Burton & Creemer. Creemer trustee
140/148 – Ben & Tom Burton 50 acres – what land?
160/9 land from JHS to Durrant re 210/126.
1760 Dec 17^th: Thomas Burton to Hannah Mendez re 146 acres land.
210/126 – recheck re JHS & Judith etc distribution of land etc.
Burton Deed 8/1796 re Benjamin Burton St E 100A est plan 316.
354/185 – Rebecca Wright etc. Recheck.
Rose deeds re Patty Penford.
Later Maitland Grantor deeds – sale of the Cove.
John Chambers from Foster March – land in Red Hills soon bef 1753.

Wills:
Full copies:
Francis Burton 6/126 full copy. No longer available
PC Will 15/24 John Hayle 1717. Done
Priscilla Sinclair will 35/181 – full copy. Done

Others
George Maskall late 17^thC. None found
Elisha Clark – retry. None found, many but no Elisha or Jane.
Booths post 1770. None found
Sherman Wills Nil sig to 1818

Catherine Boulton Book 9. Not Available
Henry Hilliard 13/12/1671 re plantation to JS deed 83/147 Book 2 Not found
John Brooks Book 2 Not found
Henry Tennant Book 4/126 Done
Christopher Brooks Book 15/132 abt 1717 Not available
Joshua Tennant bef 1732 re rental land by John Sinclair. Book 17F164 Done
John Hart 17/109 re GB 1707-69 wife (1730 deed) ????
William Hunt 30/8/1697 re deed 112/138 Book 8, 10F28, 13F22. Done to Wright01
Aaron Vodery Book 10F22 Done to Wright 01
Elizabeth Hayle (wf of John jnr) 22/79-67 1739 re dau Priscilla Done, transcript correct.
John Anderson pre 1743, and other Anderson wills. 1701 9F153 Not found 1737 Book 21/107 – 21 too broken
Benjamin Burton 1763 – re deed 35/81 Nil
William Wright, prob died 1720-48 Nil
Booths aft 1772. Nil
Alexander Sinclair, 16/8/1822 – son of JHS?? 101/161 not done
Rose Inventories/Wills Ref Patty. Wills nil found Inventories not done
27/21 Will of Robert Wright – recheck wording ref sisters Rachel Evans – are they sisters of Joseph or Robert? Joseph’s amended
Dunston Wills – recheck. Not Done
Simon Mason 1762, re GB 1707-69 Ed Leitwich Book Damaged - not found
John Golding 1745 book 25 re GB 1707-69. Done and a number of others for GB1769 heirs – sorted that family.
George Golding 1737 Book 21 re GB 1707-69. Done
Cargill Wills symoniw@puddle.net.au. Done & passed on.
Witter Wills

Bills in Chancery
Supreme Court of Judicature re 79/115 writ of partition - last Tues in Feb 10^th year of Q Ann (ie 1711).
Writ of partition from Supreme Court Nov? 1713 re Cap Booth land & GB1 Land Archives?? Probably Chancery Court. – not found - try more
Chancery Court: Thomas Booth & James Baillie abt 1771 re admon 15/168 to Edward Badnedge.
Bill in chancery btw John Chambers & Francis Wright bef 1752 (ref JC will).

Sutton/Moore, 29/7/1710.

Andrew Wright of Mitcham.

Inventories:
Forbes re Patty 1720-60.
Re John Sinclair debts etc:
Henry Tennant 1685 (1665?)
Jos Tennant 1729 re John Sinclair’s will etc
Mathew Tennant

Administrations: 1B/11/17 – Wrights??

Patents/Plats:

Henry Tennant 1665
Matthew Tennant
Jos Tennant 1729 re John Sinclair Will etc
Patent John Wright 5F173 diagram??
Patent John Hayle snr 13/61 wording re junior & senior plat
Pat/Plat Cornelius Struys Clarendon 3/3/1674 2/154
Pat Thomas Hayle 16/204-201 St Andrew
Pat Thomas Hayle, Clarendon, Thomas River abt 550 acres
Pat 1-28F41, John Anderson. Also 28F38.
Goddard Early re Wright/Edmond plat 1703 – Clarendon/Vere. No plats found, try pats.
Robert Hewitt, St TiV/St J. Re Burton & Stoneland.
Richard Marks 22/3/1705-6 re Thomas Burton 1761 St E or Vere, also 500 acres in Vere in Canoe Valley. & Est plan Manch 203. St E 1250A 4/1691 2F321
Thomas Burton pat/plat before 1761 – boundary of 1761 patent.
1724 George Hayle (s of Richard), 300 acres Clarendon.
By Letters patent dated 8/2/1773?? 200 acres to Thomas Dean in Clarendon, N on Milk Savanna & waste Ebonies, E on Milk River, N Dr Hilliard, and W on Milk Savanna. Re Deed 79/115 – refers to writ in 1711, so pat must be earlier. George Booth/David Oliphant.

Grant to Benjamin Burton, 8/12/1787 re estate plan Manch 201.
Also to St Elizabeth 316, Mulatto Pen area

Check for Andrew Wright grant 1786 300 acres Manch 209 re Silver Grove.
Dr James Dixon, St E (Vere?) 1725 300 acres ref Manch 255. Also Philemon Dixon re John Sinclair.
William Turner & John Booth 500 acres 1718 St E. Ref Manch 255.
Thomas Sutton 1755 400 a re Manch 260
Henry Harrison, Carpenters Mountains pre 1676? Ref John Sinclair/Clark & Tennant.
Patent Bowerman Kyre 17310630 400 St Elizabeth Pat 19/95 – copy re Sinclair.
Patent/plat William Cockburn re Sinclair patent 1730.
Josiah Bennick Patent re Sinclair Land bought in 1733 St E.
John Anderson 1757 pat 1B/11/1/28F41 – plat page only required.
Henry Lewis patents pre 1740 St E re John Sinclair.
Nick Delaroche 240A St E 10/1675 1f122

Compare plats with St E 987 est map.

Crop Accounts – recheck
Ramsgate re Andrew Wright.
Burton/Stoneland – St TiV
Hilberry ST E of Vere or Clarendon, re Benjamin Burton from Thomas Anderson, 1728
Franklin & Franklins re Francis Wright
Silver Grove
See Crop sheet on JAMPR

Manumissions
Hanna Mendez & Nicholas & Francis – when – re Tom Burton 1764 will?

Estate Plans:
St Elizabeth 987 Ballards Valley & Gibraltar. - done
St Elizabeth 316 (maybe Manch) Benjamin Burton.
St Elizabeth – Silvergrove
Single Rock

Manchester 206
T93
Manchester 155 – recheck any owners etc re John Sinclair.
Cl 475 484 615 – compare with FCAD Drg.
Yarmouth Estate.
Salt Savanna
Recheck St E 155 Smithfield – rough position.

OTHER
Complete Book of Emigrants, Peter Wilson Coldham.

To do Aug 2015:

Done:
Amended earlier deeds.
Cargill wills for someone
Golding/Maxwell/Elrington/Battersby wills papers.
Grantee 4 done for B’s, H’s & S’s – in red on spreadsheet.

Met Dr Ian Conolly, re Peregrine ?? FGSJ

To Be Done:

OPR: Elspeth Sinclair married Alexander Sinclair, Thurso, 25/2/1726.

Library:

Newspapers, bef 1780 re Richard Maitland.
Cadastral Maps

Estate Plans:
St Elizabeth 987 Ballards Valley & Gibraltar. - done
St Elizabeth 316 (maybe Manch) Benjamin Burton.
St Elizabeth – Silvergrove
Single Rock

Manchester 206
T93
Manchester 155 – recheck any owners etc re John Sinclair.
Cl 475 484 615 – compare with FCAD Drg.
Yarmouth Estate.
Salt Savanna
Recheck St E 155 Smithfield – rough position.

OTHER
Complete Book of Emigrants, Peter Wilson Coldham.

RGB/IRO:

Deeds:

Missing Deed indexes!
Deed spreadsheet to vol 169 BUT Grantee indexes may not have been dome for this period 5&6 done both
45/90 re Andrew Wright – check wording. Done
Vol 125 Simon Booth (snr) & Martins 1745.
135/ 152 Nevil Hayle/Francis Smith (re deed 152/161) & 162 George Booth Book withdrawn 1/2016
140/148 – Ben & Tom Burton 50 acres – what land? Book withdrawn 1/2016
Books 148 & 149, some deeds not done Done
Aldred/Dawkins mortgage 16/8/1748 re 159/158-389
158/119, Simon Booth. Done
159/152: Booth/Aldred ref 159/158-389 Rechecked
160/9 land from JHS to Durrant re 210/126. Done
1760 Dec 17^th: Thomas Burton to Hannah Mendez re 146 acres land.
210/126 – recheck re JHS & Judith etc distribution of land etc.
Burton Deed 8/1796 re Benjamin Burton St E 100A est plan 316.
354/185 – Rebecca Wright etc. Recheck.
Rose deeds re Patty Penford.
Later Maitland Grantor deeds – sale of the Cove.
John Chambers from Foster March – land in Red Hills soon bef 1753.

Wills:
Alexander Sinclair, 16/8/1822 – son of JHS?? 101/161 not done
Rose Inventories/Wills Ref Patty. Wills nil found Inventories not done
Dunston Wills – recheck. Not Done
Elizabeth Aldred after 1755 (re GB deed 159/158-389). John Only found – book N/A.
Downer Wills. 1 More done
Smart Wills re Mary Booth, wife of GB2. Not found
Anderson Wills:
Anderson Alexander Liber 19 1733-1734 not found

Anderson Alice Liber 22 1738-1740

Anderson Ann Liber 14 F 258 1712-1716

Anderson Charles Liber 10 F 238 1702-1704

Anderson Hanse Liber 2 1672-1681

Anderson Johanna Liber 27 1748-1749

Anderson John Liber 9 F 153 1701

Anderson John Liber 21 1737

Anderson Lewis Liber 10 F 249 1702-1704

Anderson Robert Liber 17 F 250 1724-1728

Anderson William Liber 17 F 82 1724-1728

Anderson William Liber 19 1733-1734

ARCHIVES:

Manumissions
Hanna Mendez & Nicholas & Francis – when – re Tom Burton 1764 will?
Book not available

CAVEATS??
Caveats entered 1794:
Sep 12 Sinclair, Joseph by Lazarus Hyman
Sep 20 Currie, C. Doug by Robert Sinclair & Thomas Kaylett
Oct 17 Sinclair, Edward by Susanna Sinclair

Bills in Chancery
Bill in Chancery btw Francis Wright & John Chambers abt 1753. Ref found – N/A
Supreme Court of Judicature re 79/115 writ of partition - last Tues in Feb 10^th year of Q Ann (ie 1711). None available
Writ of partition from Supreme Court Nov? 1713 re Cap Booth land & GB1 Land Archives?? Probably Chancery Court. – not found - try more
Chancery Court: Thomas Booth & James Baillie abt 1771 re admon 15/168 to Edward Badnedge. No usable index.
Bill in chancery btw John Chambers & Francis Wright bef 1752 (ref JC will) Ref found – N/A.

Jan 2016: Very few available. The only index usable is only until 1757 and stops at “P”. They are filming the extant books as and when there is time.
Grand Court records few and not usable.

Quit Rent Books

Inventories:
Forbes re Patty 1720-60.
Re John Sinclair debts etc:
Henry Tennant 1685 (1665?)
Jos Tennant 1729 re John Sinclair’s will etc
Mathew Tennant

Administrations: 1B/11/17 – Wrights??
Jan 2016: Few available, some checked.

Patents/Plats:
Booth St James re deed George Booth/Aldred 159/389 to Index

Patents/Plats:

Henry Tennant 1665 To Index
Matthew Tennant To Index
Jos Tennant 1729 re John Sinclair Will etc to Index
Patent John Wright 5F173 diagram?? To Index
Patent John Hayle snr 13/61 wording re junior & senior plat to Index
Pat/Plat Cornelius Struys Clarendon 3/3/1674 2/154 - Copied
Pat Thomas Hayle 16/204-201 St Andrew to Index
Pat Thomas Hayle, Clarendon, Thomas River abt 550 acres to index
Pat 1-28F41, John Anderson. Also 28F38. Not done – to index
Goddard Early re Wright/Edmond plat 1703 – Clarendon/Vere. No plats found, try pats. To Index
Robert Hewitt, St TiV/St J. Re Burton & Stoneland. Not found to Index
Richard Marks 22/3/1705-6 re Thomas Burton 1761 St E or Vere, also 500 acres in Vere in Canoe Valley. & Est plan Manch 203. St E 1250A 4/1691 2F321 copied
Thomas Burton pat/plat before 1761 – boundary of 1761 patent. Not done – to index
1724 George Hayle (s of Richard), 300 acres Clarendon. Index

Ref 79/115: By Letters patent dated 8/2/1773?? 200 acres to Thomas Dean in Clarendon, N on Milk Savanna & waste Ebonies, E on Milk River, N Dr Hilliard, and W on Milk Savanna. Re Deed 79/115 – refers to writ in 1711, so pat must be earlier. George Booth/David Oliphant. Not found Index try again

Grant to Benjamin Burton, 8/12/1787 re estate plan Manch 201. Done
Also to St Elizabeth 316, Mulatto Pen area

Check for Andrew Wright grant 1786 300 acres Manch 209 re Silver Grove. DOne
Dr James Dixon, St E (Vere?) 1725 300 acres ref Manch 255. Also Philemon Dixon re John Sinclair. Not yet found – both to index
William Turner & John Booth 500 acres 1718 St E. Ref Manch 255. To Index
Thomas Sutton 1755 400 a re Manch 260 done
Henry Harrison, Carpenters Mountains pre 1676? Ref John Sinclair/Clark & Tennant. To Index
Patent Bowerman Kyre 17310630 400 St Elizabeth Pat 19/95 – copy re Sinclair. Noted – no Drg
Patent/plat William Cockburn re Sinclair patent 1730. Noted 1 pat, no drg
Josiah Bennick Patent re Sinclair Land bought in 1733 St E. to Index
John Anderson 1757 pat 1B/11/1/28F41 – plat page only required. to index
Henry Lewis patents pre 1740 St E re John Sinclair. Noted to index
Nick Delaroche 240A St E 10/1675 1f122 to Index
1763: JHS & JJ Swaby patent 1B/11/30F81 try Plat under Swaby. This land was Pat to William Watts & he did not occupy – see pat/plat for WW.

Compare plats with St E 987 est map.

Crops:
Chamber’s Plantation re Francis Wright to Howell 1756 – Nil Sig
Single Rock – Andrew Wright. None
Silvergrove. Noted
Ramsgate re Andrew Wright. Not found
Burton/Stoneland – St TiV None
Hilberry ST E of Vere or Clarendon, re Benjamin Burton from Thomas Anderson, 1728 Not found
Franklin & Franklins re Francis Wright Not found

See Crop sheet on JAMPR

Jan 2016 to Do:

PATENTS & PLATS

To do list on EXCEL File.

NB Patent Index images on Archives Computer: 1B/11/1 Index

Ref 79/115: By Letters patent dated 8/2/1773?? 200 acres to Thomas Dean in Clarendon, N on Milk Savanna & waste Ebonies, E on Milk River, N Dr Hilliard, and W on Milk Savanna. Re Deed 79/115 – refers to writ in 1711, so pat must be earlier. George Booth/David Oliphant. Not found Index try again

Also to St Elizabeth 316, Mulatto Pen area

1763: JHS & JJ Swaby patent 1B/11/30F81 try Plat under Swaby. This land was Pat to William Watts & he did not occupy – see pat/plat for WW. Noted to Index

Gifts & Donations files indexes.

CROPS – To Do on EXCEL

Inventories:
Forbes re Patty 1720-60.
Re John Sinclair debts etc:
Henry Tennant 1685 (1665?) nil 2/17
Jos Tennant 1729 re John Sinclair’s will etc found 2/17
Mathew Tennant nil 2/17
Patty Penford – try again. 1795/6. nil 2/17

Deeds

Kilburn re Burtons Mountain. Vol 2 grantor nil,

Kilburn to Hutchinson 91(81?)/72, & 91/184 (81?) not found in old series 81 or 91

Burton/Wingfield – 17/138 Done 9/16 -
Burton – recheck details of 20/23 Burton? Elletson, 21/235-157 Done 9/16
Elletsen/Ballard, 23(1?)/94 Ballard/Burton, Done 9/16
Thomas Harper to Francis Wright, 1740-50 re FW will, Gibraltar. Ditto Franklin. None found index 3-6
Francis Allen to John Sinclair btw 1718 & 1732 is there one?? Re Manch 255. –none found

Vol 131 (N/A 9/16), 151 done 9/16.
Vol 125 Simon Booth (snr) & Martins 1745. 123/94 not available 9/16
Vol 125 or thereabouts, Smith/Nevil Hayle deed re John Sinclair land in 152/161. Ed Smith 129/5 1746 N/A 9/16
Aldred/Dawkins mortgage 16/8/1748 re 159/158-389 134/163 n/A 9/16
1760 Dec 17^th: Thomas Burton to Hannah Mendez re 146 acres land. Not found 9/2016
Vol 133 – is it still missing?
160/9-28: JHS 300A purchase – re-examine straight pchse.
161/228 done 9/16
169/228 JHS recheck if mortgage or outright sale 9/16 outright
169/132 SG Booth/Grace-Norwood Booth recheck. Done 9/16
210/126 – recheck re JHS & Judith etc distribution of land etc. Done 9/16
278/96-88 PC re Andrew Wright

9/16 Deed Vols:
146         151         152 – why?        154
160         168         169               170
179         180         186               188
193         195         199               201 - not done
202         204         206               210
211 – not done          213               214
215         217 – not done                219
221         222         223               227
228         229         235 next time
241 – to do 242         249               256 note checked.
268         271         272 – to do       273 – to do
327         382         390

Burton Deed 8/1796 re Benjamin Burton St E 100A est plan 316. – to next time
354/185 – Rebecca Wright etc. Recheck. to next time
Rose deeds re Patty Penford. Rod Rose done
Later Maitland Grantor deeds – sale of the Cove. to next time
John Chambers from Foster March – land in Red Hills soon bef 1753. Done 9/16

Sale of RDW to Francis Wright 25/8/1749. not found
Andrew Wright & Heaths 316/114 previous deed – next time

Does Manch Vol 2 PR exist re Roberts at Silver Grove?

Maitland/Roberts/Wright (Andrew only) Sinclair? Deeds aft 1811.
Esp sale of Giddy Hall etc after John Maitland’s death. Next time

Andersons re Andrew Wright minority aft 1758 – John as guardian.
done 9/16

Sale of George Medley’s properties late 1830’s. re Nigel Webb (nandcwebb@gmail.com)

Wills:
George Marshall (Maskall?) Lib 5. not found – prob pages damaged before transcription 19thC
Francis Burton 6/126 full copy. No longer available – Mario to check date?
Phillip Edmonds 13/77 Done
Francis Rose 15/222 – re Burton Plantations. Not available 9/16
Robert Dunston 15/81 et al not available.
Richard Writt Book 1 & Henry. Done 9/16
John Wright 1/119 – noted as viewed, but no notes found.
44 & 60 done – 21,33,36,45 not available

Alex Sinclair 43/152 recheck details, maybe son of Peter.
Alexander Sinclair, 16/8/1822 – son of JHS?? 101/161 not done
Rose Inventories/Wills Ref Patty. Wills nil found Inventories not done
Dunston Wills – recheck. Not Done
Elizabeth Aldred after 1755 (re GB deed 159/158-389). John Only found – book N/A.
Downer Wills. 1 More done
Smart Wills re Mary Booth, wife of GB2. Not found

Thomas Durrant re JH Sinclair aft 1765.

Anderson Wills:
Anderson Ann Liber 14 F 258 1712-1716

Anderson Hanse Liber 2 1672-1681 mariner n/a

Anderson Johanna Liber 27 1748-1749

Anderson John Liber 9 F 153 1701

And later ones listed on xl re john Anderson, guardian to Andrew Wright.
All above on XL sheet.

Edmunds ref Catherine dau of GB1 8/94 done, but 8/280 not found, 180, 193 1694??
Philip Edmonds 13/77 done 9/16

Clarke, Robert Book 19 1733/34 & 26 1747 re Francis & Susannah Wright. Later ones?

Elrington, late 18^th C (listed on Excel)
Forbes wills 1750 on?

BMD
Does Clarendon Vol3 exist re James Maitland et al 1836-7?

PRO

HMS Garland rescued Richard M about Aug 1757 off Virginia – Muster Rolls?? Capt Logs. ADM51/385 ADM36/5660
HMS Valeur, Edwards logs re taking of Sharp late 1760, early 1761. ADM51/1025 Muster not found
CO5/511 Charleston landings re LC owners 27/9/1767.
Jamaica Shipping Returns re Philippa 1776/7 CO142 16 17 19 & 20 BT 6/186
BT 98 1747

ADM 51/3751 Aeolus 1762 re Hungerford noted.
Philadelphia shipping Returns, 1773-5

Quit Rent Books
PRO: CO/37/28 f195-6

22/6/16:
Preferred document 1: ADM 51/385 Garland

Preferred document 2: ADM 51/1025 Valeur – nothing found

Preferred document 3: ADM 36/5660 Guarland not ours

Preferred document 4: CO 5/511 – LC Jan 64 manifest from Charleston – LC & Achilles to end 1767.

Preferred document 5: BT6/186 Hope found.

Preferred document 6:

T64/72 Trade Stats & Sav La Mar 1781-82 in, N/A.

Essex RO:
Maitlands of Woodford & Loughton

Encumbered Estates re Facey etc

Jamaica Sept 2016 for next visit

Deed books not done:
152 201 211 217 235....241

256 note checked

272 273

Tues:
158, 189, 192, 224, 227, 254, 257, 266, 269, 273, 328

Burton Deed 8/1796 re Benjamin Burton St E 100A est plan 316. – to next time

354/185 – Rebecca Wright etc. Recheck. to next time

Later Maitland Grantor deeds – sale of the Cove. to next time

Andrew Wright & Heaths 316/114 previous deed – next time Not found 2/17

Does Manch Vol 2 PR exist re Roberts at Silver Grove?

Maitland/Roberts/Wright (Andrew only) Sinclair? Deeds aft 1811.
Esp sale of Giddy Hall etc after John Maitland’s death. Next time

Deed 160/9 re JHS – check spelling of Manatee Valley.

Deeds: Francis Allen 1718-1740 - sale land to John Sinclair??

Henry et al Hayle To Ann Hayle – 1754 158/110-255 – George Booth or Hayle??: Done 2/17

278/96-88 PC re Andrew Wright done 2/17

Andrew Wright & Heaths 316/114 previous deed nil 2/17

Burton Deed 8/1796 re Benjamin Burton St E 100A est plan 316. – none visible, 2/17.

354/185 – Rebecca Wright etc. Recheck.

Later Maitland Grantor deeds – sale of the Cove.

Maitland/Roberts/Wright (Andrew only) Sinclair? Deeds aft 1811.
Esp sale of Giddy Hall etc after John Maitland’s death.

Sale of George Medley’s properties late 1830’s. re Nigel Webb (nandcwebb@gmail.com)

Library: Map collection for St E/Vere boundary.

Wills
Francis Burton 6/126 full copy. No longer available – Mario to check date, vol lost 2/17?

Dorothy Rochester bef 1788 not found.

Alexander Sinclair, 16/8/1822 – son of JHS?? 101/161 noted 2/17

Rose Inventories/Wills Ref Patty. Wills nil found Inventories not done

Dunston Wills – recheck. Not Done

Thomas Durrant re JH Sinclair aft 1765. 42/16 1774 Done 2/17

Clarke, Robert Book 19 1733/34 & 26 1747 re Francis & Susannah Wright. Later ones?

Jane Warren re George Booth Samuel Warren 1672 2/128, William 1688 6/199, Tom 6/200, William 8/242 1692, Gregory 9/260 1697, Vols 8 & 8 checked, other not available.

Elrington, late 18^th C (listed on Excel)

Forbes wills 1750 on – nil relevant?

Patents:
Draw 16/229 Booth/Turner

BMD
Does Clarendon Vol3 exist re James Maitland et al 1836-7?

Inventories done: 14,17,42,43,49,54,60,71
Grand Court judgements 1A/5/134 Feb/Mch 1771.

Next Visit after 2/2017

BARBADOS

Booth
Burton
Warren
Ellacott All done 2/18

Jam Archives
Little done Feb 2018. All transferred to next time

Manumission of Hannah Mendez & Francis & Nicholas

Grand Court Judgements 1A/5/
Partition of Dean land re deed 79/115 2/2 Q Anne 11^th 1713
Bill in chancery btw John Chambers & Francis Wright abt 1752.
Booth v Booth partition of land 1757 deed 279/109.

Patents - Excel

Library:

Newspapers, bef 1780 re Richard & John Maitland.

Cadastral Maps – St E re John M in Black River.

Estate Plans:

Title List Transferred to XL 9/2016.

Single Rock – not found

Cl 475 484 615 – compare with FCAD Drg.
Yarmouth Estate.
Salt Savanna
Recheck St E 155 Smithfield – rough position.

Tennant Clarendon.

OTHER – UWI Library
Complete Book of Emigrants, Peter Wilson Coldham.

RGD

Wills:
Richard Bolton, Book 4 re Ben Booth’s wife & Elizabeth Crosse (GB2 deed).
N/A of St Davids

Edmunds ref Catherine dau of GB1 8/94 done, but 8/280 not found, 180, 193 (thomas) 1694?? Nil further.

Will: Ellacot, Vines 13/161, 1710 Re Burtons Done

Clarke, Elizabeth 15/11 1719. Not Available

Clarke, Robert Book 19 1733/34 & 26 1747 re Francis & Susannah Wright. Later ones? Copied, prob not relevant

David Pitcairn book 18/129 1731, ref Elizabeth Clarke will 1722. Noted

Francis Trahern Book 25/82. Noted

George Vodry Book 26/37 Noted

Alex Sinclair Will 43/152 recheck details, maybe son of Peter. Not Available 2/18

Judith Burton, 1822 full copy 101/155. Done

Will Henry Hayle 1761 Copied

Mary Burton 1790. Noted 56/205 – not obvious relation

Deeds

Recheck Francis Burton Stoneland acquisition. 20/23 PC & 21/235

Hewitt deeds grantee pre 1688. Also others in St C 1043. None found so far

Andrew Wright/Thompson 1709 re slaves etc. not found

Re read Robert Wright deeds 51/49-54 - photographed

Thomas Booth/Brice Gray land in St John’s bef 1728 not found

68/202 – location of Indian Ground & 100A or 300A, also plat. Nil further

68/40 - photod

Kilburn early pre lib 91 re Burton’s mountain at Lacovia on Cadastral no success 2/18

Reread 110/134 & 135 for details re Thomas Burton Marks land. photographed

Recheck 210/126 Sinclair/Burton details Copied 2/18

Recheck 278/96-80 – details of Wallascott patent & Andrew Wright 1776. photo 2/18

Ditto 268/193 – was land direct from Dunston to AW? Not clear

271/20 – was this outright or mortgage? For ever 2/18

Stevens deeds re land in Alligator Pond. Next time

146 – several deeds – can Mario copy?

377/29 & 380/46 – Rochester/Burton relationship. Copies 2/18 done

Henry Dawkins acquisition of Ben Booth land bef 1754 & sale to Crawford 156/126 plat photo

Burton Deed 8/1796 re Benjamin Burton St E 100A est plan 316. – to next time

FLM deeds copy 232/206 - 8. 2/18 photo done

Thomas Harper to Francis Wright, 1750’s. 154/102 done 2/18

354/185 – Rebecca Wright etc. Recheck to next time 2/18 Done

Later Maitland Grantor deeds – sale of the Cove. Done to 1854 2/18

Maitland/Roberts/Wright (Andrew only) Sinclair? Deeds aft 1811. Done to abt 1847
Esp sale of Giddy Hall etc after John Maitland’s death.

Sale of George Medley’s properties late 1830’s. re Nigel Webb (nandcwebb@gmail.com)

Feb 2018 For next time

See JAMDOCS Wills tab.

Will of RD Wright – Full copy held
Will of Patty P, - 63/142 Full copy held
John Chambers wills bef 1750 – excel 6
Will of Edward Sinclair 1793-4 “It 1#38” not in index
Will of John Gall Booth – 1807 77/26 photo 1558 6/2. rechecked 8/2
Will of Benjamin Pusey – 1765 36/21 Done
Will of George Golding book 21/123 done
Wills of John & William Rochester Book 3/59 (book 3 now msg) & 14/56 (done) respectively
Will Benjamin Burton will bef 1815. not in index
Will Francis Rose 15/222 re Stoneland acquisition. Dated 18/11/1720 Nil sig
Wills of Dunbars 1740’s re Thomas Burton 152/73. John 26/148 N/A
Will of Elizabeth Sophronia Sinclair 76/138, recheck. Done

Will of Ann Maitland, 114F172 confirm dates, and copied 2/19
Will of Thomas Sinclair, 1824 not found in indx, but noted as 105/127
Will John Maitland 126/193 – check details & dates. Copied no will date, probate only.
Will Andrew Wright Maitland 1856 not found, nor his wife

Will Bourden - Linlithgow

John 8 1694-96 8/151 Date 31/7/1697 ent 14/2/1697-8 Wife Martha = god children.

Martha 14/58 1712-16 in index done

Thomas 9/242 1701 not in index

John PCC 1716 same as 8/151

Peter Norman 8/281 147 N/A

Henry Norwood 10/20 1702-4/20 noted

918/166 Mount Charles purchase – boundaries – original photo out of focus. Noted

Recheck Francis Burton Stoneland acquisition. 20/23 PC & 21/235-157 1^st deed only copied 2/18. Done 2/19 still 1^st deed. Other done, same page. Also /94 noted

Continue Grantor/Grantee deeds for Giddy Hall sale/conveyance.

Stevens deeds re land in Alligator Pond.

Vols 132 & 133 – are they still missing?? 132 withdrawn, 133 msg.

Kilburn, Burtons Mountain etc

Deed 54/234 recheck detail re Francis Burton selling part of 874 acres. – Photo 5/2 4pps
Deed 68/202: recheck details. Short deed, nil further. 68/40 photo re George Booth
Deed 69/142-119: recheck details. 6 pps photo 5/2
Deed 140/148: check land details. Re Thomas & Benjamin Burton. 1750. N/A
Deed 160/9 (28) Durrant-JHS, check details. Nil futher – photo 5/2

Also 160/10 Durrant/Swaby 5/2
Deed 169/228: JHS 300 acres sale – must have been a mortgage, resold 1804. Absolute. For ever
Deed 174/160, re Norwood – what is the rest of the deed? 5pps 5/2
Deed 179/121: details, Benjamin Burton or Booth for patent in St Jago Sav.
Deed 189/1: Norwood Booth’s properties – expand details. 1p 5/2
Deed ?65/211: 1770 Swaby to Judith Burton.
Deed 333/100: 200 or 300 acres?? 200 acres bt, area of patent not given. Plat photo 1p 5/2
Deed 353/114 recheck detail – did AW buy 80 acres outright? For ever
Deed 340/113: recheck – John Maitland to Manley. No further – spelling varies of Manley, Heaney etc.
Deed 364/85 – photo plat. Sketch plat
Deed 365/41 – photo plat. Sinclair to Judith Burton. 1519 6/2/19
Deed 396/12 – Do Noted
Deed 396/112 & 137 – check parties entered as. Noted
Deed 418/111: confirm that it was to Ann & Rebecca Wright – my notes have Ann & Mary. Mary was another daughter. Mary in Deed 6/2/19, thus Rebecca b after this date.
Deed 591/121 recheck details. Slaves
Deed 526/183 check land description. St Jago only
Deeds 278/96-80 & 271/20 re the Crescent. 1^st deed btw Andrew and Mary, 2^nd Andrew only 1p 5/2
Deed 743/45 – Ann Maitland, check details. & patents. Was it a mortgage or with George Roberts? Outright purchase
George Roberts post 1810.
Deeds JPW post 1810 – sale of Single Rock.
Deed Swaby to Alex Sinclair 1815-1822. re Mulatto Pen 100 acres. Not found

Not all later Sinclair indices done. Indices 12-15 done 5/2/19

Deeds re Giddy Hall after 1845 – Try Halahan for Harriett Maitland’s share. Also Spence & Coopers later on after john M’s death

Jam Archives
Manumission of Hannah Mendez & Francis & Nicholas

CAVEATS??
Caveats entered 1794:
Sep 12 Sinclair, Joseph by Lazarus Hyman
Sep 20 Currie, C. Doug by Robert Sinclair & Thomas Kaylett
Oct 17 Sinclair, Edward by Susanna Sinclair

Grand Court Judgements 1A/5/
Partition of Dean land re deed 79/115 2/2 Q Anne 11^th 1713
Bill in chancery btw John Chambers & Francis Wright abt 1752.
Booth Partition of land re deed 179/138
Booth v Booth partition of land 1757 deed 279/109.
Executors of JHS v Benjamin Burton Grand Court 1771.
Writ of partition 1711 btw George, Thomas, Simon & John.
Writ of partition from Supreme Court Nov? 1713 re Cap Booth land & GB1 Land Archives?? Probably Chancery Court. – not found - try more

Patents - Excel

Francis Watson & Henry Long St Jago Sav Bef 1702.

inventories:
Francis Maitland; /142 f174 1826 (Mariand in Index) or 140/136
Martha Delaroche: /130 f270 1808
Judith Burton, 1822.
George William Burton, 1819. Re Philip Burton emails.

Roderick Rose abt 1750.

Crop Accounts as Excel –
Try
Peru & Castle Hill pre Mitcham name. John Heath & John Pierce.
Ditto Ramsgate, Single Rock etc.
Prospect, St E/Manchester. JHS
Bermuda Castle.

Library:

Newspapers, bef 1780 re Richard & John Maitland.

Jamaica Weekly Courant (also at Boston public Library)

1799: AW arrivals march 1799, previous years for departure
1804: AW departure to London. Prob after November.
1806: AW death 2/1806, so about end March early April, 1806.
1806/7: JP Wint to England.
1824: 1^st half, Francis M to England. Not in UK collection.
Cadastral Maps – St E re John M in Black River.

NJL P1139 1766 ordered 2/19

Black River Bay: done 2/19

Estate Plans:

Manchester 335 Mitcham. done

Title List Transferred to XL 9/2016.

Cedar Grove – Andrew Wright
Single Rock – not found
Ramsgate

Cl 475 484 615 – compare with FCAD Drg.
Yarmouth Estate. New copy
Salt Savanna
Recheck St E 155 Smithfield – rough position.

Tennant Clarendon.

Harrisons Cadastral map. See XL

To do after Feb 2019

Deeds:
Deed 187/48 – Giddy Hall Cadastral ref. Does not seem to relate to GH, refers to property in St Andrew.
Deed 277/163 middle of doc page pics 3/3/ 1404 to WP.
Deed 327/64 – confirm it is Joseph Ball – owner of Lower Works was Joseph Royal. Re John Maitland. Joseph Ball WP

Deed 454/222 reference to JGB deed 519/170 – land plat. Photo 1055 4/3/20
Deed 945/114 more detail Photos 4/3/20
Deed ?65/211: 1770 Swaby to Judith Burton.????

George Roberts post 1810. To next time
Deeds JPW post 1810 – sale of Single Rock. To next time
Not all later Sinclair indices done. Indices 12-15 done 5/2/19
Deeds re Giddy Hall after 1860 – Try Halahan & Cooper for Harriett Maitland’s share. Also Spence & Coopers later on after John M’s death Done 3/20
Continue Grantor/Grantee deeds for Giddy Hall sale/conveyance. Done
Stevens deeds re land in Alligator Pond. – To next time

John Chambers & John Pusey Wint execs for Andrew Wright 1805 To next time

Execs of other wills.
Thomas Hogg exec of RD Wright. NA 2023

Kilburn, Burtons Mountain etc None the wiser
52/138 1787 Thomas Kilburn Mar-20 refers to estate called Burtons to Grace Kilburn & children.

Robertson etc email 2/2019.

joannerwishart@googlemail.com

Lewis & Rowland Williams Wills. Done where available
Ditto Old Hope purchase.
Will 1894-1903: Sherman, Alfred, ITEM 6, 1899 #30 To next time

Other Sherman Wills.
Barrett Wills – see Excel 3/20:

Bourden/bawden & Norman Wills late 1600’s, none significant 3/20.
Capt John Bourden bur 18/8/1697 Book 8 Peter Norman Book 8 done
Thomas Rodon (re Frances Booth) L6 done
Jane Rodon L9f214 – volume too brittle

Jam Archives – 3/20

Manumission of Hannah Mendez & Francis & Nicholas Burton abt 1763 & Dorothy Rochester. Not found
6/4/1764 Sarah Booth widow of St C for £80 from Thos Bayley manumises 2 children Thomas & Frances ch of Jenny unidentified

21/8/1765 SB frees for £170 from Ed Bayley for woman Jenny or Jane Bayley & her child unidentified
4/6/64 Mary Burton widow of St E for 5/- for negro man slave Jem by JHS 29/11/1753 WP

11/2/1761 George Booth of Vere esq for £5 from Samuel Alpress manumised 1 woman slave Ruth?? WP
26/6/1762 George Booth of Vere from Henry Ahsbourne frees negro woman Nelly for 5/- WP

3/20 Films 7 & 8 checked, but 7 very dark.

Poll Books

Later ones in 1844- 11/23 or b/19 early ones in /18
1810 1816 1820 1826 onwards, listed by psh candidate voter and qualification
1833. 1835 1837 1838
MNCH 9/1837 Alex Sinclair, taxpayer, for Samuel Barrett p 162 unidentified
1837 P 177 St E AWM voted for Robert Watt esq as service? JM ditto WP
1838 P196 St E John M voted for John Ewart for assy 1838, own right ditto AWM WP

1820 GB the Farm Manch

CAVEATS?? To next time
Caveats entered 1794:
Sep 12 Sinclair, Joseph by Lazarus Hyman
Sep 20 Currie, C. Doug by Robert Sinclair & Thomas Kaylett
Oct 17 Sinclair, Edward by Susanna Sinclair

Grand Court Judgements 1A/5/
3/20: none more found – indexing too general.
Partition of Dean land re deed 79/115 2/2 Q Anne 10^th 1711 -5, N/A
Bill in chancery btw John Chambers & Francis Wright abt 1752. lib 52 A/3 n/a
Booth Partition of land re deed 179/138 – not found 1A/5 lb 65
Booth v Booth partition of land 1757 deed 279/109.
Executors of JHS v Benjamin Burton Grand Court 1771. Done
Writ of partition 1711 btw George, Thomas, Simon & John.
Writ of partition from Supreme Court Nov? 1713 re Cap Booth land & GB1 Land Tried /6 Aug 1713 – too fragile

Archives?? Probably Chancery Court. – not found - try more

1A/5lf65 Grand Court
F33 Burton thos jno Anderson,

1771: TB by Alex Graham his att & JA and JHS TB sues for J£207/0/9 borrowed by JHS. – To WP

Patents - Excel

Francis Watson & Henry Long St Jago Sav Bef 1702.

inventories:
Francis Maitland; 140/136 Done 3/20
Martha Delaroche: 130f270 1818 N/A
Judith Burton, 1822. not found
Edward Burton 134/185
George William Burton, 1819. Re Philip Burton emails.

Roderick Rose abt 1750. nil
Thomas Williams 1762. 41/167

Crop Accounts as Excel –
Try
Peru & Castle Hill pre Mitcham name. John Heath & John Pierce.
Ditto Ramsgate, Single Rock etc.
Prospect, St E/Manchester. JHS
Bermuda Castle.

OTHER – UWI Library
Complete Book of Emigrants, Peter Wilson Coldham.

After March 2020 to do

Deed 365/41 last page
George Roberts post 1810.
Deeds JPW post 1810 – sale of Single Rock.
Deed Uncle JAM sale of Giddy Hall remaining 1/8^th after 1869 – done 2022
Stevens deeds re land in Alligator Pond.
Will 1894-1903: Sherman, Alfred, ITEM 6, 1899 #30 To next time
John Chambers & John Pusey Wint execs for Andrew Wright 1805 To next time

Will Catherine Boulton 9/36 - details. DOne
Delaroche Deeds 1680-1750
Deed 918/165 how did AWM get Mount Charles so cheap??
Deed 945/114 – was George, son of Francis3 still alive in 1859?
Will George Roberts abt 1841.
Sherman deeds re Mitcham.

Patterson re Tim & Jane clifford
Will of Richard Hunt, 11F92 1705-7 re Vodry’s, Eliza Booth, dau of GB2.
Deed Book 63.

Deed 187/48 – Giddy Hall Cadastral ref. Does not seem to relate to GH, refers to property in St Andrew RECECK.
Deeds re Burton Mountain & Pen. Also Kilburns early
Will of George Roberts abt 1841
Will of Andrew Wright Maitland 1856.
Wills of Tomlnsons

ARCHIVES
Patent Henry Booth19/1/1715

CAVEATS?? To next time
Caveats entered 1794:
Sep 12 Sinclair, Joseph by Lazarus Hyman
Sep 20 Currie, C. Doug by Robert Sinclair & Thomas Kaylett
Oct 17 Sinclair, Edward by Susanna Sinclair

Grand Court Judgements 1A/5/
3/20: none more found – indexing too general.
Partition of Dean land re deed 79/115 2/2 Q Anne 10^th 1711 -5, N/A
Bill in chancery btw John Chambers & Francis Wright abt 1752. lib 52 A/3 n/a
Booth Partition of land re deed 179/138 – not found 1A/5 lb 65
Booth v Booth partition of land 1757 deed 279/109.
Writ of partition 1711 btw George, Thomas, Simon & John.
Writ of partition from Supreme Court Nov? 1713 re Cap Booth land & GB1 Land Tried /6 Aug 1713 – too fragile

Archives?? Probably Chancery Court. – not found - try more

Crops

1818 1^st half GH
Continue to end of returns for Mitcham, GH & Mount Charles etc.

Patents - Excel

Francis Watson & Henry Long St Jago Sav Bef 1702.

April 2020/2/3 to Do

Uncompleted items transferred to 2023 to do

Deeds: Thomas Hogg pre 1784 re The Cove Nil sig 2/23
Humphrey Colquhoun and Hyem Cohen as execs to John Maitland 1787 onwards done, 2/23
Septimus sale of share of GH. Done 3/22

Will of Simon Thelwell wf of Mary, wf of Alex Forbes. Abt 1755 32/61 2/23.
Will of Thomas George Lib 25 1745 Lib 23 1743 re The Cove. Done 2/23
Will of Thomas Penford St C 1782. Nil 2/23

Bodles Cary Done 2/23
Gilbert Gravett Done 2/23

Thomas Hogg & The Cove None found 2/23

Dorothy Rochester Manumission

Newspapers – 2/2023

Feb 2023: See XL JAMPRECS – NLJ coverage 1783-1810 limited and films in poor condition.
View remaining RGJ pics, 20/6/18, checked

See Para 8.2 for Gazettes.

Newspapers, bef 1780 re Richard & John Maitland. – done on line copies 2/23
Newspapers 1782 Thomas Penford murder. 16 Mch 1782 nothing in JG 2/23

Jamaica Weekly Courant (also at Boston public Library)

None of these dates available or readable in NLJ 2/2023
1799: AW arrivals march 1799, previous years for departure
1803: Rebecca, Francis & Ann to London.
1804: AW departure to London. Prob after November.
1806: AW death 2/1806, so about end March early April, 1806.
1806/7: JP Wint to England.

1794 – March 2018 & others in pink on spreadsheet.

Library of Jamaica

Lowerworks Est map.
Estate Map ST ELizbeth 510 Goshen
Bluefields Bay 1766, NLJ.

Newspapers, bef 1780 re Richard & John Maitland.

Jamaica Weekly Courant (also at Boston public Library)

1799: AW arrivals march 1799, previous years for departure
1804: AW departure to London. Prob after November.
1806: AW death 2/1806, so about end March early April, 1806.
1806/7: JP Wint to England.
1824: 1^st half, Francis M to England. Not in UK collection.

Cadastral Maps –
St E re John M in Black River – St E southern portion
Vere
Clarendon re Hayle
St E re Mitcham & Silver Grove
Manchester North re Sinclair at Spur Tree Hill.

Manuscripts:
Title Indenture between Sir. C. Price at St. Catherine and H. Rawlinson and J. Chorley at Liverpool, re lease of Burton's plantation in St. Thomas in the Vale, 1st March, 1779

Subjects Indentures; Price, Charles; Rawlingson, Henry; Chorley, John; Burton's Estate

Format Handwritten

Manuscript No MS 1559
Title Indenture and bargain and sale on 1st of September 1806 between D. Tyson and John Carver and others, 14th April, 1812

Subjects Tyson, D.; Carver, John; Venables, Lazarus, J.; Stamforth, S.; Chorley, J.; Burton's Estate

Format Handwritten

Manuscript No MS 679
Title Indenture between J. Hyde and E. Maitland in London, re lease for a year of Constant Spring Plantation in St. Andrew and Archbould's Pen, 26th March 1783

Subjects Indentures; Hyde, J.; Maitland, E.; Constant Spring Estate; Archbould's Pen

Format Handwritten

Manuscript No MS 1175
Title Letter from F. Maitland at Port Royal, to the Earl of Lauderdale in London, relating his wish to command a ship at home instead of his former French prize ship, 7th December, 1757

Subjects Maitland, Frederick; Lauderdale, (Earl of); Ships; Voyages and travels

Format Handwritten

Manuscript No MS 1773
Title Deeds and indentures between William Herriot and Frederic Booth, 1789

Subjects Herriot, William; Booth, Frederic; Pitter, Ann; Mexico; St. Elizabeth; Plantations

Format Handwritten

Manuscript No MS 265

23.1.1 Gazettes

Jamaica Gazette:
Kew:
1794
1813-1836
Kingston:

As an example of how little newspaper printing survives from Jamaica, I know of only the following extant Weekly Jamaica Courant issues published before 1725:

1718:July 30 (BL), Aug.5 (BL)

1719:Feb.11 (NLJ), Apr.14 (NLJ)

1720:June 17 (NLJ), Sept.12 (NLJ)

1721:June 28 (NLJ)

1722:Sept.12 (BL)

Some done by me – see
Jam family search: see Sect 7.
1793 5 Jan to 29 June – notes
1794: 5 July to 29 December – notes

1824: 1^st half – not in PRO – Francis M sailing to London?

CO141/1 1794 – done 23/3/18
CO141/2 1813 onwards.

Jamaica Gazette: CO/141 PRO (Jamaica Nat Library for 1842).
Kingston Morning Herald
Jamaica Courant:
London Addresses:
   Chester Place, St Mary Lambeth 1833, Ann M.
   5, Commercial Place, Lambeth, 1825 Ann M.
   Arundle St, Strand, Francis M. 1824.

Frances Ann Baptist Burial Ground, Bristol.
407, Fulham Rd, 1861 for Halahans.

James Maitland who was in Clarendon slave compensation records in 1837. There are some births listed in Clarendon index in that era, but the records themselves are not on the LDS website. He was on the Longville Estate with one slave.

23.2 February 2023 to Do

Wills

Dorothy Rochester after 1754
Margaret Forbes btw 1795-1803
Clayton Littlehayles 1781
Thomas Penford 1782.

Deeds:
Rose deeds 18thC
Early Gravet deeds

View remaining RGJ pics, 20/6/18, checked

Deeds: Forbes Recheck 189/145. and continue Grantee (see XL) Also any for Margaret Forbes.
Samuel Manley re John M 1783 – recheck JM 1775-83 340/113.

Also misc on XL Sheet

Crops
Retry Giddy Hall 18 teens & Mitcham
The Cove – Penford, Thomas Hogg, Thomas Taylor
Little Colluden
Ryde JPW
Mount Charles.
Gravet – Peter 1748
Forbes re tavern in St E
Also list on JAMPR
Ramsgate & Single Rock – Wright or Wint.
Francis Wright pre 1758 – The Crescent & Gibraltar or John Chambers.
Pondside 1780’s – re John M

Inventories.
Alexander Forbes
Patty Penford
Ruth Sinclair
Judith Burton 1822
Alex Sinclair 1822
Benjamin Pusey 1765
George Booth 1768 Salt Savannah.
Thomas Penford 1782
Margaret Forbes
Francis Burton 1690

Forbes deeds index 4 onwards
Also is vol 63, 64, 65 there??

Land Grants:
Gravett 1700 ish
Forbes pre 1760

Francis Maitland re AWM Letter in Rushbrooks called Kennington on Hectors River Trelawney/Manch/St E 600A. See George Roberts and land of Icke (752/217) & Ann M buying 300 A prob adjoining (743/45).

23.2.1 PRO

Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series
http://amesfoundation.law.harvard.edu/ColonialAppeals/CaribAppeals/ppi_caribcan_mysqli.php

Re Barrett & Booth

CO142 Shipping returns

CO137 Great Britain. Colonial Office. Original Correspondence: Jamaica (CO 137)
https://loyalist.lib.unb.ca/sites/default/files/CO137-79%20Content%20List.pdf

Muster records HMS Aurora re Charles Maitland lost 1770

23.2.2 Guildhall/LMA

St Leonard By Bow, Bromley – Richard M marriage June 1740.
LMA Bromley St. Leonard, Middlesex – BT’s? images on ancestry have no marriages. 9/23
https://www.ancestry.com/search/collections/1624/ (Bromley links)

Newspapers – 2/2023

Feb 2023: See XL JAMPRECS – NLJ coverage 1783-1810 limited and films in poor condition.
1819: May/Jun for FM arrival and Alex birth
1822: Check for leaving Island (mostly not photo’d 2018)

1823: Ditto
1824: Ditto and to end for shipping, Westbrook
1826: Shipping Westbrook
1831: AWM on Volusia 29/11/1831 – maybe arr Jan 32
1834-36: Westbrook Giddy Hall crop 34, FM voyage 36.

Manumission Records.
Slave Registrations

Slave Compensation awards T71 details.

Incumbered Estates – Carlisle
CO 441/4/9 Mile Gully Barritt photos to 1105.
CO 441/13/4 Lousada Carlisle estates #137 Carlisle est sale photod
CO 441/11/20 Sinclair Retreat. – done Westmoreland, adjoins Old Hope Pen.
CO 441/4/5 Parker Hill Side. Photos taken to 1030 28/9
CO 700/JAMAICA23 – Leard’s maps of Jamaica. – see complete list.

C 13/661/6 – Booth Mayhew ct of Chancery 1811
C 13/679/20 Mayhew V Maxwell.

Re John/Richard Maitland:
PRO: Cust 47 Appointments & Postings
T 45 Pay last piece ref 10.

British Library
Title:

The St. Jago de la Vega Gazette.

Subjects: Spanish Town (Jamaica) -- Newspapers;
Dewey: 079.7292

Place Name: Jamaica Spanish Town.

Identifier: System number 013895588

Creation Date: 1806

Holdings Notes: Newspapers :vol.53.no.1-26; vol.55.no.28; [New series.] no.7,28,52-107 (27 Dec.1806-20 June 1807; 8/15 July 1809 [postscript only]; 30 March, 13 July, 5 Oct.1839 - 18 April 1840)

Shelfmark(s): General Reference Collection 1809, 1839-1840 Microform. MFM.MMISC1070

UIN: BLL01013895588

Title:

The Royal Gazette.

Subjects: Jamaica -- Newspapers; Kingston (Jamaica) -- Newspapers;
Dewey: 079.7292

Place Name: Jamaica Kingston.

Identifier: System number 013891765

Related Titles: Earlier Title: Jamaica Mercury and Kingston Weekly Advertiser vol.1. no.1-vol.2. no.49 (1 May 1779-25 March 1780)
Later Title: Royal Gazette and Jamaica Times vol.60. no.24; vol.61. no.131; vol.62. no.52 (16 June 1838; 31 Oct. 1839; 29 Feb. 1840)

Notes: Microfilm.
The following dates are also held in hard copy. April 1780-Dec.1781, Jan.-June 1793; June-Dec.1794; 29 July 1809.

Creation Date: 1780

Holdings Notes: Newspapers :vol.2. no.50, etc. (1 April 1780-29 Dec. 1781; 29 Dec. 1792-29 June 1793; 28 June-27 Dec. 1794; 29 July 1809; 15 June-28 Dec. 1811; 27 June 1812-24 April 1819; 10/17 July 1824; 25 Dec. 1824/1 Jan. 1825; 25 March 1826-29 March 1828; 1 Aug. 1835-12 March 1836)

Shelfmark(s): General Reference Collection 1780-1781, 1792-1794, 1809, 1811, 1812-1819, 1824-1828, 1835-1836 Microform. MFM.MC384

UIN: BLL01013891765

Title:

The Jamaica Mercury and Kingston Weekly Advertiser.

Subjects: Jamaica -- Newspapers; Kingston (Jamaica) -- Newspapers;
Dewey: 079.7292

Uniform Title: The Jamaica Mercury and Kingston Weekly Advertiser.

Place Name: Jamaica Kingston.

Identifier: System number 013891764

Related Titles: Later Title: Royal Gazette vol.2. no.50, etc. (1 April 1780-29 Dec. 1781; 29 Dec. 1792-29 June 1793; 28 June-27 Dec. 1794; 29 July 1809; 15 June-28 Dec. 1811; 27 June 1812-24 April 1819; 17 July 1824; 1 Jan. 1825; 25 March 1826-29 March 1828; 1 Aug. 1835-12 March 1836)

Notes: Microfilm.
The following dates are also held in hard copy. May 1779-Dec.1781, Jan.-June 1793; June-Dec.1794; 29 July 1809.

Creation Date: 1779

Holdings Notes: Newspapers :vol.1. no.1-vol.2. no.49 (1 May 1779-25 March 1780)

Shelfmark(s): General Reference Collection Microfilm Microform. MFM.MC384

UIN: BLL01013891764

LAW Records

https://www.familysearch.org/en/wiki/Lawyers_in_England_and_Wales

Law Lists

Following the Act in 1728, lists of those attorneys and solicitors admitted in the two years 1729 and 1730 were printed by Parliament [not in FS Library].

Law was the first profession to have a regularly published list of its practitioners, and these should be the searcher's first port of call. Browne's General Law List appeared annually, 1775-97, and has been continued as The New Law List, 1798-1840, and, from 1841, as the Law List, by other publishers. Up to 1789 the names of some lawyers who had not been formally admitted are listed, but from 1790 the List was based on the record of their annual certificates of admission (and omits those without a certificate in a particular year). The FamilySearch Library has 1799 [FS Library 942 N24b; film 897090.2]; 1802 [FS Library 924 N24L; not filmed]; 1808, 1818, 1827, 1840 [all FS Library 942 N24L; film 1696676.4]; 1812 [FS Library fiche 6202650]; and 1843 [FS Library 942 N24L; film 1696626.8].

The Lists contain separate lists of barristers and of London and country solicitors but give no indication of age or parentage. For a solicitor the List shows his name and the name of the firm and place where he practised. The date of qualification appears from 1861. The disappearance of a name may suggest death and a will, but it is not uncommon for a solicitor not to make a will. There are good runs of theList at Guildhall Library, London, from 1799 at The National Archives, Kew, and from 1812 at the Society of Genealogists.

Attorneys and Solicitors

Solicitors were legal practitioners who dealt with the more traditional requirements of the law, such as wills, title deeds for property, inheritance, divorce, and general legal advice. Solicitors were then, and are also today, much more numerous than Barristers, and were considered socially to be of a much lower class of the gentry and the law profession than Barristers.

As mentioned above, those solicitors who practised in the courts had, from 1728, to take oaths and be formally admitted and, from 1749, to file an affidavit of due execution of articles. If the articles themselves were also filed they generally show the name of the father or guardian. Most of the surviving records (at The National Archives) are described in The National Archives' Research Guide 36,Lawyers: Records of Attorneys and Solicitors (available at http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk) but for each court there are various series that may need to be checked. Most of the records prior to 1749 are for the Court of Common Pleas where the admission books start in 1724 (with supplementary entries back to 1656), but from 1749 a good series starts in the Court of King's Bench. The Palatinate Courts of Chester (from 1697) and Durham (from 1660) seem to have the earliest entries. Most courts have some indexes. The National Archives also has a microfilm of a 'roll' in four volumes with indexes of the solicitors admitted in the Court of Chancery, 1729-1858 (C216/21-25), the original of which is on loan to the Law Society.

Between 1710 and 1811 the apprenticeship of an attorney may also be traced through the volumes of Apprentices of Great Britain (indexed to 1774), also at The National Archives, though they do not give the fathers' names after 1752.

[i] "Brett Ashmeade-Hawkins" <plantocrat@hotmail.com>.

[iv] An addition to Brett AH's writings not for publication as family still alive (2006)!
"Julia Hart was an old Dragon and her ill-paid and over-worked servants used to secretly call her "The White Bitch of Overton" behind her back, a play on the infamous White Witch of Rose Hall. Lunch and Dinner were very formal, but Julia disliked servants waiting in the Dining Room. She didin't want them to overhear any Society gossip. So if a glass needed to be refilled, Julia would have to ring the silver dinner bell and one would have to wait until one of the maids slowly padded her way to the Dining Room along the long covered walkway from the outside Kitchen. Of course, Julia would always berate them for taking so long. I later learned that this slowness was a subtle form of protest used by many Black Jamaicans and dated all the way back to the time of Slavery. Jamaican slaves invented the concept of the "Go-Slow" a couple of hundred years ago, long before any Trade Union came up with the idea. One can't really blame them, can one."

[ix] Transactions of the Devonshire Association 34/708

	Mid 19^th century, according to Waterston	20th century
beer	54 imperial gallons
brandy	45–60 imp. gal. some say 57	60 imp. gal. 273 liters
claret	46 imp. gallons	46-49 imp. gal. 209-225 liters
madeira, marsala		46 imp. gal. 209 liters
port		58 imp. gal. 264 liters
Scotch whisky	55–60 imp. gallons	56 imp. gal. 255 liters
sherry		55 imp. gal. 250 liters
sugar (West Indies)	1,456–1,792 pounds avoirdupois.
Tobacco	1,344–2,016 pounds avoirdupois.
Hock, Rhine and Moselle wine	30 gallons

Mid 19th century, according toWaterston
brandy	100 to 110 imperial gallons
molasses	1,120 to 1,344 pounds av.
rum	90 to 100 imperial gallons
Scotch whiskey	112 to 120 imperial gallons

3 MAITLAND JAMAICA PROPERTY

3.2 BLACK RIVER & SURROUNDS

7.3.2 CORNWALL - General Information

7.4.2 St Thomas in the Vale

8 JAMAICA ALAMANACS, & HANDBOOKS ETC

10.1 Jamaica Hurricane of 3 October 1780

14.1.1 Background to the Cultural Heritage of the South Coast

16.1 17 Acts (of Privilege) of the Jamaican Assembly 1760-1810

17.1 Caribbeana by Vere Langford Oliver (1910).

21 Random notes